Dr. Lescarbault wrote to Leverrier, who hastened to Orgeres--

Because this announcement assimilated with his own calculations upon a

planet between Mercury and the sun--

Because this solar system itself has never attained positiveness in the

aspect of Regularity: there are to Mercury, as there are to Neptune,

phenomena irreconcilable with the formulas, or motions that betray

influence by something else.

We are told that Leverrier "satisfied himself as to the substantial

accuracy of the reported observation." The story of this investigation

is told in _Monthly Notices_, 20-98. It seems too bad to threaten the

naive little thing with our rude sophistications, but it is amusingly of

the ingenuousness of the age from which present dogmas have survived.

Lescarbault wrote to Leverrier. Leverrier hastened to Orgeres. But he

was careful not to tell Lescarbault who he was. Went right in and

"subjected Dr. Lescarbault to a very severe cross-examination"--just the

way you or I may feel at liberty to go into anybody's home and be severe

with people--"pressing him hard step by step"--just as anyone might go

into someone else's house and press him hard, though unknown to the

hard-pressed one. Not until he was satisfied, did Leverrier reveal his

identity. I suppose Dr. Lescarbault expressed astonishment. I think

there's something utopian about this: it's so unlike the

stand-offishness of New York life.

Leverrier gave the name "Vulcan" to the object that Dr. Lescarbault had

reported.

By the same means by which he is, even to this day, supposed--by the

faithful--to have discovered Neptune, he had already announced the

probable existence of an Intra-Mercurial body, or group of bodies. He

had five observations besides Lescarbault's upon something that had been

seen to cross the sun. In accordance with the mathematical hypnoses of

his era, he studied these six transits. Out of them he computed elements

giving "Vulcan" a period of about 20 days, or a formula for heliocentric

longitude at any time.

But he placed the time of best observation away up in 1877.

But even so, or considering that he still had probably a good many years

to live, it may strike one that he was a little rash--that is if one has

not gone very deep into the study of hypnoses--that, having "discovered"

Neptune by a method which, in our acceptance, had no more to recommend

it than had once equally well-thought-of methods of witch-finding, he

should not have taken such chances: that if he was right as to Neptune,

but should be wrong as to "Vulcan," his average would be away below that

of most fortune-tellers, who could scarcely hope to do business upon a

fifty per cent. basis--all that the reasoning of a tyro in hypnoses.

The date:

March 22, 1877.

The scientific world was up on its hind legs nosing the sky. The thing

had been done so authoritatively. Never a pope had said a thing with

more of the seeming of finality. If six observations correlated, what

more could be asked? The Editor of _Nature_, a week before the predicted

event, though cautious, said that it is difficult to explain how six

observers, unknown to one another, could have data that could be

formulated, if they were not related phenomena.

In a way, at this point occurs the crisis of our whole book.

Formulas are against us.

But can astronomic formulas, backed up by observations in agreement,

taken many years apart, calculated by a Leverrier, be as meaningless, in

a positive sense, as all other quasi-things that we have encountered so

far?

The preparations they made, before March 22, 1877. In England, the

Astronomer Royal made it the expectation of his life: notified observers

at Madras, Melbourne, Sydney, and New Zealand, and arranged with

observers in Chili and the United States. M. Struve had prepared for

observations in Siberia and Japan--

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