CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE IMPORTANCE OF MOTIVES TO A LEGISLATOR—MORAL CONSECUTIVENESS,

COMETS, KITES, AND A CONVOY; WITH SOME EVERY-DAY LEGISLATION; TOGETHER

WITH CAUSE AND EFFECT.

Legislation, during the occultation of the great moral postulate

Principle by the passage of Pecuniary Interest, is, at the best, but a

melancholy affair. It proved to be peculiarly so with us just at that

moment, for the radiance of the divine property had been a good deal

obscured in the houses, for a long time previously, by the interference

of various minor satellites. In nothing, therefore, did the deplorable

state of things which existed make itself more apparent, than in our

proceedings.

As Captain Poke and myself, notwithstanding our having taken different

stands in politics, still continued to live together, I had better

opportunities to note the workings of the obscuration on the ingenuous

mind of my colleague than on that of most other persons. He early began

to keep a diary of his expenses, regularly deducting the amount at

night from the sum of eight dollars, and regarding the balance as so

much clear gain. His conversation, too, soon betrayed a leaning to his

personal interests, instead of being of that pure and elevated cast

which should characterize the language of a statesman. He laid down the

position, pretty dogmatically, that legislation, after all, was work;

that “the laborer was worthy of his hire”; and that, for his part, he

felt no great disposition to go through the vexation and trouble of

helping to make laws, unless he could see, with a reasonable certainty,

that something was to be got by it. He thought Leaplow had quite laws

enough as it was—more than she respected or enforced—and if she wanted

any more, all she had to do was to pay for them. He should take an

early occasion to propose that all our wages—or, at any rate, his own;

others might do as they pleased—should be raised, at the very least,

two dollars a day, and this while he merely sat in the house; for he

wished to engage me to move, by way of amendment, that as much more

should be given to the committees. He did not think it was fair to

exact of a member to be a committee-man for nothin’, although most of

them were committee-men for nothin’; and if we were called on to keep

two watches, in this manner, the least that could be done would be to

give us TWO PAYS. He said, considering it in the most favorable point

of view, that there was great wear and tear of brain in legislation,

and he should never be the man he was before he engaged in the trade;

he assured me that his idees, sometimes, were so complicated that he

did not know where to find the one he wanted, and that he had wished

for a cauda, a thousand times, since he had been in the house, for, by

keeping the end of it in his hand, like the bight of a rope, he might

always have suthin’ tangible to cling to. He told me, as a great

secret, that he was fairly tired of rummaging among his thoughts for

the knowledge necessary to understand what was going on, and that he

had finally concluded to put himself, for the rest of the session,

under the convoy of a God-like. He had been looking out for a fit

fugleman of this sort, and he had pretty much determined to follow the

signal of the great God-like of the Parpendic’lars, like the rest of

them, for it would occasion less confusion in the ranks, and enable him

to save himself a vast deal of trouble in making up his mind. He didn’t

know, on the whole, but eight dollars a day might give a living profit,

provided he could throw all the thinking on his God-like, and turn his

attention to suthin’ else; he thought of writing his v’y’ges, for he

understood that anything from foreign parts took like wild-fire in

Leaplow; and if they didn’t take, he could always project charts for a

living.

Perhaps it will be necessary to explain what Noah meant by saying that

he thought of engaging a God-like. The reader has had some insight into

the nature of one set of political leaders in Leaplow, who are known by

the name of the Most Patriotic Patriots. These persons, it is scarcely

necessary to say, are always with the majority, or in a situation to

avail themselves of the evolutions of the little wheel. Their great

rotatory principle keeps them pretty constantly in motion, it is true;

but while there is a centrifugal force to maintain this action, great

care has been had to provide a centripetal counterpoise, in order to

prevent them from bolting out of the political orbit. It is supposed to

be owing to this peculiarity in their party organizations, that your

Leaplow patriot is so very remarkable for going round and round a

subject, without ever touching it.

As an offset to this party arrangement, the Perpendiculars have taken

refuge in the God-likes. A God-like, in Leaplow politics, in some

respects resembles a saint in the Catholic calendar; that is to say, he

is canonized, after passing through a certain amount of temptation and

vice with a whole skin; after having his cause pleaded for a certain

number of years before the high authorities of his party; and, usually,

after having had a pretty good taste of purgatory. Canonization

attained, however, all gets to be plain sailing with him. He is spared,

singular as it may appear, even a large portion of his former “wear and

tear” of brains, as Noah had termed it, for nothing puts one so much at

liberty in this respect, as to have full powers to do all the thinking.

Thinking in company, like travelling in company, requires that we

should have some respect to the movements, wishes, and opinions of

others; but he who gets a carte blanche for his sentiments, resembles

the uncaged bird, and may fly in whatever direction most pleases

himself, and feel confident, as he goes, that his ears will be saluted

with the usual traveller’s signal of “all’s right.” I can best compare

the operation of your God-like and his votaries, to the action of a

locomotive with its railroad train. As that goes, this follows; faster

or slower, the movement is certain to be accompanied; when the steam is

up they fly, when the fire is out they crawl, and that, too, with a

very uneasy sort of motion; and when a bolt is broken, they who have

just been riding without the smallest trouble to themselves, are

compelled to get out and push the load ahead as well as they can,

frequently with very rueful faces, and in very dirty ways. The cars

whisk about, precisely as the locomotive whisks about, all the

turn-outs are necessarily imitated, and, in short, one goes after the

other very much as it is reasonable to suppose will happen when two

bodies are chained together, and the entire moving power is given to

only one of them. A God-like in Leaplow, moreover, is usually a Riddle.

It was the object of Noah to hitch on to one of these moral steam-tugs,

in order that he too might be dragged through his duties without effort

to himself; an expedient, as the old sealer expressed it, that would in

some degree remedy his natural want of a cauda, by rendering him

nothing but tail.

“I expect, Sir John,” he said, for he had a practice of expecting by

way of conjecture, “I expect this is the reason why the Leaplowers dock

themselves. They find it more convenient to give up the management of

their affairs to some one of these God-likes, and fall into his wake

like the tail of a comet, which makes it quite unnecessary to have any

other cauda.”

“I understand you; they amputate to prevent tautology.”

Noah rarely spoke of any project until his mind was fairly made up; and

the execution usually soon followed the proposition. The next thing I

heard of him, therefore, he was fairly under the convoy, as he called

it, of one of the most prominent of the Riddles. Curious to know how he

liked the experiment, after a week’s practice, I called his attention

to the subject, by a pretty direct inquiry.

He told me it was altogether the pleasantest mode of legislating that

had ever been devised. He was now perfectly master of his own time, and

in fact, he was making out a set of charts for the Leaplow marine, a

task that was likely to bring him in a good round sum, as pumpkins were

cheap, and in the polar seas he merely copied the monikin authorities,

and out of it he had things pretty much his own way. As for the Great

Allegory, when he wanted a hint about it, or, indeed, about any other

point at issue, all he had to do was to inquire what his God-like

thought about it, and to vote accordingly. Then he saved himself a

great deal of breath in the way of argument out of doors, for he and

the rest of the clientele of this Riddle, having officially invested

their patron with all their own parts, the result had been such an

accumulation of knowledge in this one individual, as enabled them

ordinarily to floor any antagonist by the simple quotation of his

authority. Such or such is the opinion of God-like this or of God-like

that, was commonly sufficient; and then there was no lack of material,

for he had taken care to provide himself with a Riddle who, he really

believed, had given an opinion, at some time or other, on every side of

every subject that had ever been mooted in Leaplow. He could nullify,

or mollify, or qualify, with the best of them; and these, which he

termed the three fies, he believed were the great requisites of a

Leaplow legislator. He admitted, however, that some show of

independence was necessary, in order to give value to the opinion of

even a God-like, for monikin nature revolted at anything like total

mental dependence; and that he had pretty much made up his mind to

think for himself on a question that was to be decided that very day.

The case to which the captain alluded was this. The city of Bivouac was

divided in three pretty nearly equal parts which were separated from

each other by two branches of a marsh; one part of the town being on a

sort of island, and the other two parts on the respective margins of

the low land. It was very desirable to connect these different portions

of the capital by causeways, and a law to that effect had been

introduced in the house. Everybody, in or out of the house, was in

favor of the project, for the causeways had become, in some measure,

indispensable. The only disputed point was the length of the works in

question. One who is but little acquainted with legislation, and who

has never witnessed the effects of an occultation of the great moral

postulate Principle, by the orb Pecuniary Interest, would very

plausibly suppose that the whole affair lay in a nutshell, and that all

we had to do was to pass a law ordering the causeways to extend just as

far as the public convenience rendered it necessary. But these are mere

tyros in the affairs of monikins. The fact was that there were just as

many different opinions and interests at work to regulate the length of

the causeways, as there were, owners of land along their line of route.

The great object was to start in what was called the business quarter

of the town, and then to proceed with the work as far as circumstances

would allow. We had propositions before us in favor of from one hundred

feet as far as up to ten thousand. Every inch was fought for with as

much obstinacy as if it were an important breach that was defended; and

combinations and conspiracies were as rife as if we were in the midst

of a revolution. It was the general idea that by filling in with dirt,

a new town might be built wherever the causeway terminated, and

fortunes made by an act of parliament. The inhabitants of the island

rallied en masse against the causeway leading one inch from their

quarter, after it had fairly reached it; and, so throughout the entire

line, monikins battled for what they called their interests, with an

obstinacy worthy of heroes.

On this great question, for it had, in truth, become of the last

importance by dragging into its consideration most of the leading

measures of the day, as well as six or seven of the principal

ordinances of the Great National Allegory, the respective partisans

logically contending that, for the time being, nothing should advance a

foot in Leaplow that did not travel along that causeway, Noah

determined to take an independent stand. This resolution was not

lightly formed, for he remained rather undecided, until, by waiting a

sufficient time, he felt quite persuaded that nothing was to be got by

following any other course. His God-like luckily was in the same

predicament, and everything promised a speedy occasion to show the

world what it was to act on principle; and this, too, in the middle of

a moral eclipse.

When the question came to be discussed, the landholders along the first

line of the causeway were soon reasoned down by the superior interests

of those who lived on the island. The rub was, the point of permitting

the work to go any further. The islanders manifested great liberality,

according to their account of themselves; for they even consented that

the causeway should be constructed on the other marsh to precisely such

a distance as would enable any one to go as near as possible to the

hostile quarter, without absolutely entering it. To admit the latter,

they proved to demonstration, would be changing the character of their

own island from that of an entrepot to that of a mere thoroughfare. No

reasonable monikin could expect it of them.

As the Horizontals, by some calculation that I never understood, had

satisfied themselves it might better answer their purposes to construct

the entire work, than to stop anywhere between the two extremes, my

duty was luckily, on this occasion, in exact accordance with my

opinions; and, as a matter of course, I voted, this time, in a way of

which I could approve. Noah, finding himself a free agent, now made his

push for character, and took sides with us. Very fortunately we

prevailed, all the beaten interests joining themselves, at the last

moment, to the weakest side, or, in other words, to that which was

right; and Leaplow presented the singular spectacle of having a just

enactment passed during the occultation of the great moral postulate,

so often named. I ought to mention that I have termed principle a

postulate, throughout this narrative, simply because it is usually in

the dilemma of a disputed proposition.

No sooner was the result known, than my worthy colleague came round to

the Horizontal side of the house, to express his satisfaction with

himself for the course he had just taken. He said it was certainly very

convenient and very labor-saving to obey a God-like, and that he got on

much better with his charts now he was at liberty to give his whole

mind to the subject; but there was suthin’—he didn’t know what—but “a

sort of Stunin’tun feeling” in doing what one thought right, after all,

that caused him to be glad that he had voted for the whole causeway. He

did not own any land in Leaplow, and therefore he concluded that what

he had done, he had done for the best; at any rate, if he had got

nothin’ by it, he had lost nothin’ by it, and he hoped all would come

right in the end. The people of the island, it is true, had talked

pretty fair about what they would do for those who should sustain their

interests, but he had got sick of a currency in promises; and fair

words, at his time of life, didn’t go for much; and so, on the whole,

he had pretty much concluded to do as he had done. He thought no one

could call in question his vote, for he was just as poor and as badly

off now he had voted, as he was while he was making up his mind. For

his part, he shouldn’t be ashamed, hereafter, to look both Deacon Snort

and the Parson in the face, when he got home, or even Miss Poke. He

knew what it was to have a clean conscience, as well as any man; for

none so well knew what it was to be without anything, as they who had

felt by experience its want. His God-like was a very labor-saving

God-like, but he had found, on inquiry, that he came from another part

of the island, and that he didn’t care a straw which way his kite-tail

(Noah’s manner of pronouncing clientele) voted. In short, he defied any

one to say ought ag’in’ him this time, and he was not sorry the

occasion had offered to show his independence, for his enemies had not

been backward in remarking that, for some days, he had been little

better than a speaking-trumpet to roar out anything his God-like might

wish to have proclaimed. He concluded by stating that he could not hold

out much longer without meat of some sort or other, and by begging that

I would second a resolution he thought of offering, by which regular

substantial rations were to be dealt out to all the human part of the

house. The inhumans might live upon nuts still, if they liked them.

I remonstrated against the project of the rations, made a strong appeal

to his pride, by demonstrating that we should be deemed little better

than brutes if we were seen eating flesh, and advised him to cause some

of his nuts to be roasted, by way of variety. After a good deal of

persuasion, he promised further abstinence, although he went away with

a singularly carnivorous look about the mouth, and an eye that spoke

pork in every glance.

I was at home the next day, busy with my friend the brigadier, in

looking over the Great National Allegory, with a view to prevent

falling, unwittingly, into any more offences of quoting its opinions,

when Noah burst into the room, as rabid as a wolf that had been bitten

by a whole pack of hounds. Such, indeed, was, in some measure, his

situation; for, according to his statement, he had been baited that

morning, in the public streets even, by every monikin, monikina,

monikino, brat, and beggar, that he had seen. Astonished to hear that

my colleague had fallen into this disfavor with his constitutents, I

was not slow in asking an explanation.

The captain affirmed that the matter was beyond the reach of any

explanation it was in his power to give. He had voted in the affair of

the causeway, in strict conformity with the dictates of his conscience,

and yet here was the whole population accusing him of bribery—nay, even

the journals had openly flouted at him for what they called his

barefaced and flagrant corruption. Here the captain laid before us six

or seven of the leading journals of Bivouac, in all of which his late

vote was treated with quite as little ceremony as if it had been an

unequivocal act of sheep-stealing.

I looked at my friend the brigadier for an explanation. After running

his eye over the articles in the journals, the latter smiled, and cast

a look of commiseration at our colleague.

“You have certainly committed a grave fault here, my friend,” he said,

“and one that is seldom forgiven in Leaplow—perhaps I might say never,

during the occultation of the great moral postulate, as happens to be

the case at present.”

“Tell me my sins at once, brigadier,” cried Noah, with the look of a

martyr, “and put me out of pain.”

“You have forgotten to display a motive for your stand during the late

hot discussion; and, as a matter of course, the community ascribes the

worst that monikin ingenuity can devise. Such an oversight would ruin

even a God-like!”

“But, my dear Mr. Downright,” I kindly interposed, “our colleague, in

this instance, is supposed to have acted on principle.”

The brigadier looked up, turning his nose into the air, like a pup that

has not yet opened its eyes, and then intimated that he could not see

the quality I had named, it being obscured by the passage of the orb of

Pecuniary Interest before its disc. I now began to comprehend the case,

which really was much more grave than, at first, I could have believed

possible. Noah himself seemed staggered; for, I believe, he had fallen

on the simple and natural expedient of inquiring what he himself would

have thought of the conduct of a colleague who had given a vote on a

subject so weighty, without exposing a motive.

“Had the captain owned but a foot square of earth, at the end of the

causeway,” observed the brigadier, mournfully, “the matter might be

cleared up; but as things are, it is beyond dispute, a most unfortunate

occurrence.”

“But Sir John voted with me, and he is no more a free-holder in

Leaplow, than I am myself.”

“True; but Sir John voted with the bulk of his political friends.”

“All the Horizontals were not in the majority; for at least twenty

went, on this occasion, with the minority.”

“Undeniable—yet every monikin of them had a visible motive. This owned

a lot by the wayside; that had houses on the island, and another was

the heir of a great proprietor at the same point of the road. Each and

all had their distinct and positive interests at stake, and not one of

them was guilty of so great a weakness as to leave his cause to be

defended by the extravagant pretension of mere principle!”

“My God-like, the greatest of all the Riddles, absented himself, and

did not vote at all.”

“Simply because he had no good ground to justify any course he might

take. No public monikin can expect to escape censure, if he fail to put

his friends, in the way of citing some plausible and intelligible

motive for his conduct.”

“How, sir! cannot a man, once in his life, do an act without being

bought like a horse or a dog, and escape with an inch of character?”

“I shall not take upon myself to say what MEN can do,” returned the

brigadier; “no doubt they manage this affair better than it is managed

here; but, so far as monikins are concerned, there is no course more

certain to involve a total loss of character—I may say so destructive

to reputation even for intellect—as to act without a good, apparent,

and substantial MOTIVE.”

“In the name of God, what is to be done, brigadier?”

“I see no other course than to resign. Your constituents must very

naturally have lost all confidence in you; for one who so very

obviously neglects his own interests, it cannot be supposed will be

very tenacious about protecting the interests of others. If you would

escape with the little character that is left, you will forthwith

resign. I do not perceive the smallest chance for you by going through

gyration No. 4, both public opinions uniformly condemning the monikin

who acts without a pretty obvious, as well as a pretty weighty motive.”

Noah made a merit of necessity; and, after some further deliberation

between us, he signed his name to the following letter to the speaker,

which was drawn up on the spot, by the brigadier.

“Mr. Speaker:—The state of my health obliges me to return the high

political trust which has been confided to me by the citizens of

Bivouac, into the hands from which it was received. In tendering my

resignation, I wish to express the great regret with which I part from

colleagues so every way worthy of profound respect and esteem, and I

beg you to assure them, that wherever fate may hereafter lead me, I

shall ever retain the deepest regard for every honorable member with

whom it has been my good fortune to serve. The emigrant interest, in

particular, will ever be the nearest and dearest to my heart.” Signed,

“NOAH POKE.”

The captain did not affix his name to this letter without many heavy

sighs, and divers throes of ambition; for even a mistaken politician

yields to necessity with regret. Having changed the word emigrant to

that of “immigrunt,” however, he put as good a face as possible on the

matter, and wrote the fatal signature. He then left the house,

declaring he didn’t so much begrudge his successor the pay, as nothing

but nuts were to be had with the money; and that, as for himself, he

felt as sneaking as he believed was the case with Nebuchadnezzar, when

he was compelled to get down on all-fours, and eat grass.

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