The fruitful valley and pass of Bamian lie on the road leading from

Kabul to Turkestan. The pass, at an elevation of 8,496 feet, is the

only known defile over the Hindu Kush practicable for artillery.

This valley was one of the chief centres of Buddhist worship, as

gigantic idols, mutilated indeed by fanatical Mussulmans,

conclusively prove. Bamian, with its colossal statues cut out in the

rock, was among the wonders described by the Buddhist monks who

traversed Central Asia in the fourth century. The statues are found

on a hill about three hundred feet high, in which are a number of

cells excavated in the rock, not unlike those found in the Zuni

country in the western part of the United States. The male figure is

about 160 feet, the female 120 feet, in height; they are clothed in

light drapery, and a winding stair may be ascended to the head.

Eight miles eastward of Bamian lies the ancient fortress of Zohak,

attributed to the fabulous Persian serpent-king of that name. It is

still used as one of the defences of the pass.

[Illustration: Castle of Zohak, First March from Bamian, on the Irak

Road to Kabul.]

The animals of Afghanistan adapted to military transport purposes

are the camel, the _yabu_ (mountain pony), and the donkey.

From certain professional papers, on the camel, by Captain Yaldwyn

and other officers of the Indian Army, we learn that this beast of

burden has been often utilized by the British in Afghanistan, and

the supply of camels raised in that country has generally been

augmented by drafts from India, although the last mentioned do not

thrive under the transition. The camel is docile, capable of

abstinence in an emergency, well adapted for the imposition of loads

and for traversing over flat or sandy ground, adapts itself to rough

roads, has acute sight and smell, and, during progression, moves

both feet on one side, simultaneously. Its flesh and milk are

wholesome articles of food. It is deficient in muscular power

behind, and cannot readily climb hills. Those found in Afghanistan

are of the Arabian species. They are strong, thickset, with

abundance of hair; are short in the leg, better climbers, and more

accustomed to cold than others of the species. Their feeding

requires as much care as that of cavalry or artillery horses; they

are fond of green food, and certain trees and shrubs. In grazing,

camels brought from India sometimes are poisoned by eating the

oleander bush and other plants which the native camel avoids.

Elphinstone's ill-fated expedition in 1841 lost 800 out of 2,500

camels from this cause alone. On the march, or where grazing does

not abound, they are fed with grain and _bhoosa_ [Footnote:

Chopped straw.]; this is given them in one ration at the end of the

day. The theory that camels do not require much watering is declared

a fallacy; the Arabian species can take in five or six gallons,

sufficient for as many days; they will not drink cold running water;

but, where water can be had, they should be watered daily. The load

of the camel varies from 300 to 450 pounds, depending upon its

condition. It is admirably adapted for carrying long articles, as

ladders, tent-poles, and even light mountain guns. The marching

power of camels depends on a number of conditions. They are good

goers in loose sandy soil, and even over stony ground, if the stones

are not too large and sharp; in slippery places they are useless, as

they have no hold with their feet. They are very enduring, making

the longest marches at an average speed of two miles an hour, and

can ford deep rivers with ease if the current is not too rapid. When

the bottom of the ford is shifting sand, the passage of a number of

camels renders it firm. A string of 500 camels covers about one mile

of road; 1,250 mules, carrying the same weight of supplies, occupy

double the distance. Camels must be unladen at ferries. For military

purposes these animals are purchased between the ages of five and

nine years, and may be used up to the age of sixteen. They average

about one thousand pounds in weight, seven feet in height to the top

of the hump, and eight feet in length from nose to tail. In camp and

when not at work they are arranged in lines facing each other, or in

circles heads inward; the latter plan is the favorite formation at

night. The allowance of spare camels on service is ten per cent.

[Illustration: An Afghan Post-Chaise; Going to the Front. ]

Lieut. Martin, R. E., states that his company, of Sappers and

Miners, was able to get an exceptional percentage of labor from

the camels under his charge by attention to certain details; and

says further, that "camels are very quarrelsome and bite each other

badly when grazing. They can ford four feet of moderately running

water, easily, if the bed is good; but a yard of greasy mud, a few

inches deep, will throw many camels and delay a convoy for hours.

Camel-bridges were carried on the leading camels, with a few

shovels and picks, in every convoy of the Kandahar Field Force, and

all small cuts or obstructions were thus bridged in a few minutes;

the camels remaining by their bridges (two gang-boards eight by

three feet) until the last baggage camel had passed. In perfectly

open country, such as Kandahar to Girishk, it was found possible to

march the camels on a broad front, the whole convoy being a rough

square; camels starting at 3 A.M. have been known to arrive at camp

ten miles off as late as 5 P.M."

Captain Yaldwyn says: "A camel's carrying-power is equal to that of

two and a half mules or ponies, whilst his ration is only about that

of one mule or pony. Thus 500 camels only eat as much as 500 mules

or ponies, and whilst the latter can only carry 1,000 _maunds_

[Footnote: A _maund_ is 80 pounds.] the former can carry 2,500.

Again, 500 camels only require 125 attendants to be paid, clothed,

and fed, whilst 500 mules or ponies require 167 attendants." But, on

the other hand, the immense losses of camels from excessive heat or

cold, or over-exertion in mountainous or rough roads, and other

causes, greatly neutralize the force of this comparison.

The _yabu_ is a hardy mountain pony used by the Afghans for the

saddle and packing purposes; they are very strong, active, and

sure-footed, and have been frequently used by the British forces in

their military operations. In 1839 Captain (afterward General)

Outram relates that his _yabu_, "although but thirteen hands high,

carried me and my saddlebags, weighing altogether upward of sixteen

stone, the whole distance from Kalat in seven days and a half (an

average of nearly forty-seven miles a day), during which time I had

passed 111 hours on its back; there was no saddle on the pony,

merely a cloth over his back."

They will carry from four to five _maunds_ with perfect ease, making

journeys of thirty miles a day. Those which are ridden and which

amble, are called _yurgas_. The Afghans tie a knot in the middle of

the long tails of their horses, which, they say, strengthens the

animal's backbone!

The Afghan donkey was severely tested in 1880 during the operations

of Sir Donald Stewart between Kabul and Kandahar, and this class of

carriage was found very useful in the conveyance of provisions.

Afghan donkeys will march with troops and carry loads of grain or

flour, averaging ninety pounds, without difficulty. They keep pace

with mules or ponies in a baggage column, as they avoid the frequent

checks which retard the larger animals; they browse on the line of

march, and find their own forage easily in the neighborhood of camp;

they are easily controlled and cared for, and are on all accounts

the most inexpensive transport in Eastern countries. [Footnote:

Lieut.-Col. E. F. Chapman, C.B., R.A.]

The transport animals found in India and Turkestan will be described

in the parts of this book devoted to the military resources of those

regions.

In concluding this sketch of the "Threshold of India," a mere glance

at the military history of the country will suffice. In fact, only

so far as it may have a bearing upon the present, has reference to

the past any place in this volume.

The early periods of eventful interest to Afghanistan have been

already noted at the opening of this chapter. Its purely Oriental

experiences were beginning to fade with the death of Nadir

Shah--variously termed the "Butcher of Delhi," and the "Wallace of

Persia," in 1747. His progress toward India, from which he was to

tear its choicest treasure and loot its greatest city, reminds one

of the Arabian Nights. A camp-follower from Jelalabad reported as

follows: "He has 36,000 horsemen with himself . . . After morning

prayers he sits on a throne, the canopy of which is in the form of a

dome and of gold. One thousand young men, with royal standards of

red silk and the lance tops and tassels of silver, are disposed

regularly; and, at a proper distance, five hundred beautiful slaves,

from twelve to twenty years old, stand--one half on his right and

the other on his left. All the great men stand fronting him; and the

Arzbegi stands between, in readiness to represent whatever he is

desired, and everybody has his cause decided at once: bribery is not

so much as known here. He has particular information given him of

every thing that passes; all criminals, great and small, rich and

poor, meet with immediate death. He sits till noon, after which he

dines, then reposes a little; when afternoon prayers are over he

sits till the evening prayers, and when they are over he shoots five

arrows into the _Khak Tudah_, and then goes into the women's

apartments." [Footnote: Fraser's "Nadir Shah."]

The splendor of the Robber King has departed, but his deeds of blood

and treachery have often been repeated in the country of the

Afghans.

A succession of struggles between Afghan and Persian leaders for the

control of Afghanistan marked the next fifty years.

When the project of Russian invasion of India, suggested by

Napoleon, was under consideration in Persia, a British envoy was

sent, in 1809, to the then Shah Sujah, and received the most cordial

reception at Peshawur. But Shah Sujah was, in 1810, superseded by

his brother, Mahmud, and the latter was pressed hard by the son of

his Wazir to such an extent that Herat alone remained to him. In

1823 his former kingdom passed to Dost Mohammed, who in 1826

governed Kabul, Kandahar, Ghazni, and Peshawur. The last-named place

fell into the hands of Runjeet Singh, the "Lion of the Punjab." Dost

Mohammed then applied to England for aid in recovering Peshawur,

failing in which he threatened to turn to Russia.

That Power was (1837) engaged in fomenting trouble in the western

part of Afghanistan, encouraging an attack by 30,000 Persians, led

by Russian officers, upon Herat. Instead of acceding to the request

of Dost Mohammed, the British Governor-General--Lord Auckland--declared

war against that potentate, alleging in a proclamation that

"the welfare of the English possessions in the East rendered it

necessary to have an ally on their western frontier who would be in

favor of peace, and opposed to all disorders and innovations."

This was the beginning of intrigues relating to Afghanistan on the

part, alternately, of England and Russia, in which John Bull has had

to pay, literally, "the lion's share" of the cost in blood and

treasure. In 1850, Sir John Cam Hobhouse, President of the Board of

Control in India confessed: "The Afghan war _was done by myself_;

the Court of Directors had nothing to do with it." The reason

already mentioned was alleged as an excuse for hostilities. They

were declared, notwithstanding that the British political agent at

the Court of Dost Mohammed reported that ruler as "entirely English"

in his sympathies. This report was suppressed. Twenty years later

the facts were given to Parliament, Russian letters were found

implicating the Czar's ministers, and the English agent, Burnes, was

vindicated.

The Anglo-Indian army--consisting of twenty thousand troops, fifty

thousand followers, and sixty thousand camels--advanced in two

columns, one from Bengal, and the other from Bombay by the Indus.

Scinde, which had hitherto been independent, like the Punjab and

Lahore, was subjugated _en route_, and nine thousand men were

left behind to occupy it. On the 23d of February, 1839, a

simultaneous advance from Shikarpur, on the Bolan Pass, commenced.

Kandahar was occupied April 25th, Ghazni July 23d, and Kabul August

6th, and Shah Sujah was proclaimed Ameer by British authority. By

the following September the greater part of the English forces

returned to India. Only five regiments of infantry and one of

cavalry remained in Afghanistan, where suspicious symptoms of

discontent with the new order of things began very soon to show

themselves. During the summer of 1840 insurrections had to be put

down by force in several places. In November of the same year Dost

Mohammed defeated the English in the Perwan Pass. From that time

until the autumn of 1841 a sultry calm reigned in the country.

The English commanders, although fully aware of the state of mind of

the people, neglected to take the most simple measures of

precaution.

The local control was vested in a mixed military and civil council,

consisting of General Elphinstone, unfitted by disease and natural

irresolution from exercising the functions of command, and Sir

William McNaghten, the British envoy, whose self-confidence and

trust in the treacherous natives made him an easy victim. In the

centre of an insurrection which was extending day by day under their

eyes and under their own roofs, these representatives of a powerful

nation, with a small but effective force, deliberately buried their

heads in the sand of their credulity, not realizing the nature of

the danger which for weeks was evident to many of their

subordinates.

Finally a force of the insurgents, under the direction of the son of

the deposed ruler, Akbar Khan, threw off the disguise they had

assumed before the English, and taking possession of the Khurd Kabul

Pass near the city, entirely cut off the retreat to India which

Elphinstone had commenced.

As there was no intelligent concert of action among the British

leaders, the garrison melted away in detail, the Afghan auxiliaries

refused to fight, or turned their arms against the Europeans. Sir

William McNaghten was murdered by Akbar, at a council in sight of

the garrison. A few attempts to force a passage, or to defend

themselves, made by certain brave officers of the beleagured force,

failed.

On January 6, 1842, an agreement was made by which the Afghan leader

promised to ensure to the British forces a safe withdrawal to India.

This was violated with Afghan readiness, and the entire Anglo-Indian

contingent of seventeen thousand souls was destroyed; sacrificed to

the murderous brutality of the Afghan insurgents, or dying from

exposure to one of the most severe winters known to that region.

Months after, heaps of dead bodies, preserved by the intense cold,

obstructed the mountain passes. The horrors of Moscow were repeated

in the Khurd Kabul, and the noblest attributes of humanity were

exemplified in the acts of the officers and soldiers of the doomed

party. Only twenty of this entire force survived. The news of this

horrible disaster was brought to Jelalabad by the only man who

penetrated the Afghan environment, Dr. Brydon.

On receipt of the news of this overwhelming catastrophe, the Indian

Government endeavored to rescue the garrisons of Kandahar and

Ghazni, as well as that of Jelalabad; but the Mohammedan troops

refused to march against their co-religionists, and the Sikhs also

showed great unwillingness. The garrison of Ghazni, thinking to

secure its safety by capitulation, was cut to pieces December 23,

1841. Jelalabad, held by 2,400 men under General Sale, still

withstood the storm like a rock of iron. General Nott, the energetic

officer commanding at Kandahar, on receiving the news of the

destruction of the British, blew up the citadel of the town,

destroyed every thing not necessary to his object, and started,

August 8, 1842, for Ghazni, which he also destroyed, September 6th.

[Illustration: Gate of the Bazaar at Kabul.]

Another British force of twelve thousand men, under General Pollock,

was organized at Peshawur, to punish the Afghans, and, so far as

might be, retrieve the errors of Elphinstone and McNaghten.

Pollock's operations were, in the sense of retaliation, successful.

An eminent German authority wrote: "Kabul and other towns were

levelled with the ground; Akbar's troops were blown from guns, and

the people were collected together and destroyed like worms."

General Pollock carried the famous Khaiber Pass, in advancing to the

relief of Jelalabad in April, 1842. This was the first time that the

great defile--twenty-eight miles in length--had ever been forced by

arms. Timur Lang and Nadir Shah, at the head of their enormous

hosts, bought a safe passage through it from the Afridis. Akbar the

Great, in 1587, is said to have lost forty thousand men in

attempting to force it, and Aurangzeb failed to get through.

The misfortune of Elphinstone's command, great as it was, would have

been much more humiliating to England, had it not been for the

firmness of the gallant General Pollock, who, ordered to withdraw

with his command to Peshawur, by Lord Ellenborough, without

effecting one of the objects of the expedition--the deliverance of

the English captives in Akbar's hands at Kabul,--protested against

such a suicidal act on the part of any Englishman or any

Administration, and, at great personal risk, gained his point.

In the forced march to Kabul, which Pollock made subsequently, the

force of about eight thousand men moved in as light order as

possible. After loading the commissariat camels to their utmost

carrying capacity, the General discovered that the mounted men had

in their kit a spare pair of pantaloons apiece, on which he ordered

the legs to be filled with grain and carried by the men in front of

them, on their saddles. By the middle of December the British had

started on their return march, pursued as far as the Indus by the

Afghans, and by this hurried conclusion to the war lessened their

prestige in Asia to an enormous degree.

As Sir Henry Rawlinson wrote:

"It was not so much the fact of our retreat; disaster would have

been diminished, if not altogether overcome; but retreating as we

did, pursued even through the last pass into the plains by an

implacable enemy, the impression became universal in India as well

as in Central Asia, that we had simply been driven back across the

mountains."

A very able Hindu gentleman, very loyal to the British, traced the

mutiny of 1857 in a great measure to the Afghan campaign of 1842. He

said: "It was a direct breach of faith to take the Sepoys out of

India. Practically they were compelled to go for fear of being

treated as mutineers, but the double pay they received by no means

compensated them for losing caste. The Sepoys mistrusted the

Government from that time forward, and were always fearing that

their caste would be destroyed; besides, the Kabul disaster taught

them that Europeans were not invincible."

The departure of the English forces was followed by the

reestablishment of Dost Mohammed's authority in Afghanistan. Once,

at the time of the Sikh insurrection, the Dost crossed the Indian

border with two thousand horsemen, and narrowly escaped falling into

the hands of the British in the affair of Gujrat, February 21, 1849,

where the speed of his horse alone saved him from capture. In 1855 a

better understanding was effected between the son of Dost Mohammed

and his powerful European neighbor. He reconquered Balkh in 1850,

and gained Kandahar by inheritance in 1855, while he lost Herat to

the Persians in 1856. With the aid of Great Britain, in 1857, Persia

relinquished all claims to Herat, but the Dost had eventually to

besiege that city, occupied by a rebellious faction, in 1863, and

after a siege of ten months reduced the place, only to find a tomb

within its walls. After the usual struggle for the throne, peculiar

to a change of dynasty in Afghanistan, Shere Ali, one of the Dost's

sons, prevailed, and was recognized in 1868. The next decade was

notable for a series of diplomatic manoeuvres between England and

Russia for Afghan friendship. Shere Ali now leaned toward the Lion,

now in the direction of the Bear, with the regularity of a pendulum.

The advances were received with presents and promises on the one

hand, and promises, powerful embassies, and imposing military

expeditions on the other. On September 21, 1878, a British

ambassador was turned back by the Afghan commandant of the frontier

fort of Ali Musjid, and on the 20th of November, of the same year,

war was declared against Shere Ali by the Anglo-Indian Government.

At that time the Russian General Kaufmann was operating on the

northern border of Afghanistan with a force of fifteen thousand men

and sixty guns, and the Ameer had reason to think that he could rely

on Russian cooperation against the English, who, with a force of

forty thousand men, promptly invaded his dominion.

This force moved into Afghanistan in four columns, under the

command, respectively, of Generals Browne, Roberts, Biddulph, and

Stewart, with reserves under Generals Maude and Primrose.

We shall have occasion later to consider some of the details of the

protracted operations which followed. They embraced several

admirably conducted marches, exposure to excessively severe winter

weather, the successful surmounting of great natural obstacles, the

development of the usual weakness in the department of transport,

with unnecessary losses in animals, a considerable sick-list, and an

inconsiderable proportion of killed and wounded in action.

The military benefits were those resulting from a long and arduous

field experience in a rough country. The interruption to these

actual "field manoeuvres," this "fire-drill," by the enemy, was

comparatively feeble,--as a rule, stimulating the Anglo-Indian force

to put its best foot foremost. Under this system, at the end of the

two years' campaign, all departments of the army had become moulded

into the efficient machines essential to success in any military

venture.

Politically, the campaign had been a failure. The fate of the

gallant Major Cavagnari and his mission, murdered at Kabul,

September 3, 1879, made a deeper impression on the Afghan mind than

the British occupation of Afghan cities or the Afghan losses in

battle.

In the same year the British Secretary for India, in London, wrote

to the Governor-General that: "It appears that as the result of two

successful campaigns, of the employment of an immense force, and of

the expenditure of large sums of money, all that has yet been

accomplished has been the disintegration of the State which it was

desired to see strong, friendly, and independent, the assumption of

fresh and unwelcome liabilities in regard to one of its provinces,

and a condition of anarchy throughout the remainder of the country."

Afghanistan and the Anglo-Russian Dispute · 第 2 / 7 段