III.

The psychological analysis has now reached a point from which we can

view this poetic mind in the light of the literary consciousness and

endeavors of its contemporaries. I say expressly contemporaries,

not people; for Ibsen is as strongly marked a European character as

Björnson, notwithstanding his cosmopolitan culture, is national. A

poet's attitude in regard to the consciousness of his contemporaries

is indicative of his relation to the ideas and forms of his age. Every

period has its own peculiar ideas, which in art appear in the shape of

themes and ideals.

Ideas are not begotten by poets. They emerge from the labors

of thinkers and inquirers; they come forward as large, genial

presentiments of the laws and relations of realities; they develop and

take form amid scientific investigations, amid historic or philosophic

inquiries; they grow, become purified and strengthened through

struggles for and against their truth, until, like the angels of the

Bible, they become powers, thrones, kingdoms, and reign over the epoch.

Poets do not beget ideas; it is neither their vocation nor their

business to do so. Genuine poets, however, become overwhelmed with

ideas while these are still growing and struggling, and take their

stand in the great conflict of the age at the side of these ideas. They

are transported by them, nor can they do otherwise; they comprehend,

and yet have never learned. Mediocre poets, those who possess no poetic

quality unless it may be a transmitted or an acquired routine, have no

ear for the hollow rumbling of ideas as they penetrate the subterranean

passages of the earth, no ear for their pinion-beats in the air. In

the preface to his "Neue Gedichte," Heine states that while engaged

in writing these poems it seemed to him as though he could hear the

flutter of a bird's wings above his head. "When I related this to

my friends, the young Berlin poets," he continues, "they exchanged

significant glances, and unanimously assured me that nothing of the

kind had ever come within their experience." This whizzing sound, which

the Berlin poets had never heard, was nothing in the world but the

pinion-beat of those ideas.

Wholly without ideas, however, it is impossible for a poet to create.

Even bad poets have at their command ideas, viz., those of the past;

and these ideas that were invested by the masters of an earlier period

with distinctly marked poetic expressions are reproduced by them in a

feeble, ineffective way. The ideas of the age, as a rule, appear to

them thoroughly "unpoetic." To evolve poetry from these ideas seems

to them utterly impossible. But the poet who in his youth (in "The

Pretenders") wrote the memorable sentence, "For you it is impossible;

all you can do is to repeat the old story; but for me it is as easy

as it is for the falcon to cleave the skies," could never have been

permanently alarmed by the thoughts of his day. He has invested many

new ideas with flesh and blood, and in thus incarnating them has aided

in their dissemination; he has, moreover, given breadth and depth to

many contemporary ideas by watering them from the well-springs of his

own emotional nature. How profoundly he has felt the necessity of a

vital relation to the germinating ideas about him may be conjectured

from the superb lament of the balls of yam, withered leaves, and broken

straws, to Peer Gynt:--

"Thoughts are we,

Thou shouldst have thought us.

* * * * * * *

"We'd soar aloft

As songs consoling,

Yet here as balls

Of yarn we're rolling.

"We are a watchword,

Thou shouldst have proclaimed us;

See how indifference

Hath seized and shamed us.

"We are duties,

Thou hast neglected us.

Doubts and hesitations

Have maimed and dejected us."

Words of reproach these are by which we may well fancy that the poet

has been incited to action in periods of laxity, but which it is

impossible to conceive of in the form of a Peer Gynt self-accusation.

How in the world could poor Peer have given himself a watchword?

How could he reproach himself with not having proclaimed it? Let

us now see what topics and ideals are especially uppermost in the

consciousness of the age. They may be divided, it seems to me, into the

following groups:--

First, such ideals and topics as stand in direct relation to religion;

that is to say, the reverential relation of men to ideas which in their

eyes are powers,--to some outward, to some inward powers--especially

those ideals and topics that have a bearing on the conflict between

individuals who deem these powers outward and those who deem them

inward realities.

Second, those topics and ideals that revolve about distinctions between

two ages, past and future, ancient and modern, old and new, especially

regarding distinctions and conflicts between two generations.

Next, those that have a bearing on the grades of society and their

struggle for existence, on class distinctions,--especially those

between rich and poor,--social influence, and social dependence.

Finally, a whole group of topics and ideals that revolve about

distinctions between the two sexes, about the mutual erotic and social

relation of man and woman, especially about woman's economical, moral,

and spiritual emancipation.

Religious topics and problems are dealt with in our day in the most

diverse ways, although always in the modern spirit. Allow some of the

principal instances to pass in review before your mind. The greatest of

the elder generation of poets in France, Victor Hugo, notwithstanding

his passionate tendency to free thought, displays the remnants of a

vague deism, colored with pantheism. Traces of the influence of the

past century may readily be detected in him: religion is glorified at

the cost of religions; love which unites is extolled in opposition to

faith which parts and destroys. Most of the prominent authors of the

present generation, as for instance Flaubert, represent religion with

scientific coldness, but always from the dark side. To him, and to

his spiritual kindred, the object of religion is a hallucination, in

which one believes. The greatest English poet of our day, Swinburne,

is a passionate heathen with a rich poetic vein, and he conceives

Christianity to be a denial of nature, the enemy with whom he must

do combat. In Italy, the greatest poet of the land, Leopardi, became

absorbed in a sort of sublime metaphysical pessimism, which found

vent in stoic resignation. Carducci, the foremost of Italy's living

poetic thinkers, is quite as modern and even more polemic than he. In

Germany, the most prominent poets, as Gottfried Keller, Paul Heyse,

Fr. Spielhagen, have displayed in their works a soul-felt atheistic

humanitarianism.

In the North the conditions were totally different. The Danish poets

of the past generation had almost invariably paid homage to orthodoxy;

the only philosophically inclined one among them, J. L. Heiberg, who

had begun by protesting as a free thinker, ended by making at least

apparent concessions to the teachings of the clergy; and the attempt in

Denmark to undermine the authority of the church, namely, Kierkegaard's

violent attack on the state church, had not been aimed at the truth of

the dogmas taught, but exclusively at their professors, especially in

cases where the lives of the priests failed to correspond with their

teachings. This attitude of Kierkegaard has been a decisive one for

Danish-Norwegian polite literature, down to the present day. Modern

poetry in Denmark and Norway has rarely, if ever, touched the objective

side of the question, the essence of religion, but almost exclusively

its subjective side; hence the extraordinary wealth of priestly forms

in this literature, both before and after its authors were emancipated

from orthodoxy. The priests in Björnson's and in Magdalene Thoresen's

peasant stories denote the standpoint before emancipation, the priests

in Björnson's, Schandorph's, Kielland's, Ibsen's, Gjellerup's latest

works the standpoint after emancipation.

Ibsen follows the clue given by Kierkegaard. Like all men of his

generation in the North, who have grown up in the period of romance,

his early relations to religion lack clearness. Moreover, there was

in his nature a dual tendency, which must necessarily expose him

to inner tumults: a native propensity to mysticism and an equally

inbred inclination to sharp, dry common sense. Few poets who are

capable of such almost convulsive flights of fancy as he, are able

to linger as calmly as he can amid the prose of life. "Brand" and

"Samfundets Stötter" (The Pillars of Society) differ as widely in main

essentials as though written by different authors. The character of

the first-named work is that of pure, unqualified mysticism, the other

revolves about simple, unadulterated prose. Here boundless exultation;

there good, wholesome, social morality.

No one who is familiar with the mental characteristics of the Norsemen

can doubt that "Brand," which laid the foundation for Ibsen's poetic

fame, excited universal attention merely because it was regarded as a

sort of poetic sermon, a homily, a devotional work. It was not the real

merits of the book that made it seem imposing to the public and caused

the sale of so many editions; no, people streamed into the bookstores

to purchase "Brand" precisely as people pour into church when a new and

severely zealous priest appears. In a correspondence that Ibsen carried

on with me regarding this book, he expressly stated that Brand's

ministerial career was the purely exterior, incidental side of the

question. In a letter, dated June 26, 1869, he writes:--

"Brand has been misunderstood, so far, at least, as my intention was

concerned. The misconception is unquestionably rooted in the fact that

Brand is a priest, and that the problem of the work is placed in the

realm of religion. It would have been just as possible for me to apply

the same syllogism to a sculptor, or a politician, as to a priest. I

could just as well have given vent to the mood that impelled me to

literary production, had I, instead of Brand, for instance, dealt with

Galileo (with the trifling alteration in the latter's history, that he

must, as a matter of course, remain firm and not concede that the earth

stood still). Indeed, who knows, had I been born a hundred years later,

I might with equal relish have treated yourself and your struggle with

Rasmus Nielsen's philosophy of compromise. Taken as a whole, there is

much more objectivity in Brand than has hitherto been discovered, and

of this, as a poet, I am proud."

Although it is my wont carefully to withhold everything of a personal

nature from these quotations, I have here permitted myself to retain

a playful allusion to the literary warfare of those days, because

it proves how little the mere idea of priesthood concerned Ibsen.

A further proof of this is afforded by an expression in one of the

letters I received from Ibsen during the time when I was brooding over

the introduction to my book "Hovedströmninger i det 19de. Aarhundredes

Litteratur" (The Main Currents of the Literature of the 19th Century).

It reads as follows:--

"It seems to me you have reached the same crisis which I had attained

in the days when I was about to write Brand, and I am convinced that

you, too, will know how to find the healing drug that can expel disease

from your body. In energetic production lies an admirable cure."

As the reader will see for himself, the emphasis in "Brand" is

placed, according to the poet's own construction, upon the power

of self-sacrifice and strength of character, not upon any special

religious dogma. Now although Ibsen is, of course, the best, the

only competent judge of his own design in the work, he nevertheless

underrates, in my estimation, the weight of the unconscious power by

which he was impelled to choose the precise materials he has chosen

and no others. And this unconscious power, as I believe, was Ibsen's

Norse-romantic tendency to mysticism. Yet even if "Brand" should be

understood exactly in accordance with Ibsen's own interpretation of the

character, the resemblance to religious phenomena in Northern religious

life is equally obvious. It might look to the Danes as though Ibsen had

Kierkegaard especially _in mente_; for he, too, laid the entire stress

on personal sincerity. This would be due to our unfamiliarity with

Ibsen's Norwegian models. Independent priests of Norway, Lammers, for

instance, have had a larger share in the formation of the character of

"Brand" than any direct influence from Denmark. Lammers, however, was

himself led to the stand he took by the Kierkegaard agitation.

In "Kejser og Galilæer" (Emperor and Galilean), the influence of the

Kierkegaard standpoint, although still strong, is on the wane. True,

the passion for martyrdom is here set up as a measure for truth,

and the psychological principle of the work is that no doctrine has

intrinsic worth that is incapable of inspiring a spirit of martyrdom;

but with this there is united a determinism that is half-mystic,

half-moulded in the modern spirit; moreover, a Schopenhauer-like faith

in the unconscious and irresistible world-will; finally, a modern

prophecy that Christianity, as well as paganism, will one day be

resolved into a third kingdom which will be an amalgamation of the two.

It is characteristic of Ibsen's intellectual _habitus_ that in both of

his attempts at dealing with religious themes everything that savors

of conflict and endeavor is infinitely more prominent and successful

than portions touching on reconciliation and harmony. "The Third

Kingdom" in his "Emperor and Galilean," stands quite as obscurely in

the background as that _Deus caritatis_ at the conclusion of "Brand."

Themes that revolve about the relations between two successive ages or

generations, or simply about the relations between different stages of

life, which in Russia, Germany, Denmark, and Norway have been treated

in so many different ways, have also occupied Ibsen, during his first

period in "Kongs Emnerne" (The Pretenders), during the transition to

his second period in "De Unges Forbund" (The Young Men's Union). Both

these dramas are remarkable works, but the strength of neither lies in

historic insight or historic impartiality.

"The Pretenders" is not really an historic drama; it displays no design

on the part of its author to produce, through a series of pictures

of the past, a portrayal of human nature as it appears under certain

conditions at a defined period. The poet did not proceed from an

historic standpoint; he simply used the historic as a pretext. The

background of the play is mediæval, the foreground modern, for Skule

Jarl is a modern figure. An historic construction would have led to the

presentation of Skule as a full-blooded aristocrat, and Bishop Nicolas

as a fanatical, yet thoroughly devoted and conscientious clergyman.

Skule's conflict with Haakon denotes historically the last unsuccessful

attempt of the aristocracy to limit the power of the king; and the

bishop's conflict indicates that hatred, which was so well justified

from a priestly point of view, against the enemy of the church and

usurper Sverre and his race. Instead, Ibsen has transformed Nicolas

into a monster, who symbolizes bigotry, envy, and dissension in Norway

through long ages, and Skule into an ambitious person who, while

striving to attain the highest goal, is at the same time tormented

with a wretched doubt of his right and ability to reach it. Haakon

and Skule are contrasted as representatives of two epochs,--the age

of dissension and the age of union. But, as the poet's interest in

the psychological is so much greater than his sense of the historic

element, this contrast is thrust into the background by the contrast

between the individual characters and their relation to ideas. Haakon

represents "the king's thought," which he himself first conceived,

and is wholly submerged in this relation. Skule represents no ancient

historic idea, but simply lack of self-confidence. He steals Haakon's

"king's thought" in order to procure for himself through it a right

to the throne. He does not succeed. The skald declares to him that he

cannot live for the life-work of another, and he himself recognizes

the truth of this. The skald's thought is not expressed with any too

great lucidity; for why could not a man live for the ideas of another,

if he has himself endeavored to appreciate and transform them into his

own flesh and blood, without stealing them, and causing them to pass

for his own discovery? The theft, not the fact of living for the ideas

of others, would make a person unhappy; and this it is which causes

the unhappiness of Skule. The fact is, however, that Ibsen, with the

whole intensity of his nature, interests himself more in the struggle

that is taking place in the soul of the individual than in any struggle

between historic powers. What attracted him to Skule, and made the

latter the main personage of the play, was the "interesting" element in

the character of Skule,--his complex nature, his struggling soul, which

even when in the wrong eclipsed that of the simple-hearted Haakon with

his certainty of coming victory. It is the despairing power in the

great Nureddin which, in spite of his craving for the lamp, in spite

of the theft of the lamp, is doomed to ruin. It is the representation

of a soul whose aspiration is greater than its ability to rise; and

this same representation it is that is varied in Bishop Nicolas, whose

gigantic powers are wrecked in partly physical, partly spiritual, but

wholly powerless yearning and craving. It is the relation between the

ability and the desire, between the will and the possibility, in the

soul of the individual, this relation which is already indicated in

Catiline and in Gunnar in "The Warriors of Helgeland," which is brought

forward anew in the relation of Skule to Haakon's thought. Skule stands

in the same relation to the "king's thought" as Julian to Christianity.

Filled with a foreboding of the greatness of the power he is combating,

he holds an irreconcilably distorted relation to the great, victorious

idea. The psychological interest completely routs the historic.

The relation between two succeeding generations is again represented

in "The Young Men's Union," a drama which furnishes in an extremely

witty manner a parody on the efforts of the younger generation, without

at the same time offering any justification for these efforts. This

work cannot be compared with such works as Turgenief's "Fathers and

Sons," or "Virgin Soil," which unite relentless severity against the

elder generation with their stem judgments on the younger, and at the

same time extend to both thorough sympathy and comprehension. Ibsen's

pessimism has repelled his sympathy. The sole honorable representative

of the younger generation in the play last mentioned is Dr. Fjeldbo,

a man of a thoroughly passive nature. That he is a physician is

scarcely a matter of pure accident. The skilful physician plays, on

the whole, a striking rôle in modern poetry; he is evidently the hero

of the day. The cause of this is, doubtless, that he can be used

as the incarnation of the ideals of the age, those strictly modern

ideals, which are in respect to theory science, with its relationship

to the true and the false, in respect to practice humanity, with its

relationship to happiness and suffering, the opposing psychologic and

social forces that claim the attention of the age.

In the dramas of Schiller, as well as in those of modern Germany, the

struggle for political and spiritual freedom plays a prominent rôle.

Class distinctions, too, are a favorite theme in various German dramas

of an earlier period, even though it had not then become customary

for poetry to deal with what is called at the present time the social

problem. A glimmer of the latter appeared much earlier in the French

drama, from the days of Beaumarchais to those of Victor Hugo, as this

question had become a burning one in public discussion in France far

earlier than elsewhere. In the polite literature of our day, the

social question has gradually banished the political from its high

seat. Modern poetry, in many lands, is inspired by sympathy with the

poor and lowly; it reminds those who are well placed in life of their

duties. The question is not one of those that have chiefly occupied

Ibsen, and yet he has touched upon it. When he wrote "Catiline," he

was too undeveloped to comprehend the social problem aright; but many

years later, in "Samfundets Stötter" (The Pillars of Society), he aimed

a blow at the leading circles of his fatherland. The play is wholly

without a socialistic tendency, as is well known, yet so profound is

its pessimism that those who are unfamiliar with Norwegian affairs,

especially with the attitude of the poet to his public and to the

various parties of his native land, might take it for granted that

there was a tendency of the kind in the work. When it was played in

Berlin, many spectators (and, it may safely be asserted, not those

who were by any means lacking in judgment) yielded to the error that

it was written by a socialist. I was myself obliged to assure many

people that its author was, on the contrary, the favorite poet (at that

time) of the conservative party in Norway. In "The Pillars of Society,"

which has the effect of a supplement to "The Young Men's Union," the

two sides of the question are as little apparent as in the last-named

comedy. Ibsen proceeds here, as everywhere else, from a one-sided point

of view.

The relation between man and woman is one of those that has most

intensely absorbed Ibsen, and in regard to which he has cherished the

most original and the most modern sentiments.

In his first youthful works this relation is treated somewhat in the

traditional way. He attacks in his "Gildet paa Solhaug" (Banquet at

Solhaug) the same theme Björnson has chosen for his "Halte Hulda"

(Lame Hulda); that is, the position of a young man between the woman a

little older than himself whom he has loved in his youth, and the young

girl whom he longs with his whole heart to make his bride,--a theme

both human and universal, yet one that has frequently been varied. He

next represents, in his "Catiline" and in his "Fru Inger til Österaat"

(Mistress Inger at Österaat) the same rather forced yet stirring

motive, how a man who had led a licentious life in his youth is

punished through his love for a young girl who at the same time loves,

abhors, and curses him, because he had betrayed her sister and sent her

to her grave.

In his "Kjærlighedens Komedie" (Love's Comedy), Ibsen for the first

time takes up the erotic condition of his fatherland for his theme.

He had apparently received no trifling stimulus from contemporary

Norwegian literature. While Björnson during his first period was

influenced by popular tradition and popular poetry, Ibsen was incited

to action in his early days by the most advanced thinkers of the time.

There is something in the inspiration of "Love's Comedy" that may be

traced back to Camilla Collet's "Amtmandens Dötre" (The Magistrate's

Daughters). The latter daring book at that time occupied every

Norwegian mind; and it contained the same witty, though rather less

well planned attack on betrothals and marriages that in Ibsen's drama

is conducted by a firm, manly hand. So far as similes and figures are

concerned, the influence of Camilla Collet is very perceptible. Ibsen's

celebrated "tea-comparison" is derived from her. In "The Magistrate's

Daughters" we read of love, as follows:--

"Guard, O mankind, this our life's first bloom.... Heed its growth and

its fruit.... Do not lightly disturb its tender, budding leaf, in the

belief that the coarse blossoms that come later are good enough....

No; they are not good enough. There is as great a difference between

the two kinds, as there is between the tea we ordinary mortals must

be content with, and that which the emperor of the Celestial Kingdom

drinks, and which is the only genuine tea; it is gathered first, and is

so delicate and tender that it must be plucked with gloves, after the

gleaners have washed twenty-four times."

Eminent Authors of the Nineteenth Century: Literary Portraits · 第 89 / 91 题