The task to which I am unequal, namely, that of reproaching the

opponents “suaviter in modo” for their injustice and arbitrariness, was

taken up by Bleuler in 1911 and carried out in most honorable fashion in

his work, “Freud’s Psychoanalysis: a Defense and a Criticism.” It would

be so entirely natural for me to praise this work, critical in two

directions, that I hasten to tell what there is in it I object to. This

work appears to me to be still very partisan, too lenient to the

mistakes of our opponents, and altogether too severe to the shortcomings

of our followers. This characterization of it may explain why the

opinion of a psychiatrist of such high standing, of such indubitable

ability and independence, has not had greater influence on his

colleagues. The author of “Affectivity” (1906) must not be surprised if

the influence of a work is not determined by the value of its argument

but by the tone of its affect. Another part of this influence—the one on

the followers of psychoanalysis—Bleuler himself destroyed later on by

bringing into prominence in 1913, in his “Criticism of the Freudian

School,” the obverse side of his attitude to psychoanalysis. Therein he

takes away so much from the structure of the psychoanalytic principles

that our opponents may well be satisfied with the assistance of this

defender. It was not new arguments or better observations that served

Bleuler as a guidance for these verdicts, but only the reference to his

own knowledge, the inadequacy of which the author no longer admits as in

his earlier writings. Here an almost irreparable loss seemed to threaten

psychoanalysis. However, in his last utterance (“Die Kritiken der

Schizophrenie,” 1914) on the occasion of the attacks made upon him owing

to his introduction of psychoanalysis into his book on “Schizophrenie,”

Bleuler rises to what he himself terms a “haughty presumption:” “But now

I will assume a haughty presumption, I consider that the many

psychologies to date have contributed mighty little to the explanation

of the connection between psychogenetic symptoms and diseases, but that

the deeper psychology (tiefen psychologie) furnishes us a part of the

psychology still to be created, which the physician needs in order to

understand his patients and to heal them rationally; and I even believe

that in my ‘Schizophrenie’ I have taken a very small step towards this.”

The first two assertions are surely correct, the latter may be an error.

Since by the “deeper psychology” psychoanalysis alone is to be

understood, we may, for the present, remain satisfied with this

admission.

III

“Cut it short!

On doomsday ’twon’t be worth a farthing!”

_Goethe._

Two years after the first congress the second private congress of

psychoanalysts took place at Nuremberg, March, 1910. During the

interval, whilst I was still under the impression of the favorable

reception in America, the growing hostility in Germany and the

unexpected support through the acquisition of the Zürich School, I had

conceived a project which I was able to carry out, at this second

congress, with the help of my friend S. Ferenczi. I had in mind to

organize the psychoanalytic movement, to transfer its center to Zürich,

and place it under a head who would take care of its future. As this

found much opposition among the adherents of psychoanalysis, I will

explain my motives more fully. Thus I hope to justify myself, even if it

turns out that my action was not a very wise one.

I judged that the association with Vienna was no recommendation, but

rather an obstacle for the new movement. A place like Zürich, in the

heart of Europe, where an academic teacher had opened his institution to

psychoanalysis, seemed to me much more promising. Moreover, I assumed

that my own person was a second obstacle. The estimate put upon my

personality was utterly confused by the favor or dislike from different

factions. I was either compared to Darwin and Kepler or reviled as a

paralytic. I, therefore, desired to push into the background not only

the city whence psychoanalysis emanated, but also my own personality.

Furthermore, I was no longer young, I saw a long road before me and I

felt oppressed by the idea that it had fallen to my lot to become a

leader in my advanced age. Yet I felt that there must be a leader. I

knew only too well what mistakes lay in wait for him who would undertake

the practice of psychoanalysis, and hoped that many of these might be

avoided if we had an authority who was prepared to guide and admonish.

Such authority naturally devolved upon me in view of the indisputable

advantage of fifteen years’ experience. It was now my desire to transfer

this authority to a younger man who would, quite naturally, take my

place on my death. I felt that this person could be only C. G. Jung, for

Bleuler was of my own age. In favor of Jung was his conspicuous talents,

the contributions he had already made to analysis, his independent

position, and the impression of energy which his personality always

made. He also seemed prepared to enter into friendly relations with me,

and to give up, for my sake, certain race-prejudices which he had so far

permitted himself to indulge. I had no notion then that in spite of the

advantages enumerated, this was a very unfortunate choice; that it

concerned a person who, incapable of tolerating the authority of

another, was still less fitted to be himself an authority, one whose

energy was devoted to the unscrupulous pursuit of his own interests.

The formation of an official organization I considered necessary because

I feared the abuses to which psychoanalysis would be subjected, once it

should achieve popularity. I felt that there should be a place that

could give the dictum: “With all this nonsense, analysis has nothing to

do; this is not psychoanalysis.” It was decided that at the meeting of

the local groups which together formed the international organization,

instruction should be given how psychoanalysis should be practised, that

physicians should be trained there and that the local society should, in

a way, stand sponsor for them. It also appeared to me desirable that the

adherents of psychoanalysis should meet for friendly intercourse and

mutual support, inasmuch as official science had pronounced its great

ban and boycott against physicians and institutions practising

psychoanalysis.

This and nothing else I wished to attain by the founding of the

“International Psychoanalytic Association.” Perhaps it was more than

could possibly be attained. Just as my opponents learned that it was not

possible to stem the new movement, so I had to learn, by experience,

that it would not permit itself to be led along the particular path

which I had laid out for it. The motion made by Ferenczi at Nuremberg

was seconded. Jung was elected president, and Riklin was chosen as

secretary. It was also decided to publish a corresponding journal

through which the central association was “to foster and further the

science of psychoanalysis as founded by Freud both as pure psychology,

as well as in its application to medicine and the mental sciences, and

to promote assistance among the members in all their efforts to acquire

and to spread psychoanalytic knowledge.” The members of the Vienna group

alone firmly opposed the project with passionate excitement. Adler

expressed his fear that “a censorship and limitation of scientific

freedom” was intended. The Viennese finally gave in, after having gained

their point that Zürich should not be raised to the center of the

association, but that the center should be the home city of the

president, who was to be elected for two years.

At this congress three local groups were constituted: one in Berlin

under the chairmanship of Abraham, one in Zürich, whose chairman became

the president of the central association, and one in Vienna, the

chairmanship of which I relinquished to Adler. A fourth group, in

Budapest, could not be formed until later. On account of illness Bleuler

had been absent from the congress. Later he evinced considerable

hesitation about entering the association and although he let himself be

persuaded to do so by my personal representations, he resigned a short

time afterwards owing to disagreements at Zürich. This severed the

connection between the Zürich group and the Burghölzli institution.

Another result of the Nuremberg Congress was the founding of the

Zentralblatt für Psychoanalyse, which caused a reconciliation between

Adler and Stekel. It had originally been intended as an opposing

tendency and was to win back for Vienna the hegemony threatened by the

election of Jung. But when the two founders of the journal, under

pressure of the difficulty of finding a publisher, assured me of their

friendly intentions and as guarantee of their attitude gave me the right

to veto, I accepted the editorship and worked vigorously for this new

organ, the first number of which appeared in September, 1910.

I will not continue the history of the Psychoanalytic Congress. The

third one took place at Weimar, September, 1911, and even surpassed the

previous ones in spirit and scientific interest. J. J. Putnam, who was

present at this meeting, later expressed in America his satisfaction and

his respect for the “mental attitude” of those present and quoted words

which I was supposed to have used in reference to the latter: “They have

learned to endure a bit of truth.” As a matter of fact any one who has

attended scientific congresses must have received a lasting impression

in favor of the Psychoanalytic Association. I myself had presided over

two former congresses. I thought it best to give every lecturer ample

time for his paper and left the discussions of these lectures to take

place later as a sort of private exchange of ideas. Jung, who presided

over the Weimar meeting, reëstablished the discussions after each

lecture, which had not, however, proved disturbing at that time.

Two years later, in September, 1913, quite another picture was presented

by the congress at Münich which is still vividly recalled by those who

were present. It was presided over by Jung in an unamiable and incorrect

fashion: the lecturers were limited as to time, and the discussion

dwarfed the lectures. Through a malicious mood of chance the evil genius

of Hoche had taken up his residence in the same house in which the

analysts held their meetings. Hoche could easily have convinced himself

that his characterization of these psychoanalysts, as a sect, blindly

and meekly following their leader, was true _ad absurdum_. The fatiguing

and unedifying proceedings ended in the reëlection of Jung as president

of the International Psychoanalytic Association, which fact Jung

accepted, although two fifths of those present refused him their

support. We took leave from one another without feeling the need to meet

again!

About the time of this third Congress the condition of the International

Psychoanalytic Association was as follows: The local groups at Vienna,

Berlin, and Zürich had constituted themselves already at the congress at

Nuremberg in 1910. In May, 1911, a group, under the chairmanship of Dr.

L. Seif, was added at Münich. In the same year the first American local

group was formed under the chairmanship of A. A. Brill under the name of

“The New York Psychoanalytic Society.” At the Weimar Congress, the

founding of a second American group was authorized. This came into

existence during the next year as “The American Psychoanalytic

Association.” It included members from Canada and all America; Putnam

was elected president, and Ernest Jones was made secretary. Just before

the congress at Münich in 1913, a local group was founded at Budapest

under the leadership of S. Ferenczi. Soon afterwards Jones, who settled

in London, founded the first English group. The number of members of the

eight groups then in existence could not, of course, furnish any

standard for the computation of the non-organized students and adherents

of psychoanalysis.

The development of the periodical literature of psychoanalysis is also

worthy of a brief mention. The first periodical publications serving the

interests of analysis were the Schriften zur angewandten Seelenkunden

which have appeared irregularly since 1907 and have reached the

fifteenth volume.[16] They published writings by Freud, Riklin, Jung,

Abraham, Rank, Sadger, Pfister, M. Graf, Jones, Storfer and

Hug-Hellmuth. The founding of the Imago, to be mentioned later, has

somewhat lowered the value of this form of publication. After the

meeting at Salzburg, 1908, the Jahrbuch für psychoanalytische und

psychopathologische Forschungen was founded, which appeared under Jung’s

editorship for five years, and it has now reappeared under new

editorship and under the slightly changed title of Jahrbuch der

Psychoanalyse. It no longer wishes to be as in former years, merely an

archive for collecting works of psychoanalytic merit, but it wishes to

justify its editorial task by taking due notice of all occurrences and

all endeavors in the field of psychoanalysis. As mentioned before Das

Zentralblatt für Psychoanalyse started by Adler and Stekel after the

founding of the “International Association” (Nuremberg, 1910) went

through in a short time a very varied career. Already in the tenth issue

of the first volume there was an announcement that in view of scientific

difference of opinion with the editors, Dr. Adler had decided

voluntarily to withdraw his collaboration. This placed the entire

editorship in the hands of Dr. Stekel (summer of 1911). At the Weimar

congress the Zentralblatt was raised to the official organ of the

“International Association” and by raising the annual dues it was made

accessible to all members. Beginning with the third number of the second

year (winter 1912) Stekel alone became responsible for the contents of

the journal. His behavior, which is difficult to explain in public,

forced me to sever all my connections with this journal and to give

psychoanalysis in all haste a new organ, the International Journal for

Medical Psychoanalysis (Internationale Zeitschrift für Ärztliche

Psychoanalyse). With the help of almost all my collaborators and the new

publisher, H. Heller, the first number of this new journal was able to

appear in January, 1913, to take the place of the Zentralblatt as the

official organ of the “International Psychoanalytic Association.”

Meanwhile Dr. Hanns Sachs and Dr. Otto Rank founded early in 1912 a new

journal, Imago (published by Heller), whose only aim is the application

of psychoanalysis to mental sciences. Imago has now reached the middle

of its third year, and enjoys the increasing interest of readers who are

not medically interested in psychoanalysis.

Apart from these four periodical publications (Schriften z. Angew.

Seelenkunde, Jahrbuch, Intern. Zeitschrift, and Imago) other German and

foreign journals have contributed works that can claim a place in

psychoanalytic literature. The Journal of Abnormal Psychology, published

by Morton Prince, as a rule, contains many good analytical

contributions. In the winter of 1913 Dr. White and Dr. Jelliffe started

a journal exclusively devoted to psychoanalysis, THE PSYCHOANALYTIC

REVIEW, which takes into account the fact that most physicians in

America interested in psychoanalysis do not master the German language.

I am now obliged to speak of two secessions which have taken place among

the followers of psychoanalysis. The first of these took place in the

interval between the founding of the association in 1910 and the

congress at Weimar, 1911, the second took place after this, and came to

light in Münich in 1913. The disappointment which they caused me might

have been avoided if more attention had been paid to the mechanisms of

those who undergo analytical treatment. I was well aware that any one

might take flight on first approach to the unlovely truths of analysis;

I myself had always asserted that any one’s understanding may be

suspended by one’s own repressions (through the resistances which

sustain them) so that in his relation to psychoanalysis he cannot get

beyond a certain point. But I had not expected that any one who had

mastered analysis to a certain depth could renounce this understanding

and lose it. And yet daily experience with patients had shown that the

total rejection of all knowledge gained through analysis may be brought

about by any deeper stratum of particularly strong resistance. Even if

we succeed through laborious work in causing such a patient to grasp

parts of analytic knowledge and handle these as his own possessions, it

may well happen that under the domination of the next resistance he will

throw to the winds all he has learned and will defend himself as in his

first days of treatment. I had to learn that this can happen among

psychoanalysts just as among patients during treatment.

It is no enviable task to write the history of these two secessions,

partly because I am not impelled to it by strong personal motives—I had

not expected gratitude nor am I to any active degree revengeful—and

partly because I know that I hereby lay myself open to the invectives of

opponents manifesting but little consideration, and at the same time I

regale the enemies of psychoanalysis with the long wished-for spectacle

of seeing the psychoanalysts tearing each other to pieces. I had to

exercise much control to keep myself from fighting with the opponents of

psychoanalysis, and now I feel constrained to take up the fight with

former followers or such as still wish to be called so. I have no

choice; to keep silent would be comfortable or cowardly, but it would

hurt the subject more than the frank uncovering of the existing evils.

Any one who has followed the growth of scientific movements will know

that quite similar disturbances and dissensions took place in all of

them. It may be that elsewhere they are more carefully concealed.

However, psychoanalysis, which denies many conventional ideals, is also

more honest in these things.

Another very palpable inconvenience lies in the fact that I cannot

altogether avoid going into an analytic elucidation. Analysis is not,

however, suitable for polemical use; it always presupposes the consent

of the one analyzed and the situation of a superior and subordinate.

Therefore he who wishes to use analysis with polemic intent must offer

no objection if the person so analyzed will, in his turn, use analysis

against him, and if the discussion merges into a state in which the

awakening of a conviction in an impartial third party is entirely

excluded. I shall, therefore, make here the smallest possible use of

analysis, thereby limiting my indiscretion and aggression against my

opponents, and I will also add that I base no scientific criticism on

this means. I have nothing to do with the possible substance of truths

in the theories to be rejected nor am I seeking to refute the same. This

task may be left to other able workers in the field of psychoanalysis,

and some of it has already been done. I only desire to show that these

theories deny the basic principles of analysis—I will show in what

points—and for this reason should not be known under this name. I shall,

therefore, use analysis only to make clear, how these deviations from

analysis could take place among analysts. At the parting places I am, of

course, obliged to defend the just rights of psychoanalysis with purely

critical remarks.

Psychoanalysis has found as its first task the explanation of the

neuroses; it has taken the two facts of resistance and transference as

starting points, and by bearing in mind the third fact of amnesia in the

theories of repression, it has given justification to the sexual motive

forces of the neuroses and of the unconscious. Psychoanalysis has never

claimed to give a perfect theory of the human psychic life, but has only

demanded that its discoveries should be used for the completion and

correction of knowledge we have gained elsewhere. But Alfred Adler’s

theory goes far beyond this goal. It pretends to explain with one stroke

the behavior and character of men as well as their neurotic and

psychotic maladies. As a matter of fact, Adler’s theory is more adequate

to any other field than to that of the neuroses, which he still puts in

the first place because of the history of its origin. I had the

opportunity of studying Dr. Adler many years and have never denied him

the testimonial of having a superior mind, especially endowed

speculatively. As proof of the “persecution” which he claims to have

suffered at my hands, I can only say that after the formation of the

Association I handed over to him the leadership of the Vienna group. It

was only after urgent requests from all the members of the society that

I could be prevailed upon to resume the presidency at the scientific

proceedings. When I had recognized Dr. Adler’s slight talent for the

estimation of the unconscious material, I expected that he would know

how to discover the connections between psychoanalysis and psychology

and the biological bases of the impulses, a discovery to which he was

entitled, in a certain sense, through his valuable studies about the

inferiority of organs. He really did bring out some thing, but his work

makes the impression as if—to speak in his own jargon—it were intended

to prove that psychoanalysis was wrong in everything and that the

significance of the sexual impelling forces could only be due to

gullibility about the assertions of neurotics. Of the personal motive of

his work I may also speak publicly, since he himself revealed it in the

presence of a small circle of members of the Vienna group. “Do you

believe,” he remarked, “that it is such a great pleasure for me to stand

in your shadow my whole life?” To be sure I see nothing objectionable in

the fact that a younger man should frankly admit an ambition which one

might, in any case, suspect as one of the incentives of his work. But

even under the domination of such a motive a man should know how to

avoid being “unfair” as designated by the English with their fine social

tact. We Germans have only a much coarser word at our disposal to convey

this idea. How little Adler has succeeded in not being unfair is shown

by the great number of mean outbursts of anger which distort his

writings, and by the feeling of an ungovernable mania for priority which

pervades his work. At the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society we once heard

him claim for himself the priority for the viewpoints of the “unity of

the neuroses” and the “dynamic conception” of the same. This was a great

surprise for me as I had always believed that I had represented these

two principles before I had ever known Adler.[17]

This striving of Adler for a place in the sun has brought about,

however, one result, which must be considered beneficial to

psychoanalysis. When I was obliged to bring about Adler’s resignation

from the editorial staff of the Zentralblatt, after the appearance of

his irreconcilable scientific antagonisms, Adler also left the Vienna

group and founded a new society to which he first gave the tasteful name

“Society for Free Psychoanalysis.” But the outside public, unacquainted

with analysis, is evidently as little skilled in recognizing the

difference between the views of two psychoanalysts, as are Europeans in

recognizing the tints between two Chinese faces. The “free”

psychoanalysis remained in the shadow of the “official” and “orthodox”

one, and was treated only as an appendage of the latter. Then Adler took

the step for which we are thankful. He severed all connection with

psychoanalysis and named his teachings “The Individual Psychology.”

There is much space on God’s earth, and any one who can is surely

justified in tumbling about upon it uninhibited; but it is not desirable

to continue living under one roof when people no longer understand one

another and no longer get on together. Adler’s “Individual Psychology”

is now one of the many psychological movements opposed to

psychoanalysis, and its further development lies outside our interests.

The history of the psychoanalytic movement · 第 3 / 6 段