heard of the unequal fight between the two squadrons, for want of your
not being better supported by two or three of His Majesty's ships. The
unthinking world, who never bestow applause but where there is success,
would have been ready enough to have laid the censure at your door, if
you had not called the authors of the late miscarriage to a public
account. It is really a cruel case, after the eminent examples of
bravery and conduct shown by you personally, that a certain victory
should be snatched out of your hands by the misbehaviour of others. May
infamy and disgrace attend all those who are backward in their country's
cause; and may the worst of punishment attend those who so shamefully
gave up Saint David's to the French! I cannot think of that transaction
with common patience; every reflection about it pains me to the very
soul; and the more I inquire into facts, the more reason I have to
lament the lost reputation of the English on the coast of Coromandel. I
do not mean that St. David's would not have been taken at last; but it
certainly might have been made to cost M. Lally so dear, as to have
rendered his future attempts much more uncertain and precarious."
Lally found among the prisoners at Fort St. David a pretender[39] to the
throne of Tanjore; and, by threatening to support this man's claims, he
expected to obtain, through the fears of the Prince of that country, a
supply of treasure, of which he was in great want. To enforce compliance
with the large demand he made as the price of his forbearance, he moved
towards Tanjore. His march was the cause of equal distress to his own
troops, and to the natives of the country through which he passed. The
latter, alarmed by his indiscriminate violence and the licence he
admitted, particularly in seizing their cattle, fled the country; and we
may judge how general the desertion of their homes must have been, when
we are informed that the French army was almost starving in the midst of
plenty; for, while it found great stores of paddy, which is the name
given to rice before the grain is separated from the husk, there were
literally no persons to beat it out, as it requires before it can be
used as food. The troops had neither tents nor baggage; for, in the
common alarm at the violent measures of the French General, not even
bullock drivers could be persuaded to remain in the camp.
Some days after the arrival of the army at Tanjore, a treaty was
concluded, by which the King agreed to pay five lacs of rupees, and to
furnish some aid in Lally's intended attack of Trichinopoly. Fifty
thousand rupees of this amount were paid, and hostages interchanged for
the fulfilment of the engagement; but recurring points of irritation
soon broke this agreement. Lally charged the King with insincerity, and
with having no design but to gain time; while the other accused the
French General of many outrages, and particularly of having confined, on
groundless suspicion, forty of the contingent of horse with which he had
furnished him. Lally, seeing no prospect of an amicable termination to
these disputes and recriminations, determined, with the advice of his
officers, to attack the town; and he not only sent to the King to
denounce vengeance upon his city and dominions, but expressly directed
Colonel Kennedy[40], through whom this threat was conveyed, to state,
that it was the French General's intention to carry the Prince and all
his family as slaves to the Mauritius.
The counsels of the King of Tanjore had hitherto been fluctuating; they
were decided, however, by Lally's conduct, and every preparation was
made for defence. Captain Caillaud, who commanded in Trichinopoly, had
before sent five hundred sepoys; and, being now convinced of the King's
intention to oppose the French, sent a reinforcement of an equal number,
with a small party of gunners. The day of their arrival, Lally had
determined to retreat[41]; to which he was induced from want of
ammunition, distress for provisions, and alarm at the British fleet,
which was reported to be off Karical, a sea-port in the vicinity.
The Tanjore General Monack-jee, on receiving certain information of the
intended movement of the French, determined upon attacking them. He made
some impression from coming upon the camp by surprise[42], but was
compelled to retire: when, however, the army marched towards the
Carnatic, his harassing operations aggravated what they suffered from
fatigue and want of food; and we learn from authentic sources[43], that
the whole of the French force was obliged to live for several days upon
gram[44] and cocoa-nuts.
The natural violence and acrimony of Lally's disposition were greatly
increased by the bad success of this expedition. Instead of attributing
its failure to the real causes, his own want of local knowledge, his
obstinacy and presumption, he imputed it, and the privations the troops
had suffered, to the corrupt practices of the Company's servants, to the
general laxity of discipline and subordination in all departments of
their government, and to the dread which M. D'Aché and his squadron
appeared to have of the British fleet. These violent attacks produced
abuse and recrimination, and nothing could exceed the discord and
faction which at this period pervaded the settlement of Pondicherry.
Lally, after his return from Tanjore, found no difficulty in occupying
almost all the towns in the Carnatic, and, amongst others, Arcot, the
capital of the Nabob. Chingliput was the only place which the English
preserved; but, its consequence being fully appreciated, every measure
was adopted to strengthen its garrison and improve its defences. The
government of Madras were not induced by Clive's advice to try their
fortune in the field. They reserved their force unbroken for the defence
of Fort St. George, the siege of which it was evidently Lally's
intention to undertake, as soon as the season[45] permitted him to move.
In deliberating on the course they ought to pursue, they possessed more
correct information than Clive had procured regarding the actual
composition of Lally's force; from which it appeared, that though some
of his soldiers were of an indifferent description, others were of the
French line, and belonged to corps of high reputation. He had besides,
well equipped and well mounted, a body of three hundred European
cavalry, who, being the first of this branch seen in India, were likely,
added to his superior numbers of infantry, to give him a great advantage
in an action in the field; whereas they could be of comparatively little
benefit in a siege.
Governed by these considerations, they determined to await, within the
walls of Madras, the approach of the French army. The siege which took
place has been minutely described by a cotemporary historian.[46] It
continued for two months, the French having taken up their ground on the
14th of December, 1758, and retreated on the 15th of February, 1759.
The enemy's force consisted of two thousand seven hundred European
infantry, besides their cavalry, artillery, and sepoys. The garrison was
not more than a third inferior in number; and when, to that
circumstance, was joined the established character of the Governor, Mr.
Pigot, and of Colonel Lawrence, the commander of the troops, who was
aided by some of the most distinguished officers in India, there
appeared, from the first, but little doubt of the result. The most
remarkable event of the siege was a sally, soon after the enemy took up
their ground, by Colonel Draper; which, though not altogether
successful, was attended with a great loss to the French as well as to
the English: and Lally had to regret, which he did deeply, the loss of
two of his best officers, Major-General Saubinet and Count D'Estaing,
the former of whom was killed and the latter taken prisoner.
During the siege a corps of observation was kept by the French, under
the partisan Lambert; but this did not prevent their receiving almost as
much annoyance from the activity of the English parties without the
walls, as from the courage of those within. Two small corps, sometimes
acting separately, but oftener co-operating, hung continually upon the
outskirts of their camp, attacking and intercepting their supplies. One
of these, which had come from the southern territories, was commanded by
the celebrated Mahommed Esoof; the other by Captain Preston[47]: but
Captain Caillaud, who had been summoned from Trichinopoly, took the
command of both, and by his operations greatly increased the distresses
of the enemy.
While Madras was well stored with provisions, and had abundance of money
supplied from Bengal[48], the treasury of Pondicherry was completely
exhausted, and the conduct of Lally had destroyed credit. The violent
and irregular means adopted, to anticipate the revenues of the country,
had left the districts which the French occupied without the means of
furnishing either the money or the supplies that were necessary for the
subsistence of the troops. Notwithstanding the privations to which they
were subjected, the French European soldiers performed their arduous
duty with spirit and alacrity; and Lally fully appreciated their merits.
With the natives, however, his contempt and severity produced their
natural effects: they were loud in their clamours for pay, and, actuated
by discontent and resentment, deserted in bodies, and began to plunder
the country, under the pretext of obtaining payment of their arrears.
These circumstances, and the despair of success,—for he had made little
or no serious progress in the siege[49],—made Lally resolve upon
retreat; and that measure was almost converted into a flight by the
arrival of six ships with the reinforcements from Bombay. Not only his
battering train and camp equipage were left, but the sick and wounded.
The latter he recommended to the care and humanity of the government of
Fort St. George, from whom they received as much kindness and attention
as if they had belonged to the garrison.
Lally, before he left Madras, blew up the bastion and powder mill at
Egmore, and destroyed the Governor's garden-house, and many private
buildings. He had threatened to reduce the Black-Town of Madras to
ashes; and nothing, probably, prevented this threat from being put into
execution but the hurry of his retreat. This may be inferred from the
numerous instances of wanton severity he showed in the prosecution of
hostilities against the English. Among other acts, the seizure of the
persons of some ladies[50] at Nagapatam, and their harsh treatment, was
one of the least pardonable, as alike contrary to the usage of civilised
nations, and the boasted habits and character of his country. The
proceeding, as will be hereafter stated, forced the English to measures
of retaliation.
Clive had, from the moment he heard of Lally's intention to attack
Madras, anticipated his complete failure: he dreaded nothing but the
arrival of more troops from France, and the want of support from
England; but his alarm on these grounds was considerable, as we find
from a letter which he wrote to Mr. Pitt, (under date the 21st of
February, 1759,) informing him that accounts had been received of the
arrival at Mauritius of a third armament from France, and of the
expectation of a fourth.
"I presume," Clive observes, "it must have been in consequence of this
intelligence, that M. Lally took post before Madras, as I cannot think
he would have been so imprudent as to come there with a force not double
that of the garrison, were he not in expectation of a reinforcement.
Should that arrive upon the coast before our squadron from Bombay, or
should the enemy's fleet, by the addition of this third division, prove
unfortunately superior to ours, the event is to be feared. Much, very
much indeed,—perhaps the fate of India,—now depends upon our squadron.
Should it miscarry, our land forces, without some extraordinary
occurrence, will be in danger of being obliged to yield to the great
superiority of the enemy. Advice has been just received, that the French
were still carrying on the siege of Madras on the 25th of January. They
had been before it upwards of six weeks; but I have so high an opinion
of the gentlemen within, that I dare answer they will make such a
defence as will do honour to our nation, and end in M. Lally's
disgrace."
"The repeated supplies," Clive adds, "furnished the French from home,
compared with the handful of men sent out to us, affords a melancholy
proof, that our Company are not, of themselves, able to take the proper
measures for the security of their settlements; and, unless they are
assisted by the nation, they must at last fall a sacrifice to the
superior efforts of the French Company, supported by their monarch.
Within these eighteen months, have arrived at Pondicherry two thousand
five hundred men, and the third division will probably bring half that
number; whereas, we shall not have received, including Colonel Draper's
battalion, more than one thousand. It looks as if the French Government
were turning their arms this way, in hopes of an equivalent for the
losses they have reason to apprehend in America, from the formidable
force sent by us into that country. But I cannot bring myself to believe
that so valuable a possession as the East Indies, and which may make a
material difference in bringing about a peace, will be abandoned; and
therefore trust that the French armament will have been followed so
closely by one from us, as to get in time to prevent the designs of our
enemies.
"A son of the Great Mogul (but at present at variance with his father)
has approached the northern frontiers, where he has been joined by a few
disaffected people. As he has no authority from his father, he can
neither, I think, have wealth nor influence enough to make any
considerable progress. However, I have got every thing ready, and, in
case he advances further, I have determined to proceed myself to the
northward, in order to assist the Nabob in driving him out of his
dominions, which I make no doubt will be easily effected, even with the
small force we have. Would to God we could as easily remove our European
enemies from India!"
In a letter to Mr. Sulivan[51], of the same date[52], Clive anticipates
the result of Lally's operations.
"To give you my own opinion," he observes, "I think Lally will fail in
his attempt, so great is my confidence in the strength of the garrison,
and the experience and valour of the officers. The arrival of Captain
Caillaud with the sepoy and Tanjoreen horse, will distress our enemies
greatly, if not oblige them to raise the siege; and if they continue
till the arrival of our reinforcements, daily expected from Bombay, they
run the risk of a total defeat. I can no otherwise account for this
undertaking of the French general, than from his distressed situation
for want of money. He is really risking the whole for the whole."
Clive had from youth been engaged in efforts to prevent the
establishment of the French power in India, and his mind was constantly
and intently fixed on that object. He viewed the period of which we are
writing as a crisis: but he had no doubt of the result, except from
overpowering reinforcements arriving from France, and the English
settlement being left unsupported. From the moment he learned Lally's
proceedings on his march to Fort St. David and Tanjore, he foretold,
that if our resistance was protracted, that general must destroy
himself. In a private letter[53] to Mr. Pigot, he recommends him to
employ native horse[54] in laying waste the French territories. "By
ruining the country," he observes, "you will infallibly ruin M. Lally.
Remember, that he and his forces were obliged to eat gram before
Tanjore. May he be reduced to the same necessity in Pondicherry itself!"
Clive's letter to Colonel Lawrence, of the same date, exhibits, in an
equally strong manner, his sentiments upon this subject, as well as the
affectionate respect he continued to cherish for his friend and
commander. It is as follows:—
"My dear friend,
"I have heard with some surprise, that M. Lally has set himself
down before Madras, not with an intent, I believe, to besiege it in
form, or carry on approaches; if he does, I think he must be either
mad, or his situation desperate; at all events, I hope it will be
the means of adding fresh laurels to those already gained by my
dear friend.
"Colonel Forde has orders to join you with his forces; and we are
endeavouring to send you a complete company of one hundred rank and
file from hence. In short, we have put every thing to risk here to
enable you to engage Lally in the field. I hope Mr. Bouchier will
spare you some men from Bombay. I enclose you a short sketch of our
strength in these parts; and, considering how much depends upon
keeping up our influence in Bengal, you will say there never was a
smaller force to do it with.
"God give you success, which will be an increase of honour to
yourself, and of much joy to
"Dear Colonel,
"Your affectionate friend and servant,
(Signed) "ROBERT CLIVE."
_State of the European Force in Bengal, 6th Feb. 1759._
Doing duty. Military Artillery
Captains. 6 1
Lieuts. 6 8
Ensigns. 9 0
Serjeants. 36
Corporals. 29 5
Drummers. 20 2
Privates. 314* 86
* Whereof 140 are recruits.
The delight of Clive at the result of the siege was very great: it was
heightened by his warm feelings of friendship towards those who had so
nobly supported the reputation of the service of Fort St. George, to
which he had a pride in belonging. He congratulates Mr. Pigot[55] on the
fame he had acquired; but his greatest joy, as he repeatedly expresses,
was, that his venerated friend, Colonel Lawrence, should so brilliantly
close his Indian career.
The events upon the coast subsequent to the siege of Madras do not
relate to our subject. Suffice it to say, that, after some indecisive
operations in 1759, Lally, next year, suffered a signal defeat at
Wandewash, from an English army under the command of Colonel Coote. He
was soon after compelled to shut himself up with the remains of his army
in Pondicherry, which was immediately invested by the English. Before
this period, the increased irritability of his temper had led to
discontent in the local government, and among the inhabitants of that
settlement, almost amounting to sedition. The troops had been in a state
of serious mutiny from want of pay. They nevertheless did their duty
upon this occasion; but Lally had neither money nor provisions, and was
forced to surrender.[56] This unfortunate commander left Pondicherry
amid the insults of his countrymen; and on his return to France, he was
tried, condemned to death, and executed for crimes[57] of which he was
not guilty: for though his prejudice, violence, and tyranny, had no
doubt been one cause of the misfortunes of his country in India, his
courage, his zeal, and his loyalty were unimpeachable. But the voice of
his enemies was loud and vehement, and the ministers of France were glad
to save themselves from the disgrace brought upon the country by their
own want of foresight and judgment. The Count Lally was the victim they
offered to an incensed public. The principles of justice and the
feelings of humanity appear to have been alike violated by this act,
which a philosopher[58] of France truly denominated, at the period of
its perpetration, "A murder committed with the sword of justice."
Bussy, with a zeal and temper that do him equal honour, continued to
serve under Lally, and to offer his best advice, which was, however,
seldom regarded. Basâlut Jung, the brother of the Subah of the Deckan,
had evinced an anxiety to preserve the friendship of the French; and
Bussy strongly recommended that he should be declared Nabob of the
Carnatic, and invited to aid their operations. No measure could have
been more likely to support them. But Lally had precipitately proclaimed
the son of Chunda Sahib Nabob: a person who had neither influence nor
character to be a useful ally; and he was not only reluctant to repeal
his own measure, but disinclined to attend to any proposition of Bussy.
Overcome, however, by a sense of the urgent necessity of the expedient,
he detached that officer with a small body of troops to the camp of
Basâlut Jung at Kurpah. The French commander was received with honour;
but not being able to comply with the demands made by Basâlut Jung, one
of which was the immediate advance of four lacs of rupees, he was
compelled to return without being able to conclude an alliance with that
prince. He brought back with him, however, a body of four hundred
excellent horse, whom he had taken into service; and he was enabled,
through the credit he had with some of the native chiefs of the Deckan
army, not only to supply this party with money, but also the French
detachment by whom he was accompanied, who, like all Lally's troops,
were many months in arrear, and almost destitute of clothing, as well as
the means of obtaining food.
Bussy was made prisoner at the battle of Wandewash, (January, 1760,) but
was instantly released by Colonel Coote, from respect for his character,
and as a return for that kindness and consideration which he had
invariably shown to English prisoners.[59] Soon after this occurrence,
he returned to France, leaving behind him a name as fondly cherished by
the natives of India as by his countrymen. That further acquaintance
with the true history of remarkable events, which often diminishes the
fame of military commanders and statesmen, has hitherto tended only to
increase the reputation of Bussy. His courage and conduct as a soldier
stood high, before the genius of Dupleix, appreciating his character,
sent him into the Deckan.
Acting in that extensive country with a force, which, before he obtained
the cession of the northern circars, had only an uncertain and imperfect
communication with the coast, he supported, for a series of years, the
influence and interests of his country, in a manner which reflects the
highest honour on his qualities as a man, and on his talents as a
statesman. He thoroughly understood and held in respect the usages of
the people among whom he was placed. He united a kindness and
consideration for their errors and weaknesses with such a good faith and
firmness of purpose in the prosecution of his own objects, as to extort
respect even from those to whom he was opposed. This testimony to his
character is not wholly taken from the page of history, though all
writers agree in doing justice to his memory. The facts stated have been
confirmed to the writer of these pages, by many who acted with and
against Bussy, whose reputation, though now deservedly high in France,
is not, even at this period, so great in that country as it continues to
be with natives of the Deckan!
Clive, unless where their conduct compelled him to acts of severity, was
kind and liberal in his treatment of French prisoners. This appears from
a very voluminous correspondence[60], both official and private, with
individuals of that nation; but the wanton outrages of Lally made him
deem acts of retaliation indispensably necessary.
In several of his letters from Patna, Clive urged the committee at
Calcutta to destroy the buildings at Chandernagore, and transmitted to
them letters from Mr. Pigot and Mr. Vansittart, in proof of the wanton
outrages committed by Lally at Madras, particularly in levelling with
the ground the Company's country-house, and in having, without any
object, destroyed the country-houses of several private gentlemen, and
among others, that of Colonel Lawrence at St. Thomas's Mount. The
Committee could not deny these facts, nor the right of retaliating such
injuries; but, hesitating between the desire of attending to Clive, and
their alarm at the future consequences of the measure pressed upon their
adoption, they proposed to throw the odium of its execution upon the
Nabob. Of this Clive wholly disapproved, stating, at the same time, his
resolution, when he returned to Calcutta, to take the responsibility of
this act exclusively upon himself.