represent itself as a legitimate political organization working for
the best interests of America. When large segments of the people are
hoodwinked into believing this fraudulent claim, it becomes easier
for the Party to carry on its revolutionary propaganda through mass
agitation, infiltration, and fronts. Without some degree of public
acceptance, the Party is doomed to an isolated impotence.
Communist tactics require that above-ground activities be pushed as far
as possible. However, when the Party begins to abuse its constitutional
privileges and the government takes steps to protect itself from outright
treason and subversion, more and more Party activities are shifted
underground, that is, to the illegal apparatus. As Lenin taught, the
Party must always have two levels, above-ground and underground. Both
must exist at the same time. One without the other is incomplete.
In times of “nonprosecution”—that is, when “hostile” governments are not
attacking—the Party, like a submarine, will surface, carrying on the bulk
of its work above ground. But a portion (the underground) will always
stay submerged, concealing the Party’s illegal activities, such as aid
to Soviet espionage; endeavoring to place concealed members in sensitive
positions in government, education, and industry, maintaining clandestine
communication networks.
In event of an emergency, this undercarriage quickly expands, providing
the Party with well-prepared and extensive undercover operations. Within
days, hundreds of above-ground comrades can be absorbed. The Party
submerges, the above-ground shrinks.
The Party will submerge only as long and as deep as absolutely
necessary, always preferring surface operations (with a supporting
underground). That’s why it desperately fights all legislation curtailing
its activities. Only to prevent annihilation will it go completely
underground. This action reduces contact with the masses, wastes energy
on nonproductive security measures, and decreases effectiveness. Except
for outright liquidation, it is practically impossible to drive the Party
completely underground or completely above ground.
As we saw in Chapters 4 and 5, the Party experienced two periods of
intensified underground activities: (1) shortly after its founding, and
(2) in the mid-1951 to mid-1955 period. Both were caused primarily by
prosecutive action of state and federal governments.
To understand the underground we must realize that it is a maze of
undercover couriers, escape routes, hide-outs, and clandestine meetings.
It’s not the place for the beginner, the half-indoctrinated, or the
doubtful. Only the most loyal members are selected. These men and women
are carrying on the Party’s deceitful work away from the watchful eye (so
they hope) of the FBI and other governmental agencies.
It was early in the morning. The taxi had been summoned to a number on
James Street. The driver looked. On the corner stood an attractive woman,
dressed in a polka-dotted blouse and navy blue skirt. From her shoulder
dangled a brown purse.
“Take me to Elm and Cherry Streets,” she said, jumping into the cab.
When the taxi arrived at the destination, the woman changed her mind.
“Take me to the Surplus Store,” she instructed. The driver complied, now
almost doubling back to where he had started. The woman, however, still
wasn’t satisfied. She asked to be taken to another location. There she
alighted.
A few minutes later she hailed another cab and went straight to her
destination, a railroad station on the east side of town, some fifteen
miles away, even though she was then only a short distance from a
terminal where she could have caught the same train.
This wasn’t the Case of the Woman Who Changed Her Mind, but the shift of
a Party underground leader to a new hide-out. Why the strange gyrations?
She was endeavoring to make certain she wasn’t being followed.
In a northern state a scene similar to the Girl in the Polka-dotted
Blouse was being enacted. A woman with black curly hair, dressed in a
smart gray herringbone suit and wearing a large-brimmed hat, boarded a
southbound train. She carefully surveyed the passengers, then took a
seat near the rear. She was carrying on her left arm a blue tweed suit
and a hook-weave black coat. In her right hand she held a brown suitcase
trimmed in light tan. It was a long ride, all afternoon and night. Upon
arrival she sped to an address in an older section of town. A knock, the
door opened, and she disappeared inside. The woman was a high-ranking
Party leader reporting for a new underground assignment.
These two women, neatly dressed and looking like ordinary travelers, were
but two of many hundreds involved in Party underground work from 1951
to 1955. Many were away from home for months, even years, living under
assumed names in obscure rooms; moving under cover of darkness from one
city to another; scurrying along streets late at night; eating irregular
meals. Life in the underground for most is hard work, drudgery; not
romance, adventure, and fun.
How are comrades chosen for underground work?
As we have seen, only the most trusted and dedicated of Party members are
chosen. A study of the case histories of twenty-five top Party leaders
active in the underground during 1951-55 disclosed that all had been
in the communist movement for over twenty years. Their average age was
somewhat over forty.
Party “loyalty” is determined by an elaborate “verification” system. A
prospect is compelled to execute a questionnaire asking for detailed
information about his family, former employment, education, Party
history. One questionnaire, for example, requested a member to analyze
the “political position” of relatives, and then asked, “Have you had any
extra-marital relations since you’ve been married? If so, with whom and
how often?” Many times, older comrades must vouch for the prospect.
To enter the underground usually means simply disappearing quickly,
abruptly, without warning. Whispers float: “Where’s Gordon?” The answer:
“He’s gone under” or merely the telltale sign, a clenched fist with the
thumb pointed down.
It was a Monday morning. Everybody came to work except one, a woman who
had been with the firm for many years. Nobody thought anything about it.
Probably she was sick. But the next day, the next week, the next month,
she didn’t return, although she had almost a hundred dollars in wages
coming to her. At her apartment it was the same story. She had quickly
moved out. Nobody knew where she had gone.
She had entered the communist underground.
These departures are carefully planned. Above-ground comrades will handle
any pending personal matters, such as storing the member’s furniture,
moving his family, caring for his car. Sometimes departures have been so
rapid that hot meals have been left on the table.
Once underground, the member is made ready for assignment. This means,
first of all, assuming a new identity; that is, being made into “another
person.” As a general rule this involves the securing of a new name,
date, and place of birth, even changing physical appearance. One
functionary, for example, lost between thirty-five and forty pounds,
giving him a gaunt appearance. Others were told to gain weight. Still
another grew a mustache, donned glasses, and dyed his hair black.
Identification marks, such as moles and warts, have been removed by
surgery. One underground official boasted that he could walk down Main
Street every day and even his wife could not recognize him!
In addition, the member must be supplied with fake identification papers,
Social Security cards, drivers’ licenses, library cards, bank-deposit
books. If he is stopped on the street he must be able to prove his
“identity.” Likewise, he should acquaint himself with his adopted place
of birth, know something about its newspapers, streets, and stores. Does
it have a baseball team? It’s usually best to pick a small town, for
there is less chance of meeting somebody from there.
Frequently the member, in his new pose, will attempt, at least on a
temporary basis, to secure employment. His underground work will be
conducted in the evenings and on week ends. Some of the comrades are on
the Party’s payroll, but most are not. One member became, in the words
of her employer, an “efficient, affable, and able” secretary. Little did
he dream that she was a communist on special underground assignment. In
another instance a comrade, when hired for a job, said she was born in
a Southern city, had attended a certain grade and high school, and had
previously worked in another city. Later FBI investigation revealed that
her story was a complete falsehood. Her job was only a front for secret
communist work.
That’s why the underground is a nightmare of deceit, fear, and tension,
where one has to tell falsehoods, fabricate a background, adopt a
new name, and live in fear of being recognized by old friends or
acquaintances.
Suppose the Girl in the Polka-dotted Blouse, in order to carry out an
assignment, must pose as a widow or the estranged wife of a sea captain,
or as the retired owner of a ladies’ dress shop? Think of the problems
that would arise. What types of stories must be improvised? What kind of
personal possessions must be purchased to keep up the cover?
The Party has thoroughly studied these problems. Let’s look at a secret
study issued for the instruction of women underground comrades, like the
Girl in the Polka-dotted Blouse. Here’s the advice:
1. Suppose you are posing as a widow (after having been married
some twenty years) and you have now come to this city “to get
away from it all and try to forget.”
_Answer_: Well, you shouldn’t come in (as to a rooming house)
empty-handed, with only a handbag. You “must make some show
of previous accumulation,” for example, have “a few personal
‘precious’ things,” such as “picture(s), little mementoes.”
Where can you get them? “In any 5-10c store.”
2. Suppose you have an inquisitive landlady who has access to
your apartment.
_Answer_: You might first say (to cover up the scarcity of your
personal belongings) that, being so sad over becoming a widow,
you “haven’t had the heart to unpack everything yet.” If you
stay longer, you better buy a dustmop and some other items, “so
that the story of having been a housewife for so many years
will ring true.” And by all means have some luggage, preferably
“beat-up” luggage. “The more luggage a woman moves in with the
better is she accepted on the strength of her story.”
3. What if you’re underground in a small town? What about
social life? People are sure to become suspicious if you stay
seven nights a week at home. Moreover, unlike a man, it doesn’t
look right to go to a late movie alone.
_Answer_: Take a short trip out of town. This not only takes
away suspicion but gives you something to talk about.
4. Then there is the problem of extra expense incurred by women.
_Answer_: A woman must have more luggage (she’s expected to
have more clothing, etc.). Then she must use a taxi; she can’t
carry her own suitcases. Also there is the problem of “personal
upkeep.” Suppose you are a blonde and you come into town as a
brunette. As the study points out, you have to keep that up, to
a tune of about six dollars for each trip to the beauty parlor
and two dollars extra for eyebrow dye.
Attention to detail must be exacting, even to the clothes worn on given
occasions. Here’s a sample of a “How I was Dressed” diary kept by the
Girl in the Polka-dotted Blouse:
—wore dark grey dress, high heels, walked to the movie ...
—wore low heels, two-piece blue suit, red tam ...
—wore high heels, white blouse and blue hankie. Carried
umbrella, looked like rain.
In meeting noncommunists she doesn’t want to be a strawberry blonde one
day and the next week a natural brunette. If she is representing herself
as a “poor widow,” she probably should wear the same dress every time,
not come in a variety of outfits.
Assignments in the underground vary. A select few are engaged in highly
secret disciplinary work. Security is most important. The telephone and
mails are to be avoided. Never carry Party documents or names on your
person. Disciplinary squads may stop members and search their purses.
Woe if a compromising slip of paper is found bearing a name or telephone
number.
Security precautions also affect the above-ground Party. No membership
books (or cards) are issued; large clubs are broken up into small groups;
records are destroyed. In a Western state a Party member was instructed
to go to the post office for mail. He was to carry a brown paper sack
and, upon leaving, proceed to the restroom of a nearby building. There
another Party member, carrying an identical brown sack containing nothing
but rubbish, would meet him. They would exchange sacks. In this way, so
it was thought, the person with the mail could not be detected.
Then there are couriers who carry secret messages, often in code.
In addition, they bring supplies and funds, meet Party leaders in
hide-outs, contact mail drops. Couriers are of various types: (1) Party
officials “just going through,” (2) Party members, such as salesmen and
truck drivers, whose occupations allow them to travel without suspicion,
(3) “professional” couriers who are trained to operate on a full-time
basis.
Some comrades are given special assignments, such as stock-piling
supplies (paper, ink, printing presses, funds). Others, working with
above-ground comrades, secure, for future underground use, extra
drivers’ licenses, birth certificates, car titles, etc. In addition,
comrades operate hide-outs and escape routes or hide Party records. The
underground from 1951 to 1955 actually harbored Party leaders who were
criminal fugitives, having been convicted by United States courts.
Depending on local conditions, the organizational structure of the
underground varies from area to area. As a general rule, because of
security reasons, the leadership is rotated. The Party may feel that a
member is going “stale.” If so, he may be shifted to another assignment
or temporarily “furloughed upstairs” (meaning allowed to reappear in the
“open”). A reserve leadership is always ready, in case the functioning
leaders are arrested or otherwise incapacitated. This reserve may consist
of other underground comrades or members still “upstairs.”
On the West Coast, for example, a clandestine communist group using the
code name of “Mollie” had full responsibility for carrying through not
only underground but also many above-ground functions. For security
reasons underground contacts are always downward, not to a higher level.
This means that top officials can contact those in lower levels, but the
latter (who seldom even know the identity of their superiors) cannot
contact above themselves. In event of an “enemy breakthrough,” only the
identity of those on the level “broken through,” or lower level, will be
revealed.
As we have mentioned, the closest cooperation must exist between the
underground and above-ground apparatuses. The former cannot operate
as a self-contained unit. It must constantly be serviced from above;
otherwise it would die of suffocation. As we noticed in Chapter 17,
communist fronts serve as periscopes to the “upper world” through which
funds, supplies, and instructions are funneled. The deeper the Party goes
underground, the greater the reliance on fronts.
The overriding consideration of the underground is security, not to be
discovered by the FBI. Let’s see how this affects the Party’s operations.
Hide-outs
Generally speaking the underground uses three types of hide-outs: (1)
_temporary_, an abode for a courier or Party member en route to another
destination. This will probably be a room in the home of a “politically
reliable” individual; (2) _emergency_, a home or apartment where a
member, perhaps feeling he is being watched or suddenly becoming sick,
can hide on an emergency basis. It is not to be used too frequently; (3)
_permanent_, or “deep freeze,” where one or more comrades can remain for
extended periods, maybe a month, or even a year, with all necessities
being provided. Farms or cabins in remote areas make excellent “deep
freezes.”
Here are some of the requirements demanded for a “safe” hide-out. They
illustrate the Party’s attention to detail.
1. The owner must be absolutely loyal to the Party.
2. If an apartment, there must be no doorman or elevator operator. A
walk-up apartment of three or four stories is preferable.
3. If a family home, the members must be thoroughly reliable. There
should be no children, relatives, or maids.
4. The proprietor should not be too closely identified with the Party,
either as a sympathizer or member.
5. The hide-out must be located where there are no curious or talkative
neighbors.
6. The quarters must be sufficiently large to accommodate extra guests.
Excessive cramping attracts attention.
7. The neighborhood should be well known to the owner and one in which
some trusted friends reside. In this way any inquiries in the vicinity
will immediately come to their attention.
Meetings
Elaborate security must surround all underground contacts, whether
between just two people or groups. Here are a few points the underground
has to remember:
1. Don’t use the same meeting place too frequently. It might excite
suspicion.
2. If a meeting is held at a home, a member of the family (who, of
course, is thoroughly reliable) should be there to answer the door in
case an outsider knocks. He can handle the situation and also serve as a
lookout.
3. If large numbers are involved, times of arrival and departure should
be staggered. Everybody should not arrive or depart at the same time.
4. If the comrades don’t know each other, a predetermined means of
identification (a code word, piece of clothing, etc.) should be used.
5. Bring no more documents (books, papers, etc.) than absolutely
necessary. Avoid note-taking. Make effective use of memory.
6. Upon departure, a “rear-guard” comrade should thoroughly check for any
incriminating items. Have any papers been left on the floor? Is there a
telephone number scratched on the wall? Has someone forgotten his coat,
which might contain Party data?
In one instance six weeks allegedly were spent in bringing twenty people
to a national underground conference.
If two comrades don’t know each other, advance arrangements must be made,
usually by notes, to effect identification for a meeting. Here is one
example. The note read:
On Friday, April 6, 8 P.M. at NE corner, Oak and 9th Sts.—my
courier will be standing with a _Field and Stream_ magazine.
Bill’s courier will approach her and ask, “Mrs. Polk, what time
is it?” She will reply, “I’m sorry, my watch is stopped.”
Note the use of a magazine and code words for identification. Just
in case the first contact didn’t work out, there were alternative
instructions. The note continued:
In case no one shows, she will be on the SW corner, Walnut and
10th, same magazine, Friday, 13, 8 P.M., same question and
answer. She will wait around only ten minutes each time.
Noncommunists probably will find it difficult to understand the reckless
abandon, personal risk, and sheer physical endurance displayed by
communists to conceal their underground activities. Here are a few of the
tactics employed by communists to determine if they are being followed:
_Driving cars_:
1. Driving alternately at high and low rates of speed.
2. Entering a heavily traveled intersection on a yellow light,
hoping to lose any follower or cause an accident.
3. Turning corners at high rates of speed and stopping abruptly.
4. Suddenly leaving a car and walking hurriedly down a one-way
street in the direction in which vehicle traffic is prohibited.
5. Entering a dark street in a residential area at night,
making a sharp U-turn, cutting into a side alley, and
extinguishing the car’s lights.
6. Driving to a rural area, taking a long walk in a field, then
having another car meet them.
7. Waiting until the last minute, then making a sharp left turn
in front of oncoming traffic.
8. Stopping at every filling station on the highway, walking
around the car, always looking, then going on.
_On foot_:
1. Leaving subways, buses, and trains at the last minute, even
holding the door open and jumping off.
2. Entering hotels, bus terminals, and department stores where
there are many exits.
3. Stooping over in the aisles, then suddenly rising and
looking around to see if anybody is searching for them.
4. Doubling back after rounding a corner.
5. Putting a coin in a pay telephone booth, dialing a number,
then rushing to the adjoining booth to see if anybody is trying
to listen.
6. Leaving a taxicab, but instructing the driver to go around
the block and pick them up again.
7. Using store windows as mirrors to see behind them.
8. Walking slowly to a corner, then starting to run down an
alleyway.
Always there is the fear of being followed. One Party couple registered
at a motel, then the husband parked the car several miles away. He walked
back and climbed through a side window. Maybe in this way he could
conceal his night’s lodging!
A woman in a Midwestern city kept riding streetcars, buses, and taxis for
thirty hours, stopping at no time except for meals. In communist language
she was “_dry-cleaning_”; that is, making certain that she was not being
followed.
The pressure becomes terrific. As long as a comrade feels he is “dirty”
(that is, he suspects the “enemy,” meaning the FBI, is near), he must
keep up his “dry-cleaning.” He can make his “meet” or enter a hide-out
only when he’s certain he is “clean.”
Two dry-cleaning techniques are of special interest. One is the
_switch-point_ operation: The communist leader is driven to a certain
location in a car (called a “drop car”). There he alights and enters
another car (called a “pickup car”). Before entering the second car,
however, he will walk across a parking lot, over a bridge, or through
a department store—the object being to lose any pursuer. In the double
switch, the pickup car drops the Party leader at a second switch,
where he will be picked up by a third vehicle and then taken to his
destination.
In the _scramble_, members (as on leaving meetings) enter automobiles.
The drivers start the motors. Suddenly the doors of the cars will open
and the comrades will get out, including the drivers. They scramble,
meaning they quickly take seats in the other cars, whereupon all autos
will move away in different directions. It’s hard for any “pursuer” to
tell who went in which car.
The underground creates intense strains on family life. The undeviating
demands of the Party (its interests must come first, regardless of
personal consequences) leave deep scars.
For years many families are separated. On some occasions a midnight
contact or a few days of furlough are permitted. Children grow up without
seeing their fathers. In one instance a child was stricken with polio.
His underground father did not leave his Party work to come to the
child’s bedside. Mothers are often hard pressed to give answers to the
question, “Where’s Daddy?” Some “explain” that Daddy is away on a trip,
in another town, or dead. One little boy, whose father was gone, said: “I
wish my father was in jail. Then I could at least see him.”
Normal family relationships are disrupted. The Party may promise
financial assistance to the families of underground comrades, but many
times the support is miserly or does not come at all. Heart-rending
results ensue: