CHAPTER VIII

SOME ASPECTS OF POVERTY[16]

I use the word Poverty, for the purpose of this discussion, as

meaning Destitution, in the sense of lack of means to provide some

specific requirement, indispensable for the health of the family, or

the individual.

Such poverty is evidently undesirable and mischievous, from the point

of view of both rich and poor; and I think we shall agree that, given

the adoption of the requisite measures, its continuance in most

instances is unnecessary. Hence the real subject for discussion is,

how poverty may be diminished and prevented.

I do not propose to touch on the important subjects of unemployment,

of under-employment, or of the relation between the size of family

and poverty, though the last named of these opens up an interesting

subject of discussion. (On this see page 164.) I shall confine my

remarks to the very obvious relation between poverty and sickness,

and to the neglect to act on our present knowledge, which if acted

on would in a short time lead to a great reduction of poverty in our

midst.

There is much truth in each of the statements that poverty is

responsible for much disease, that disease is responsible for the

greater part of the total poverty in our midst, and that poverty

begets poverty.

Poverty and disease are allied by the closest bonds, and nothing can

be simpler or more certain than the statement that the removal of

poverty would effect an enormous reduction of disease. The removal of

poverty must, therefore, be in itself an object always fascinating

to those whose study is the public health. The diseases which would

be reduced by this means, include not merely those which physicians

treat, but many moral diseases which persist because they are only

to be avoided by the poor through the exercise of discipline and

self-restraint far beyond what is practised by the average person

in classes not subject to poverty. The happiness of a community

being in itself a desirable object, a national asset, it is also not

irrelevant to consider that the removal of poverty involves enlarged

opportunities for enjoyment which, rightly directed, would be only

of less value than the removal of disease. It is not surprising,

therefore, that the first impulse of a student of the public

well-being, in which the public health is the most important factor,

is to attack disease by demanding the reduction of poverty, with its

more or less inevitable accompaniments of over-fatigue, privation,

overcrowding, and dirt. And it must be freely admitted that when

the most active public health administration, including adequate

medical aid for the sick, has attained its utmost efficiency, and has

in every respect done all that it can to reduce disease, there will

still remain a cruel residuum which can be attacked in no other way

than by the removal of poverty, or by the removal from poverty of the

elements of personal privation which affect the public health.

The importance attached to poverty as a cause of illness and

mortality is illustrated in reports on local investigations,

displaying an inverse relationship in different communities between

family income and the rate of infant mortality, the reader being left

to infer, that increase of the lower incomes is the one method for

obviating excessive loss of infantile life. In suggesting this crude

generalization it is evident that poverty is being regarded as an

element, instead of as a highly complex phenomenon, which needs to be

further analysed into its constituent parts. The crude generalised

statement as to the relation between excessive mortality and poverty,

furthermore, fails to bring out three essential points, viz., that

infant mortality may be very low in communities in which poverty is

the rule; that it may be high in the absence of poverty; and that

where infant mortality is high, it can be greatly reduced without

change of economic conditions.

There should be an adequate family income for every family; and the

social conscience cannot be satisfied until this is realised. But,

in seeking for practical reform we must appreciate that a large

share of the disease and of the inefficiency of the individual and

family associated with poverty can be remedied otherwise than by

an increase of the family income. This is shown by national and

international experience. The death-toll on infant life is very much

lower in Norway and in Ireland—both relatively poor countries—than

in England. Poverty in these instances evidently has less weight

than the favorable factors of rural life and natural feeding. A like

discrepancy in experience of infant mortality is seen between the

experience of towns, and of wards in the same town, with approximate

equality as regards poverty. Similarly in England the infants of

miners with relatively high wages suffer a higher mortality (160

per 1,000 births in 1911) than the infants of textile operatives

(148) with relatively low wages; while the latter suffer more than

the infants of agricultural labourers (97). These instances at once

suggest that some conditions in town life play an important part

in causing excessive infant mortality; that in towns insanitary

conditions and habits of life are even more injurious than the

absence from home of the industrially employed mother; and that

the causation of infant mortality is complex, and its prevention

necessitates a multifarious attack on social and industrial evils,

the character of this attack necessarily varying in different

localities, in accordance with the incidence of these evils. That

the influence of urban life in causing excessive mortality can be

counteracted is shown by the varying mortality in different urban

communities, and in different parts of the same town.

We may in a given instance be totally unable to increase the

family income; but the family’s present expenditure may be more

satisfactorily distributed; and some, at least, of the constituent

elements of poverty producing excessive child mortality can be

obviated. We know, indeed, that this can be done. The fact that

in the United States no part of the family income can be spent on

alcoholic drinks, implies the removal from multitudes of families of

the demoralising influences associated with alcoholism, which are

unfavourable to the health of adults and children alike.

Similarly, increased attention to domestic and municipal sanitation

and to the provision of a pure and adequate milk supply, the health

teaching given by public health nurses, and the prompt medical and

hygienic guidance at Child Welfare Centres are having an important

influence in the same direction. Work on these medical and sanitary

lines, for both adults and children, comes legitimately within the

sphere of the work of Public Health Authorities, provided out of

rates and taxes.

It may be urged that such provision, after all, means supplementation

of the family income at the public expense. It is more properly to

be regarded as a measure of insurance against contingencies by which

every member of the community is benefited; for we are each and all

concerned in the efficiency of every other member of the community.

We are members one of another. The objection stated above has no

greater validity than an argument similarly advanced against the

provision of police protection or of sanitary measures out of public

funds.

Elementary, and to some extent secondary and university, education

are regarded as not only the legitimate subjects of communal

provision, but also as incapable of being provided satisfactorily

by each individual family; and this view applies with even greater

force to the provision of hospitals and expert medical assistance,

of nursing assistance, and of such additional occasional domestic

service as is required to maintain the functional integrity of the

family.

I have given the above as a special instance of the contention that

poverty is a complex, including a number of elements, and that it is

our duty to ascertain in each area by careful local inquiry what are

these constituent elements, and if practicable their relative weight;

and then to apply the most urgently needed remedies, not contenting

ourselves with the relatively useless generalisation that the evils

we see are ascribable to poverty.

I lay special stress on the provision of skilled medical advice and

treatment, and of nursing assistance at the public expense, which at

present are sorely deficient for the vast majority of the population,

and perhaps for none more so than for the less well-to-do people who

receive salaries and not weekly wages. This assistance possesses the

special advantage previously pointed out, that it does not tend to

create a demand for further assistance, when such assistance is not

required.

The greatest bulk of poverty is due directly to sickness. A vast

mass of sickness still occurs, which is not owing to lack of family

or communal means, but is due to ignorance or neglect on the part of

the individual, of the responsible owners of houses, of the employers

of work-people, and still more of the members of local authorities

or state legislatures. Typhoid fever still commonly prevails as

the result of neglected sanitation; hookworm disease still causes

incapacity of hundreds of thousands for the same reason; malaria,

still one of the greatest scourges of humanity, might be reduced to

a fraction of its present amount if each community and each person

would carry out available simple preventive measures; tuberculosis

is still spread throughout every civilized community chiefly because

indiscriminate expectoration is unregulated, and satisfactory and

acceptable hospital treatment is not provided for all those who need

it. And so we continue to allow avoidable poverty to be perpetuated,

and to impose not only on the sick poor themselves, but also on

the efficient and solvent part of the community a heavy burden, the

removal of which would, to an almost incredible extent, increase the

general happiness of mankind.

The relief of poverty is at the best an inefficient and expensive

remedy. It is seldom adequate, and it has few preventive elements.

The prevention of poverty by prevention of the illness causing it,

and by early and satisfactory treatment of such illness as fails to

be prevented is the only efficient, as well as in the long run the

only economical plan of campaign. Money insurance against sickness

has its place as a means of alleviating the results of poverty.

But it is not an aid to its prevention; under any existing system

of insurance the money payment is insufficient and definitely

limited in duration. Although such relief is useful, it is totally

unsatisfactory when not linked up with a complete system of hygienic

measures, and when not associated with adequate medical treatment and

nursing. For the linking of treatment provided largely out of public

funds with insurance there is no justification, and it is contrary to

the public interest; and it is unfortunate that monetary insurance

has been provided in England for a section of the population under

these unsatisfactory conditions, thus diverting expenditure from the

public health services in which it was urgently needed, and in which

its use would at once have been fruitful in increased health and

happiness.

FOOTNOTES:

[16] An address to the Political Economy Club, Johns Hopkins

University, Jan. 19, 1920.

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