BURMA
1
Until recent times Burma remained somewhat isolated and connected with
foreign countries by few ties. The chronicles contain a record of long
and generally peaceful intercourse with Ceylon, but this though
important for religion and literature had little political effect. The
Chinese occasionally invaded Upper Burma and demanded tribute but the
invasions were brief and led to no permanent occupation. On the west
Arakan was worried by the Viceroys of the Mogul Emperors and on the
east the Burmese frequently invaded Siam. But otherwise from the
beginning of authentic history until the British annexation Burma was
left to itself and had not, like so many Asiatic states, to submit to
foreign conquest and the imposition of foreign institutions. Yet let
it not be supposed that its annals are peaceful and uneventful. The
land supplied its own complications, for of the many races inhabiting
it, three, the Burmese, Talaings and Shans, had rival aspirations and
founded dynasties. Of these three races, the Burmese proper appear to
have come from the north west, for a chain of tribes speaking cognate
languages is said to extend from Burma to Nepal. The Mōns or
Talaings are allied linguistically to the Khmers of Camboja. Their
country (sometimes called Râmaññadesa) was in Lower Burma and its
principal cities were Pegu and Thaton. The identity of the name
Talaing with Telingana or Kalinga is not admitted by all scholars, but
native tradition connects the foundation of the kingdom with the east
coast of India and it seems certain that such a connection existed in
historical times and kept alive Hinayanist Buddhism which may have
been originally introduced by this route.
The Shan States lie in the east of Burma on the borders of Yünnan and
Laos. Their traditions carry their foundation back to the fourth and
fifth centuries B.C. There is no confirmation of this, but bodies of
Shans, a race allied to the Siamese, may have migrated into this
region at any date, perhaps bringing Buddhism with them or receiving
it direct from China. Recent investigations have shown that there was
also a fourth race, designated as Pyus, who occupied territory between
the Burmese and Talaings in the eleventh century. They will probably
prove of considerable importance for philology and early history,
perhaps even for the history of some phases of Burmese Buddhism, for
the religious terms found in their inscriptions are Sanskrit rather
than Pali and this suggests direct communication with India. But until
more information is available any discussion of this interesting but
mysterious people involves so many hypotheses and arguments of detail
that it is impossible in a work like the present. Prome was one of
their principal cities, their name reappears in P'iao, the old Chinese
designation of Burma, and perhaps also in Pagan, one form of which is
Pugâma.[124]
Throughout the historical period the pre-eminence both in individual
kings and dynastic strength rested with the Burmese but their contests
with the Shans and Talaings form an intricate story which can be
related here only in outline. Though the three races are distinct and
still preserve their languages, yet they conquered one another, lived
in each other's capitals and shared the same ambitions so that in more
recent centuries no great change occurred when new dynasties came to
power or territory was redistributed. The long chronicle of
bloodstained but ineffectual quarrels is relieved by the exploits of
three great kings, Anawrata, Bayin Naung and Alompra.
Historically, Arakan may be detached from the other provinces. The
inhabitants represent an early migration from Tagaung and were not
annexed by any kingdom in Burma until 1784 A.D. Tagaung, situated on
the Upper Irrawaddy in the Ruby Mines district, was the oldest capital
of the Burmese and has a scanty history apparently going back to the
early centuries of our era. Much the same may be said of the Talaing
kingdom in Lower Burma. The kings of Tagaung were succeeded by another
dynasty connected with them which reigned at Prome. No dates can be
given for these events, nor is the part which the Pyus played in them
clear, but it is said that the Talaings destroyed the kingdom of
Prome in 742 A.D.[125] According to tradition the centre of power
moved about this time to Pagan[126] on the bank of the Irrawaddy
somewhat south of Mandalay. But the silence of early Chinese
accounts[127] as to Pagan, which is not mentioned before the Sung
dynasty, makes it probable that later writers exaggerated its early
importance and it is only when Anawrata, King of Pagan and the first
great name in Burmese history, ascended the throne that the course of
events becomes clear and coherent. He conquered Thaton in 1057 and
transported many of the inhabitants to his own capital. He also
subdued the nearer Shan states and was master of nearly all Burma as
we understand the term. The chief work of his successors was to
construct the multitude of pagodas which still ornament the site of
Pagan. It would seem that the dynasty gradually degenerated and that
the Shans and Talaings acquired strength at its expense. Its end came
in 1298 and was hastened by the invasion of Khubilai Khan. There then
arose two simultaneous Shan dynasties at Panya and Sagaing which
lasted from 1298 till 1364. They were overthrown by King Thadominpaya
who is believed to have been a Shan. He founded Ava which, whether it
was held by Burmese or Shans, was regarded as the chief city of Burma
until 1752, although throughout this period the kings of Pegu and
other districts were frequently independent. During the fourteenth
century another kingdom grew up at Toungoo[128] in Lower Burma. Its
rulers were originally Shan governors sent from Ava but ultimately
they claimed to be descendants of the last king of Pagan and, in this
character, Bureng or Bayin Naung (1551-1581), the second great ruler
of Burma, conquered Prome, Pegu and Ava. His kingdom began to break up
immediately after his death but his dynasty ruled in Ava until the
middle of the eighteenth century.
During this period Europeans first made their appearance and quarrels
with Portuguese adventurers were added to native dissensions. The
Shans and Talaings became turbulent and after a tumultuous interval
the third great national hero, Alaung-paya or Alompra, came to the
front. In the short space of eight years (1752-1760), he gained
possession of Ava, made the Burmese masters of both the northern and
southern provinces, founded Rangoon and invaded both Manipur and Siam.
While on the latter expedition he died. Some of his successors held
their court at Ava but Bodawpaya built a new capital at Amarapura
(1783) and Mindon Min another at Mandalay (1857). The dynasty came to
an end in 1886 when King Thibaw was deposed by the Government of India
and his dominions annexed.
2
The early history of Buddhism in Burma is obscure, as in most other
countries, and different writers have maintained that it was
introduced from northern India, the east coast of India, Ceylon, China
or Camboja.[129] All these views may be in a measure true, for there
is reason to believe that it was not introduced at one epoch or from
one source or in one form.
It is not remarkable that Indian influence should be strong among the
Burmese. The wonder rather is that they have preserved such strong
individuality in art, institutions and everyday life, that no one can
pass from India into Burma without feeling that he has entered a new
country. This is because the mountains which separate it from Eastern
Bengal and run right down to the sea form a barrier still sufficient
to prevent communication by rail. But from the earliest times
Indian immigrants and Indian ideas have been able to find their way
both by land and sea. According to the Burmese chronicles Tagaung was
founded by the Hindu prince Abhirâja in the ninth century B.C. and the
kingdom of Arakan claims as its first ruler an ancient prince of
Benares. The legends have not much more historical value than the
Kshattriya genealogies which Brahmans have invented for the kings of
Manipur, but they show that the Burmese knew of India and wished to
connect themselves with it. This spirit led not only to the invention
of legends but to the application of Indian names to Burmese
localities. For instance Aparantaka, which really designates a
district of western India, is identified by native scholars with Upper
Burma.[130] The two merchants Tapussa and Bhallika who were the first
to salute the Buddha after his enlightenment are said to have come
from Ukkala. This is usually identified with Orissa but Burmese
tradition locates it in Burma. A system of mythical geography has thus
arisen.
The Buddha himself is supposed to have visited Burma, as well as
Ceylon, in his lifetime[131] and even to have imparted some of his
power to the celebrated image which is now in the Arakan Pagoda at
Mandalay. Another resemblance to the Sinhalese story is the
evangelization of lower Burma by Asoka's missionaries. The Dîpavamsa
states[132] that Sona and Uttara were despatched to Suvarṇabhûmi.
This is identified with Râmaññadesa or the district of Thaton, which
appears to be a corruption of Saddhammapura[133] and the tradition is
accepted in Burma. The scepticism with which modern scholars have
received it is perhaps unmerited, but the preaching of these
missionaries, if it ever took place, cannot at present be connected
with other historical events. Nevertheless the statement of the
Dîpavaṃsa is significant. The work was composed in the fourth
century A.D. and taken from older chronicles. It may therefore be
concluded that in the early centuries of our era lower Burma had
the reputation of being a Buddhist country.[134] It also appears
certain that in the eleventh century, when the Talaings were conquered
by Anawrata, Buddhist monks and copies of the Tipiṭaka were found
there. But we know little about the country in the preceding
centuries. The Kalyani inscription says that before Anawrata's
conquest it was divided and decadent and during this period there is
no proof of intercourse with Ceylon but also no disproof. One result
of Anawrata's conquest of Thaton was that he exchanged religious
embassies with the king of Ceylon, and it is natural to suppose that
the two monarchs were moved to this step by traditions of previous
communications. Intercourse with the east coast of India may be
assumed as natural, and is confirmed by the presence of Sanskrit words
in old Talaing and the information about southern India in Talaing
records, in which the city of Conjevaram, the great commentator
Dharmapâla and other men of learning are often mentioned. Analogies
have also been traced between the architecture of Pagan and southern
India.[135] It will be seen that such communication by sea may have
brought not only Hinayanist Buddhism but also Mahayanist and Tantric
Buddhism as well as Brahmanism from Bengal and Orissa, so that it is
not surprising if all these influences can be detected in the ancient
buildings and sculptures of the country.[136] Still the most important
evidence as to the character of early Burmese Buddhism is Hinayanist
and furnished by inscriptions on thin golden plates and tiles, found
near the ancient site of Prome and deciphered by Finot.[137] They
consist of Hinayanist religious formulæ: the language is Pali: the
alphabet is of a south Indian type and is said to resemble closely
that used in the inscriptions of the Kadamba dynasty which ruled in
Kanara from the third to the sixth century. It is to the latter
part of this period that the inscriptions are to be attributed. They
show that a form of the Hinayana, comparable, so far as the brief
documents permit us to judge, with the church of Ceylon, was then
known in lower Burma and was probably the state church. The character
of the writing, taken together with the knowledge of southern India
shown by the Talaing chronicles and the opinion of the Dîpavamsa that
Burma was a Buddhist country, is good evidence that lower Burma had
accepted Hinayanism before the sixth century and had intercourse with
southern India. More than that it would perhaps be rash to say.
The Burmese tradition that Buddhaghosa was a native of Thaton and
returned thither from Ceylon merits more attention than it has
received. It can be easily explained away as patriotic fancy. On the
other hand, if Buddhaghosa's object was to invigorate Hinayanism in
India, the result of his really stupendous labours was singularly
small, for in India his name is connected with no religious movement.
But if we suppose that he went to Ceylon by way of the holy places in
Magadha and returned from the Coromandel Coast to Burma where
Hinayanism afterwards nourished, we have at least a coherent
narrative.[138]
It is noticeable that Târanâtha states[139] that in the Koki
countries, among which he expressly mentions Pukham (Pagan) and
Haṃsavatî (Pegu), Hinayanism was preached from the days of Asoka
onwards, but that the Mahayana was not known until the pupils of
Vasubandhu introduced it.
The presence of Hinayanism in Lower Burma naturally did not prevent
the arrival of Mahayanism. It has not left many certain traces but
Atîśa (_c._ 1000), a great figure in the history of Tibetan
Buddhism, is reported to have studied both in Magadha and in
Suvarnadvîpa by which Thaton must be meant. He would hardly have done
this, had the clergy of Thaton been unfriendly to Tantric learning.
This mediæval Buddhism was also, as in other countries, mixed with
Hinduism but whereas in Camboja and Champa Śivaism, especially
the worship of the lingam, was long the official and popular cult and
penetrated to Siam, few Śivaite emblems but numerous statues of
Vishṇuite deities have hitherto been discovered in Burma.
The above refers chiefly to Lower Burma. The history of Burmese
Buddhism becomes clearer in the eleventh century but before passing to
this new period we must enquire what was the religious condition of
Upper Burma in the centuries preceding it. It is clear that any
variety of Buddhism or Brahmanism may have entered this region from
India by land at any epoch. According to both Hsüan Chuang and I-Ching
Buddhism flourished in Samaṭata and the latter mentions images of
Avalokita and the reading of the Prajñâ-pâramitâ. The precise position
of Samaṭata has not been fixed but in any case it was in the east
of Bengal and not far from the modern Burmese frontier. The existence
of early Sanskrit inscriptions at Taungu and elsewhere has been
recorded but not with as much detail as could be wished.[140] Figures
of Bodhisattvas and Indian deities are reported from Prome,[141] and
in the Lower Chindwin district are rock-cut temples resembling the
caves of Barabar in Bengal. Inscriptions also show that at Prome there
were kings, perhaps in the seventh century, who used the Pyu language
but bore Sanskrit titles. According to Burmese tradition the Buddha
himself visited the site of Pagan and prophesied that a king called
Sammutiraya would found a city there and establish the faith. This
prediction is said to have been fulfilled in 108 A.D. but the notices
quoted from the Burmese chronicles are concerned less with the
progress of true religion than with the prevalence of heretics known
as Aris.[142] It has been conjectured that this name is a corruption
of Arya but it appears that the correct orthography is _arañ_
representing an original _araṇyaka_, that is forest priests. It is
hard to say whether they were degraded Buddhists or an indigenous
priesthood who in some ways imitated what they knew of Brahmanic
and Buddhist institutions. They wore black robes, let their hair grow,
worshipped serpents, hung up in their temples the heads of animals
that had been sacrificed, and once a year they assisted the king to
immolate a victim to the Nats on a mountain top. They claimed power to
expiate all sins, even parricide. They lived in convents (which is
their only real resemblance to Buddhist monks) but were not
celibate.[143] Anawrata is said to have suppressed the Aris but he
certainly did not extirpate them for an inscription dated 1468 records
their existence in the Myingyan district. Also in a village near Pagan
are preserved Tantric frescoes representing Bodhisattvas with their
Śaktis. In one temple is an inscription dated 1248 and requiring
the people to supply the priests morning and evening with rice, beef,
betel, and a jar of spirits.[144] It is not clear whether these
priests were Aris or not, but they evidently professed an extreme form
of Buddhist Śaktism.
Chinese influences in Upper Burma must also be taken into account.
Burmese kings were perhaps among the many potentates who sent
religious embassies to the Emperor Wu-ti about 525 A.D. and the
T'ang[145] annals show an acquaintance with Burma. They describe the
inhabitants as devout Buddhists, reluctant to take life or even to
wear silk, since its manufacture involves the death of the silk worms.
There were a hundred monasteries into which the youth entered at the
age of seven, leaving at the age of twenty, if they did not intend to
become monks. The Chinese writer does not seem to have regarded the
religion of Burma as differing materially from Buddhism as he knew it
and some similarities in ecclesiastical terminology shown by Chinese
and Burmese may indicate the presence of Chinese influence.[146]
But this influence, though possibly strong between the sixth and tenth
centuries A.D., and again about the time of the Chinese invasion of
1284,[147] cannot be held to exclude Indian influence.
Thus when Anawrata came to the throne[148] several forms of religion
probably co-existed at Pagan, and probably most of them were corrupt,
though it is a mistake to think of his dominions as barbarous. The
reformation which followed is described by Burmese authors in
considerable detail and as usual in such accounts is ascribed to the
activity of one personality, the Thera Arahanta who came from Thaton
and enjoyed Anawrata's confidence. The story implies that there was a
party in Pagan which knew that the prevalent creed was corrupt and
also looked upon Thaton and Ceylon as religious centres. As Anawrata
was a man of arms rather than a theologian, we may conjecture that his
motive was to concentrate in his capital the flower of learning as
known in his time--a motive which has often animated successful
princes in Asia and led to the unceremonious seizure of living saints.
According to the story he broke up the communities of Aris at the
instigation of Arahanta and then sent a mission to Manohari, king of
Pegu, asking for a copy of the Tipiṭaka and for relics. He received
a contemptuous reply intimating that he was not to be trusted with
such sacred objects. Anawrata in indignation collected an army,
marched against the Talaings and ended by carrying off to Pagan not
only elephant loads of scriptures and relics, but also all the Talaing
monks and nobles with the king himself.[149] The Piṭakas were
stored in a splendid pagoda and Anawrata sent to Ceylon[150] for
others which were compared with the copies obtained from Thaton in
order to settle the text.[151]
For 200 years, that is from about 1060 A.D. until the later decades of
the thirteenth century, Pagan was a great centre of Buddhist culture
not only for Burma but for the whole east, renowned alike for its
architecture and its scholarship. The former can still be studied in
the magnificent pagodas which mark its site. Towards the end of his
reign Anawrata made not very successful attempts to obtain relics from
China and Ceylon and commenced the construction of the Shwe Zigon
pagoda. He died before it was completed but his successors, who
enjoyed fairly peaceful reigns, finished the work and constructed
about a thousand other buildings among which the most celebrated is
the Ananda temple erected by King Kyansithâ.[152]
Pali literature in Burma begins with a little grammatical treatise
known as Kârikâ and composed in 1064 A.D. by the monk Dhammasenâpati
who lived in the monastery attached to this temple. A number of other
works followed. Of these the most celebrated was the Saddanîti of
Aggavaṃsa (1154), a treatise on the language of the Tipiṭaka
which became a classic not only in Burma but in Ceylon. A singular
enthusiasm for linguistic studies prevailed especially in the reign of
Kyocvâ (_c._ 1230), when even women are said to have been
distinguished for the skill and ardour which they displayed in
conquering the difficulties of Pali grammar. Some treatises on the
Abhidhamma were also produced.
Like Mohammedanism, Hinayanist Buddhism is too simple and definite to
admit much variation in doctrine, but its clergy are prone to violent
disputes about apparently trivial questions. In the thirteenth century
such disputes assumed grave proportions in Burma. About 1175 A.D. a
celebrated elder named Uttarâjîva accompanied by his pupil
Chapaṭa left for Ceylon. They spent some years in study at the
Mahâvihâra and Chapaṭa received ordination there. He returned to
Pagan with four other monks and maintained that valid ordination could
be conferred only through the monks of the Mahâvihâra, who alone had
kept the succession unbroken. He with his four companions, having
received this ordination, claimed power to transmit it, but he
declined to recognize Burmese orders. This pretension aroused a storm
of opposition, especially from the Talaing monks. They maintained that
Arahanta who had reformed Buddhism under Anawrata was spiritually
descended from the missionaries sent by Asoka, who were as well
qualified to administer ordination as Mahinda. But Chapaṭa was not
only a man of learning and an author[153] but also a vigorous
personality and in favour at Court. He had the best of the contest and
succeeded in making the Talaing school appear as seceders from
orthodoxy. There thus arose a distinction between the Sinhalese or
later school and the old Burmese school, who regarded one another as
schismatics. A scandal was caused in the Sinhalese community by
Râhula, the ablest of Chapaṭa's disciples, who fell in love with an
actress and wished to become a layman. His colleagues induced him to
leave the country for decency's sake and peace was restored but
subsequently, after Chapaṭa's death, the remaining three
disciples[154] fell out on questions of discipline rather than
doctrine and founded three factions, which can hardly be called
schools, although they refused to keep the Uposatha days together. The
light of religion shone brightest at Pagan early in the thirteenth
century while these three brethren were alive and the Sâsanavaṃsa
states that at least three Arhats lived in the city. But the power of
Pagan collapsed under attacks from both Chinese and Shans at the end
of the century and the last king became a monk under the
compulsion of Shan chiefs. The deserted city appears to have lost its
importance as a religious centre, for the ecclesiastical chronicles
shift the scene elsewhere.
The two Shan states which arose from the ruin of Pagan, namely Panya
(Vijayapura) and Sagaing (Jeyyapura), encouraged religion and
learning. Their existence probably explains the claim made in Siamese
inscriptions of about 1300 that the territory of Siam extended to
Haṃsavatî or Pegu and this contact of Burma and Siam was of great
importance for it must be the origin of Pali Buddhism in Siam which
otherwise remains unexplained.
After the fall of the two Shan states in 1364, Ava (or Ratnapura)
which was founded in the same year gradually became the religious
centre of Upper Burma and remained so during several centuries. But
it did not at first supersede older towns inasmuch as the loss of
political independence did not always involve the destruction of
monasteries. Buddhism also flourished in Pegu and the Talaing country
where the vicissitudes of the northern kingdoms did not affect its
fortunes.
Anawrata had transported the most eminent Theras of Thaton to Pagan
and the old Talaing school probably suffered temporarily. Somewhat
later we hear that the Sinhalese school was introduced into these
regions by Sâriputta[155], who had been ordained at Pagan. About the
same time two Theras of Martaban, preceptors of the Queen, visited
Ceylon and on returning to their own land after being ordained at the
Mahâvihâra considered themselves superior to other monks. But the old
Burmese school continued to exist. Not much literature was produced in
the south. Sâriputta was the author of a Dhammathat or code, the first
of a long series of law books based upon Manu. Somewhat later Mahâyasa
of Thaton (_c._ 1370) wrote several grammatical works.
The most prosperous period for Buddhism in Pegu was the reign of
Dhammaceti, also called Râmâdhipati (1460-1491). He was not of the
royal family, but a simple monk who helped a princess of Pegu to
escape from the Burmese court where she was detained. In 1453 this
princess became Queen of Pegu and Dhammaceti left his monastery to
become her prime minister, son-in-law and ultimately her
successor. But though he had returned to the world his heart was with
the Church. He was renowned for his piety no less than for his
magnificence and is known to modern scholars as the author of the
Kalyani inscriptions[156], which assume the proportions of a treatise
on ecclesiastical laws and history. Their chief purpose is to settle
an intricate and highly technical question, namely the proper method
of defining and consecrating a _sîmâ_. This word, which means
literally _boundary_, signifies a plot of ground within which Uposatha
meetings, ordinations and other ceremonies can take place. The
expression occurs in the Vinaya Piṭaka[157], but the area there
contemplated seems to be an ecclesiastical district within which the
Bhikkhus were obliged to meet for Uposatha. The modern _sîmâ_ is much
smaller[158], but more important since it is maintained that valid
ordination can be conferred only within its limits. To Dhammaceti the
question seemed momentous, for as he explains, there were in southern
Burma six schools who would not meet for Uposatha. These were, first
the Camboja[159] school (identical with the Arahanta school) who
claimed spiritual descent from the missionaries sent by Asoka to
Suvarṇabhûmi, and then five divisions of the Sinhalese school,
namely the three founded by Chapaṭa's disciples as already related
and two more founded by the theras of Martaban. Dhammaceti accordingly
sent a mission to Ceylon charged to obtain an authoritative ruling as
to the proper method of consecrating a _sîmâ_ and conferring
ordination. On their return a locality known as the Kalyanisîmâ was
consecrated in the manner prescribed by the Mahâvihâra and during
three years all the Bhikkhus of Dhammaceti's kingdom were reordained
there. The total number reached 15,666, and the king boasts that he
had thus purified religion and made the school of the Mahâvihâra the
only sect, all other distinctions being obliterated.
There can be little doubt that in the fifteenth century Burmese
Buddhism had assumed the form which it still has, but was this form
due to indigenous tradition or to imitation of Ceylon? Five periods
merit attention. (_a_) In the sixth century, and probably several
centuries earlier, Hinayanism was known in Lower Burma. The
inscriptions attesting its existence are written in Pali and in a
south Indian alphabet. (_b_) Anawrata (1010-1052) purified the
Buddhism of Upper Burma with the help of scriptures obtained from the
Talaing country, which were compared with other scriptures brought
from Ceylon. (_c_) About 1200 Chapata and his pupils who had studied
in Ceylon and received ordination there refused to recognize the
Talaing monks and two hostile schools were founded, predominant at
first in Upper and Lower Burma respectively. (_d_) About 1250 the
Sinhalese school, led by Sâriputta and others, began to make conquests
in Lower Burma at the expense of the Talaing school. (_e_) Two
centuries later, about 1460, Dhammaceti of Pegu boasts that he has
purified religion and made the school of the Mahâvihâra, that is the
most orthodox form of the Sinhalese school, the only sect.
In connection with these data must be taken the important statement
that the celebrated Tantrist Atîśa studied in Lower Burma about
1000 A.D. Up to a certain point the conclusion seems clear. Pali
Hinayanism in Burma was old: intercourse with southern India and
Ceylon tended to keep it pure, whereas intercourse with Bengal and
Orissa, which must have been equally frequent, tended to import
Mahayanism. In the time of Anawrata the religion of Upper Burma
probably did not deserve the name of Buddhism. He introduced in its
place the Buddhism of Lower Burma, tempered by reference to Ceylon.
After 1200 if not earlier the idea prevailed that the Mahâvihâra was
the standard of orthodoxy and that the Talaing church (which probably
retained some Mahayanist features) fell below it. In the fifteenth
century this view was universally accepted, the opposition and indeed
the separate existence of the Talaing church having come to an end.
But it still remains uncertain whether the earliest Burmese Buddhism
came direct from Magadha or from the south. The story of Asoka's
missionaries cannot be summarily rejected but it also cannot be
accepted without hesitation[160]. It is the Ceylon chronicle which
knows of them and communication between Burma and southern India was
old and persistent. It may have existed even before the Christian era.
After the fall of Pagan, Upper Burma, of which we must now speak,
passed through troubled times and we hear little of religion or
literature. Though Ava was founded in 1364 it did not become an
intellectual centre for another century. But the reign of Narapati
(1442-1468) was ornamented by several writers of eminence among whom
may be mentioned the monk poet Sîlavaṃsa and Ariyavaṃsa, an
exponent of the Abhidhamma. They are noticeable as being the first
writers to publish religious works, either original or translated, in
the vernacular and this practice steadily increased. In the early part
of the sixteenth century[161] occurred the only persecution of
Buddhism known in Burma. Thohanbwâ, a Shan who had become king of Ava,
endeavoured to exterminate the order by deliberate massacre and
delivered temples, monasteries and libraries to the flames. The
persecution did not last long nor extend to other districts but it
created great indignation among the Burmese and was perhaps one of the
reasons why the Shan dynasty of Ava was overthrown in 1555.
Bayin (or Bureng) Naung stands out as one of the greatest
personalities in Burmese history. As a Buddhist he was zealous even to
intolerance, since he forced the Shans and Moslims of the northern
districts, and indeed all his subjects, to make a formal profession of
Buddhism. He also, as related elsewhere, made not very successful
attempts to obtain the tooth relic from Ceylon. But it is probable
that his active patronage of the faith, as shown in the construction
and endowment of religious buildings, was exercised chiefly in Pegu
and this must be the reason why the Sâsanavaṃsa (which is
interested chiefly in Upper Burma) says little about him.
His successors showed little political capacity but encouraged
religion and literature. The study of the Abhidhamma was specially
flourishing in the districts of Ava and Sagaing from about 1600 to
1650 and found many illustrious exponents. Besides works in Pali, the
writers of this time produced numerous Burmese translations and
paraphrases of Abhidhamma works, as well as edifying stories.
In the latter part of the seventeenth century Burma was in a disturbed
condition and the Sâsanavaṃsa says that religion was dimmed as the
moon by clouds. A national and religious revival came with the
victories of Alompra (1752 onwards), but the eighteenth century also
witnessed the rise of a curious and not very edifying controversy
which divided the Sangha for about a hundred years and spread to
Ceylon[162]. It concerned the manner in which the upper robe of a
monk, consisting of a long piece of cloth, should be worn. The old
practice in Burma was to wrap this cloth round the lower body from the
loins to the ankles, and draw the end from the back over the left
shoulder and thence across the breast over the right shoulder so that
it finally hung loose behind. But about 1698 began the custom of
walking with the right shoulder bare, that is to say letting the end
of the robe fall down in front on the left side. The Sangha became
divided into two factions known as _Ekaṃsika_ (one-shouldered) and
_Pârupana_ (fully clad). The bitterness of the seemingly trivial
controversy was increased by the fact that the Ekaṃsikas could
produce little scriptural warrant and appealed to late authorities or
the practice in Ceylon, thus neglecting sound learning. For the Vinaya
frequently[163] prescribes that the robe is to be adjusted so as to
fall over only one shoulder as a mark of special respect, which
implies that it was usually worn over both shoulders. In 1712 and
again about twenty years later arbitrators were appointed by the king
to hear both sides, but they had not sufficient authority or learning
to give a decided opinion. The stirring political events of 1740
and the following years naturally threw ecclesiastical quarrels into
the shade but when the great Alompra had disposed of his enemies he
appeared as a modern Asoka. The court religiously observed Uposatha
days and the king was popularly believed to be a Bodhisattva[164]. He
was not however sound on the great question of ecclesiastical dress.
His chaplain, Atula, belonged to the Ekaṃsika party and the king,
saying that he wished to go into the whole matter himself but had not
for the moment leisure, provisionally ordered the Saṇgha to obey
Atula's ruling. But some champions of the other side stood firm.
Alompra dealt leniently with them, but died during his Siamese
campaign before he had time to unravel the intricacies of the Vinaya.
The influence of Atula, who must have been an astute if not learned
man, continued after the king's death and no measures were taken
against the Ekaṃsikas, although King Hsin-byu-shin (1763-1776)
persecuted an heretical sect called Paramats[165]. His youthful
successor, Sing-gu-sa, was induced to hold a public disputation. The
Ekaṃsikas were defeated in this contest and a royal decree was
issued making the Pârupana discipline obligatory. But the vexed
question was not settled for it came up again in the long reign
(1781-1819) of Bodôpayâ. This king has won an evil reputation for
cruelty and insensate conceit[166], but he was a man of vigour and
kept together his great empire. His megalomania naturally detracted
from the esteem won by his piety. His benefactions to religion were
lavish, the shrines and monasteries which he built innumerable. But he
desired to build a pagoda larger than any in the world and during some
twenty years wasted an incalculable amount of labour and money on this
project, still commemorated by a gigantic but unfinished mass of
brickwork now in ruins. In order to supervise its erection he left his
palace and lived at Mingun, where he conceived the idea that he
was a Buddha, an idea which had not been entirely absent from the
minds of Alompra and Hsin-byu-shin. It is to the credit of the Theras
that, despite the danger of opposing an autocrat as cruel as he was
crazy, they refused to countenance these pretensions and the king
returned to his palace as an ordinary monarch.
If he could not make himself a Buddha, he at least disposed of the
Ekaṃsika dispute, and was probably influenced in his views by
Ñânâbhivaṃsa, a monk of the Pârupana school whom he made his chaplain,
although Atula was still alive. At first he named a commission of
enquiry, the result of which was that the Ekaṃsikas admitted that their
practice could not be justified from the scriptures but only by
tradition. A royal decree was issued enjoining the observance of the
Pârupana discipline, but two years later Atula addressed a letter to the
king in which he maintained that the Ekaṃsika costume was approved in a
work called Cûlagaṇṭhipada, composed by Moggalâna, the immediate
disciple of the Buddha. The king ordered representatives of both parties
to examine this contention and the debate between them is dramatically
described in the Sâsanavaṃsa. It was demonstrated that the text on
which Atula relied was composed in Ceylon by a thera named Moggalâna who
lived in the twelfth century and that it quoted mediæval Sinhalese
commentaries. After this exposure the Ekaṃsika party collapsed. The
king commanded (1784) the Pârupana discipline to be observed and at last
the royal order received obedience.
It will be observed that throughout this controversy both sides
appealed to the king, as if he had the right to decide the point in
dispute, but that his decision had no compelling power as long as it
was not supported by evidence. He could ensure toleration for views
regarded by many as heretical, but was unable to force the views of
one party on the other until the winning cause had publicly disproved
the contentions of its opponents. On the other hand the king had
practical control of the hierarchy, for his chaplain was _de facto_
head of the Church and the appointment was strictly personal. It was
not the practice for a king to take on his predecessor's chaplain and
the latter could not, like a Lamaist or Catholic ecclesiastic, claim
any permanent supernatural powers. Bodôpayâ did something towards
organizing the hierarchy for he appointed four elders of repute to
be Saṇgharâjas or, so to speak, Bishops, with four more as
assistants and over them all his chaplain Ñâṇa as Archbishop.
Ñâṇa was a man of energy and lived in turn in various monasteries
supervising the discipline and studies.
In spite of the extravagances of Bodôpayâ, the Church was flourishing
and respected in his reign. The celebrated image called Mahâmuni was
transferred from Arakan to his capital together with a Sanskrit
library, and Burma sent to Ceylon not only the monks who founded the
Amarapura school but also numerous Pali texts. This prosperity
continued in the reigns of Bagyidaw, Tharrawadi and Pagan-min, who
were of little personal account. The first ordered the compilation of
the Yazawin, a chronicle which was not original but incorporated and
superseded other works of the same kind. In his reign arose a question
as to the validity of grants of land, etc., for religious purposes. It
was decided in the sense most favourable to the order, _viz._ that
such grants are perpetual and are not invalidated by the lapse of
time. About 1845 there was a considerable output of vernacular
literature. The Dîgha, Samyutta and Anguttara Nikâyas with their
commentaries were translated into Burmese but no compositions in Pali
are recorded.
From 1852 till 1877 Burma was ruled by Mindon-min, who if not a
national hero was at least a pious, peace-loving, capable king. His
chaplain, Paññâsâmi, composed the Sâsanavaṃsa, or ecclesiastical
history of Burma, and the king himself was ambitious to figure as a
great Buddhist monarch, though with more sanity than Bodôpayâ, for his
chief desire was to be known as the Convener of the Fifth Buddhist
Council. The body so styled met from 1868 to 1871 and, like the
ancient Saṇgîtis, proceeded to recite the Tipiṭaka in order to
establish the correct text. The result may still be seen at Mandalay
in the collection of buildings commonly known as the four hundred and
fifty Pagodas: a central Stupa surrounded by hundreds of small shrines
each sheltering a perpendicular tablet on which a portion of this
veritable bible in stone is inscribed. Mindon-min also corrected the
growing laxity of the Bhikkhus, and the esteem in which the Burmese
church was held at this time is shown by the fact that the monks of
Ceylon sent a deputation to the Saṇgharâja of Mandalay referring to
his decision a dispute about a _sîmâ_ or ecclesiastical boundary.
Mindon-min was succeeded by Thibaw, who was deposed by the
British. The Saṇgharâja maintained his office until he died in
1895. An interregnum then occurred for the appointment had always been
made by the king, not by the Sangha. But when Lord Curzon visited
Burma in 1901 he made arrangements for the election by the monks
themselves of a superior of the whole order and Taunggwin Sayâdaw was
solemnly installed in this office by the British authorities in 1903
with the title of Thathanabaing[167].
3
We may now examine briefly some sides of popular religion and
institutions which are not Buddhist. It is an interesting fact that
the Burmese law books or Dhammathats[168], which are still accepted as
regulating inheritance and other domestic matters, are Indian in
origin and show no traces of Sinhalese influence although since 1750
there has been a decided tendency to bring them into connection with
authorities accepted by Buddhism. The earliest of these codes are
those of Dhammavilâsa (1174 A.D.) and of Waguru, king of Martaban in
1280. They professedly base themselves on the authority of Manu and,
so far as purely legal topics are concerned, correspond pretty closely
with the rules of the Mânava-dharmaśâstra. But they omit all
prescriptions which involve Brahmanic religious observances such as
penance and sacrifice. Also the theory of punishment is different and
inspired by the doctrine of Karma, namely, that every evil deed will
bring its own retribution. Hence the Burmese codes ordain for every
crime not penalties to be suffered by the criminal but merely the
payment of compensation to the party aggrieved, proportionate to the
damage suffered[169]. It is probable that the law-books on which these
codes were based were brought from the east coast of India and
were of the same type as the code of Nârada, which, though of
unquestioned Brahmanic orthodoxy, is almost purely legal and has
little to say about religion. A subsidiary literature embodying local
decisions naturally grew up, and about 1640 was summarized by a
Burmese nobleman called Kaing-zâ in the Mahârâja-dhammathat. He
received from the king the title of Manurâja and the name of Manu
became connected with his code, though it is really based on local
custom. It appears to have superseded older law-books until the reign
of Alompra who remodelled the administration and caused several codes
to be compiled[170]. These also preserve the name of Manu, but he and
Kaing-zâ are treated as the same personage. The rules of the older
law-books are in the main retained but are made to depend on Buddhist
texts. Later Dhammathats become more and more decidedly Buddhist. Thus
the Mohavicchedanî (1832) does not mention Manu but presents the
substance of the Manu Dhammathats as the law preached by the Buddha.
Direct Indian influence may be seen in another department not
unimportant in an oriental country. The court astrologers, soothsayers
and professors of kindred sciences were even in recent times Brahmans,
known as Pônnâ and mostly from Manipur. An inscription found at Pagan
and dated 1442 mentions the gift of 295 books[171] to the Sangha among
which several have Sanskrit titles and about 1600 we hear of Pandits
learned in the Vedaśâstras, meaning not Vedic learning in the
strict sense but combinations of science and magic described as
medicine, astronomy, Kâmaśâstras, etc. Hindu tradition was
sufficiently strong at the Court to make the presence of experts in
the Atharva Veda seem desirable and in the capital they were in
request for such services as drawing up horoscopes[172] and
invoking good luck at weddings whereas monks will not attend
social gatherings.
More important as a non-Buddhist element in Burmese religion is the
worship of Nats[173] or spirits of various kinds. Of the prevalence of
such worship there is no doubt, but I cannot agree with the
authorities who say that it is the practical religion of the Burmese.
No passing tourist can fail to see that in the literal as well as
figurative sense Burma takes its colour from Buddhism, from the gilded
and vermilion pagodas and the yellow robed priests. It is impossible
that so much money should be given, so many lives dedicated to a
religion which had not a real hold on the hearts of the people. The
worship of Nats, wide-spread though it be, is humble in its outward
signs and is a superstition rather than a creed. On several occasions
the kings of Burma have suppressed its manifestations when they became
too conspicuous. Thus Anawrata destroyed the Nat houses of Pagan and
recent kings forbade the practice of firing guns at funerals to scare
the evil spirits.
Nats are of at least three classes, or rather have three origins.
Firstly they are nature spirits, similar to those revered in China and
Tibet. They inhabit noticeable natural features of every kind,
particularly trees, rivers and mountains; they may be specially
connected with villages, houses or individuals. Though not essentially
evil they are touchy and vindictive, punishing neglect or discourtesy
with misfortune and ill-luck. No explanation is offered as to the
origin of many Nats, but others, who may be regarded as forming the
second category, are ghosts or ancestral spirits. In northern Burma
Chinese influence encouraged ancestor worship, but apart from this
there is a disposition (equally evident in India) to believe that
violent and uncanny persons and those who meet with a tragic death
become powerful ghosts requiring propitiation. Thirdly, there are Nats
who are at least in part identified with the Indian deities recognized
by early Buddhism. It would seem that the Thirty Seven Nats, described
in a work called the Mahâgîtâ Medânigyân, correspond to the Thirty
Three Gods of Buddhist mythology, but that the number has been raised
for unknown reasons to 37[174]. They are spirits of deceased
heroes, and there is nothing unbuddhist in this conception, for the
Piṭakas frequently represent deserving persons as being reborn in
the Heaven of the Thirty Three. The chief is Thagyâ, the Śakra or
Indra of Hindu mythology[175], but the others are heroes, connected
with five cycles of legends based on a popular and often inaccurate
version of Burmese history[176].
Besides Thagyâ Nat we find other Indian figures such as Man Nat (Mâra)
and Byammâ Nat (Brahmâ). In diagrams illustrating the Buddhist
cosmology of the Burmans[177] a series of heavens is depicted,
ascending from those of the Four Kings and Thirty Three Gods up to the
Brahmâ worlds, and each inhabited by Nats according to their degree.
Here the spirits of Burma are marshalled and classified according to
Buddhist system just as were the spirits of India some centuries
before. But neither in ancient India nor in modern Burma have the
devas or Nats anything to do with the serious business of religion.
They have their place in temples as guardian genii and the whole band
may be seen in a shrine adjoining the Shwe-zi-gon Pagoda at Pagan, but
this interferes no more with the supremacy of the Buddha than did the
deputations of spirits who according to the scriptures waited on him.
4
Buddhism is a real force in Burmese life and the pride of the Burmese
people. Every male Burman enters a monastery when he is about 15 for a
short stay. Devout parents send their sons for the four months of
_Was_ (or even for this season during three successive years), but by
the majority a period of from one month to one week is considered
sufficient. To omit this stay in a monastery altogether would not be
respectable: it is in common esteem the only way to become a human
being, for without it a boy is a mere animal. The praises of the
Buddha and vows to lead a good life are commonly recited by the
laity[178] every morning and evening. It is the greatest ambition of
most Burmans to build a pagoda and those who are able to do so (a
large percentage of the population to judge from the number of
buildings) are not only sure of their reward in another birth but
even now enjoy respect and receive the title of pagoda-builder.
Another proof of devotion is the existence of thousands of
monasteries[179]--perhaps on an average more than two for each large
village and town--built and supported by voluntary contributions. The
provision of food and domicile for their numerous inmates is no small
charge on the nation, but observers are agreed that it is cheerfully
paid and that the monks are worthy of what they receive. In energy and
morality they seem, as a class, superior to their brethren in Ceylon
and Siam, and their services to education and learning have been
considerable. Every monastery is also a school, where instruction is
given to both day boys and boarders. The vast majority of Burmans
enter such a school at the age of eight or nine and learn there
reading, writing, and arithmetic. They also receive religious
instruction and moral training. They commit to memory various works in
Pali and Burmese, and are taught the duties which they owe to
themselves, society and the state. Sir. J.G. Scott, who is certainly
not disposed to exaggerate the influence of Buddhism in Burma, says
that "the education of the monasteries far surpasses the instruction
of the Anglo-vernacular schools from every point of view except that
of immediate success in life and the obtaining of a post under
Government[180]." The more studious monks are not merely schoolmasters
but can point to a considerable body of literature which they have
produced in the past and are still producing[181]. Indeed among the
Hinayanist churches that of Burma has in recent centuries held the
first place for learning. The age and continuity of Sinhalese
traditions have given the Sangha of Ceylon a correspondingly great
prestige but it has more than once been recruited from Burma and
in literary output it can hardly rival the Burmese clergy.
Though many disquisitions on the Vinaya have been produced in Burma,
and though the Jâtakas and portions of the Sutta Piṭaka (especially
those called Parittam) are known to everybody, yet the favourite study
of theologians appears to be the Abhidhamma, concerning which a
multitude of hand-books and commentaries have been written, but it is
worth mentioning that the Abhidhammattha-sangaha, composed in Ceylon
about the twelfth century A.D., is still the standard manual[182]. Yet
it would be a mistake to think of the Burmese monks as absorbed in
these recondite studies: they have on the contrary produced a long
series of works dealing with the practical things of the world, such
as chronicles, law-books, ethical and political treatises, and even
poetry, for Sîlavamsa and Ratthapâla whose verses are still learned by
the youth of Burma were both of them Bhikkhus. The Sangha has always
shown a laudable reserve in interfering directly with politics, but in
former times the king's private chaplain was a councillor of
importance and occasionally matters involving both political and
religious questions were submitted to a chapter of the order. In all
cases the influence of the monks in secular matters made for justice
and peace: they sometimes interceded on behalf of the condemned or
represented that taxation was too heavy. In 1886, when the British
annexed Burma, the Head of the Sangha forbade monks to take part in
the political strife, a prohibition which was all the more remarkable
because King Thibaw had issued proclamations saying that the object of
the invasion was to destroy Buddhism.
In essentials monastic life is much the same in Burma and Ceylon but
the Burmese standard is higher, and any monk known to misconduct
himself would be driven out by the laity. The monasteries are numerous
but not large and much space is wasted, for, though the exterior
suggests that they are built in several stories the interior usually
is a single hall, although it may be divided by partitions. To the
eastern side is attached a chapel containing images of Gotama before
which daily devotions are performed. It is surmounted by a steeple
culminating in a _hti_, a sort of baldachino or sacred umbrella
placed also on the top of dagobas, and made of open metal work hung
with little bells. Monasteries are always built outside towns and,
though many of them become subsequently enclosed by the growth of the
larger cities, they retain spacious grounds in which there may be
separate buildings, such as a library, dormitories for pupils and a
hall for performing the ordination service. The average number of
inmates is six. A large establishment may house a superior, four
monks, some novices and besides them several lay scholars. The grades
are _Sahin_ or novice, _Pyit-shin_ or fully ordained monk and
_Pôngyi_, literally great glory, a monk of at least ten years'
standing. Rank depends on seniority--that is to say the greatest
respect is shown to the monk who has observed his vows for the longest
period, but there are some simple hierarchical arrangements. At the
head of each monastery is a Sayâ or superior, and all the monasteries
of a large town or a country district are under the supervision of a
Provincial called Gaing-Ok. At the head of the whole church is the
Thathanabaing, already mentioned. All these higher officials must be
Pôngyîs.
Although all monks must take part in the daily round to collect alms
yet in most monasteries it is the custom (as in Ceylon and Siam) not
to eat the food collected, or at least not all of it, and though no
solid nourishment is taken after midday, three morning meals are
allowed, namely, one taken very early, the next served on the return
from the begging round and a third about 11.30. Two or three services
are intoned before the image of the Buddha each day. At the morning
ceremony, which takes place about 5.30, all the inmates of the
monastery prostrate themselves before the superior and vow to observe
the precepts during the day. At the conclusion of the evening service
a novice announces that a day has passed away and in a loud voice
proclaims the hour, the day of the week, the day of the month and the
year. The laity do not usually attend these services, but near large
monasteries there are rest houses for the entertainment of visitors
and Uposatha days are often celebrated by a pious picnic. A family or
party of friends take a rest-house for a day, bring a goodly store of
cheroots and betel nut, which are not regarded as out of place during
divine service[183], and listen at their ease to the exposition of
the law delivered by a yellow-robed monk. When the congregation
includes women he holds a large fan-leaf palm before his face lest his
eyes should behold vanity. A custom which might not be to the taste of
western ecclesiastics is that the congregation ask questions and, if
they do not understand, request the preacher to be clearer.
There is little sectarianism in Burma proper, but the Sawtis, an
anti-clerical sect, are found in some numbers in the Shan States and
similar communities called Man are still met with in Pegu and
Tenasserim, though said to be disappearing. Both refuse to recognize
the Sangha, monasteries or temples and perform their devotions in the
open fields. Otherwise their mode of thought is Buddhist, for they
hold that every man can work out his own salvation by conquering
Mâra[184], as the Buddha did, and they use the ordinary formulæ of
worship, except that they omit all expressions of reverence to the
Sangha. The orthodox Sangha is divided into two schools known as
Mahâgandi and Sûlagandi. The former are the moderate easy-going
majority who maintain a decent discipline but undeniably deviate
somewhat from the letter of the Vinaya. The latter are a strict and
somewhat militant Puritan minority who protest against such
concessions to the flesh. They insist for instance that a monk should
eat out of his begging bowl exactly as it is at the end of the morning
round and they forbid the use of silk robes, sunshades and sandals.
The Sûlagandi also believe in free will and attach more value to the
intention than the action in estimating the value of good deeds,
whereas the Mahâgandi accept good actions without enquiring into the
motive and believe that all deeds are the result of karma.
5
In Burma all the higher branches of architecture are almost
exclusively dedicated to religion. Except the Palace at Mandalay there
is hardly a native building of note which is not connected with a
shrine or monastery. Burmese architectural forms show most analogy
to those of Nepal and perhaps[185] both preserve what was once the
common style for wooden buildings in ancient India. In recent
centuries the Burmese have shown little inclination to build anything
that can be called a temple, that is a chamber containing images and
the paraphernalia of worship. The commonest form of religious edifice
is the dagoba or zedi[186]: images are placed in niches or shrines,
which shelter them, but only rarely, as on the platform of the Shwe
Dagon at Rangoon, assume the proportions of rooms. This does not apply
to the great temples of Pagan, built from about 1050 to 1200, but that
style was not continued and except the Arakan Pagoda at Mandalay has
perhaps no modern representative. Details of these buildings may be
found in the works of Forchhammer, Fergusson, de Beylié and various
archæological reports. Their construction is remarkably solid. They do
not, like most large buildings in India or Europe, contain halls of
some size but are rather pyramids traversed by passages. But this
curious disinclination to build temples of the usual kind is not due
to any dislike of images. In no Buddhist country are they more common
and their numbers are more noticeable because there is here no
pantheon as in China and Tibet, but images of Gotama are multiplied,
merely in order to obtain merit. Some slight variety in these figures
is produced by the fact that the Burmese venerate not only Gotama but
the three Buddhas who preceded him[187]. The Shwe Dagon Pagoda is
reputed to contain relics of all four; statues of them all stand in
the beautiful Ananda Pagoda at Pagan and not infrequently they are
represented by four sitting figures facing the four quarters. A
gigantic group of this kind composed of statues nearly 90 feet high
stands in the outskirts of Pegu, and in the same neighbourhood is
a still larger recumbent figure 180 feet long. It had been forgotten
since the capture of Pegu by the Burmans in 1757 and was rediscovered
by the engineers surveying the route for the railway. It lies almost
in sight of the line and is surprising by its mere size, as one comes
upon it suddenly in the jungle. As a work of art it can hardly be
praised. It does not suggest the Buddha on his death bed, as is
intended, but rather some huge spirit of the jungle waking up and
watching the railway with indolent amusement.
In Upper Burma there are not so many large images but as one
approaches Mandalay the pagodas add more and more to the landscape.
Many are golden and the rest are mostly white and conspicuous. They
crown the hills and punctuate the windings of the valleys. Perhaps
Burmese art and nature are seen at their best near Sagaing on the bank
of the Irrawaddy, a mighty flood of yellow water, sweeping down smooth
and steady, but here and there showing whirlpools that look like
molten metal. From the shore rise hills of moderate height studded
with monasteries and shrines. Flights of white steps lead to the
principal summits where golden spires gleam and everywhere are pagodas
of all ages, shapes and sizes. Like most Asiatics the Burmese rarely
repair, but build new pagodas instead of renovating the old ones. The
instinct is not altogether unjust. A pagoda does not collapse like a
hollow building but understands the art of growing old. Like a tree it
may become cleft or overgrown with moss but it remains picturesque. In
the neighbourhood of Sagaing there is a veritable forest of pagodas;
humble seedlings built by widows' mites, mature golden domes reared by
devout prosperity and venerable ruins decomposing as all compound
things must do.
The pagoda slaves are a curious institution connected with temples.
Under the Burmese kings persons could be dedicated to pagodas and by
this process not only became slaves for life themselves but involved
in the same servitude all their posterity, none of whom could by any
method become free. They formed a low caste like the Indian Pariahs
and though the British Government has abolished the legal status of
slavery, the social stigma which clings to them is said to be
undiminished.
Art and architecture make the picture of Burma as it remains in
memory and they are the faithful reflection of the character and ways
of its inhabitants, their cheerful but religious temper, their love of
what is fanciful and graceful, their moderate aspirations towards what
is arduous and sublime. The most striking feature of this architecture
is its free use of gold and colour. In no country of the world is
gilding and plating with gold so lavishly employed on the exterior of
buildings. The larger Pagodas such as the Shwe Dagon are veritable
pyramids of gold, and the roofs of the Arakan temple as they rise
above Mandalay show tier upon tier of golden beams and plates. The
brilliancy is increased by the equally lavish use of vermilion,
sometimes diversified by glass mosaic. I remember once in an East
African jungle seeing a clump of flowers of such brilliant red and
yellow that for a moment I thought it was a fire. Somewhat similar is
the surprise with which one first gazes on these edifices. I do not
know whether the epithet flamboyant can be correctly applied to them
as architecture but both in colour and shape they imitate a pile of
flame, for the outlines of monasteries and shrines are fanciful in the
extreme; gabled roofs with finials like tongues of fire and panels
rich with carvings and fret-work. The buildings of Hindus and Burmans
are as different as their characters. When a Hindu temple is imposing
it is usually because of its bulk and mystery, whereas these buildings
are lighthearted and fairy-like: heaps of red and yellow fruit with
twining leaves and tendrils that have grown by magic. Nor is there
much resemblance to Japanese architecture. There also, lacquer and
gold are employed to an unusual extent but the flourishes, horns and
finials which in Burma spring from every corner and projection are
wanting and both Japanese and Chinese artists are more sparing and
reticent. They distribute ornament so as to emphasize and lead up to
the more important parts of their buildings, whereas the open-handed,
splendour-loving Burman puts on every panel and pillar as much
decoration as it will hold.
The result must be looked at as a whole and not too minutely. The best
work is the wood carving which has a freedom and boldness often
missing in the minute and crowded designs of Indian art. Still as a
rule it is at the risk of breaking the spell that you examine the
details of Burmese ornamentation. Better rest content with your first
amazement on beholding these carved and pinnacled piles of gold
and vermilion, where the fantastic animals and plants seem about to
break into life.
The most celebrated shrine in Burma is the Shwe Dagon Pagoda which
attracts pilgrims from all the Buddhist world. No descriptions of it
gave me any idea of its real appearance nor can I hope that I shall be
more successful in giving the reader my own impressions. The pagoda
itself is a gilt bell-shaped mass rather higher than the Dome of St.
Paul's and terminating in a spire. It is set in the centre of a raised
mound or platform, approached by lofty flights of steps. The platform,
which is paved and level, is of imposing dimensions, some nine hundred
feet long and seven hundred wide. Round the base of the central pagoda
is a row of shrines and another row runs round the edge of the
platform so that one moves, as it were, in a street of these edifices,
leading here and there into side squares where are quiet retreats with
palm trees and gigantic images. But when after climbing the long
staircase one first emerges on the platform one does not realize the
topography at once and seems to have entered suddenly into Jerusalem
the Golden. Right and left are rows of gorgeous, fantastic
sanctuaries, all gold, vermilion and glass mosaic, and within them sit
marble figures, bland, enigmatic personages who seem to invite
approach but offer no explanation of the singular scene or the part
they play in it. If analyzed in detail the artistic merits of these
shrines might be found small but the total impression is unique. The
Shwe Dagon has not the qualities which usually distinguish great
religious buildings. It is not specially impressive by its majesty or
holiness; it is certainly wanting in order and arrangement. But on
entering the platform one feels that one has suddenly passed from this
life into another and different world. It is not perhaps a very
elevated world; certainly not the final repose of the just or the
steps of the throne of God, but it is as if you were walking in the
bazaars of Paradise--one of those Buddhist Paradises where the souls
of the moderately pure find temporary rest from the whirl of
transmigration, where the very lotus flowers are golden and the leaves
of the trees are golden bells that tinkle in the perfumed breeze.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 124: For the Pyus see Blagden in _J.R.A.S._ pp. 365-388.
_Ibid._ in _Epigr. Indica_, 1913, pp. 127-133. Also reports of _Burma
Arch. Survey_, 1916, 1917.]
[Footnote 125: So C.C. Lowis in the _Gazetteer of Burma_, vol. I. p.
292, but according to others the Burmese chronicles place the event at
the beginning of the Christian era.]
[Footnote 126: Sometimes called New Pagan to distinguish it from Old
Pagan which was a name of Tagaung. Also called Pagan or Pugâma and in
Pali Arimaddanapura.]
[Footnote 127: See the travels of Kia Tan described by Pelliot in
_B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, pp. 131-414.]
[Footnote 128: More correctly Taung-ngu.]
[Footnote 129: For the history and present condition of Buddhism in
Burma the following may be consulted besides other works referred to
in the course of this chapter.
M. Bode, _Edition of the Sâsanavaṃsa_ with valuable dissertations,
1897. This work is a modern Burmese ecclesiastical history written in
1861 by Paññâsâmi.
M. Bode, _The Pali Literature of Burma_, 1909.
The Gandhavaṃsa: containing accounts of many Pali works written in
Burma. Edited by Minayeff in _Jour. Pali Text Soc._ for 1886, pp. 54
ff. and indexed by M. Bode, _ibid._ 1896, 53 ff.
Bigandet, _Vie ou Légende de Gautama_, 1878.
Yoe, _The Burman, his life and notions_.
J.G. Scott, _Burma, a handbook of practical information_, 1906.
_Reports of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Burma_,
1916-1920.
Various articles (especially by Duroiselle, Taw-Sein-Ko and R.C.
Temple) in the _Indian Antiquary_, _Buddhism_, and _Bulletin de
l'Ecole Française de l'Extrême Orient._]
[Footnote 130: So too Prome is called Śrîkshetra and the name
Irrawaddy represents Irâvatî (the modern Ravi). The ancient town of
Śrâvastî or Sâvatthi is said to reappear in the three forms
Tharawaddy, Tharawaw and Thawutti.]
[Footnote 131: See _Indian Antiquary_, 1893, p. 6, and Forchhammer on
the Mahamuni Pagoda in _Burmese Archaeological Report_ (? 1890).]
[Footnote 132: Dîpav. VIII. 12, and in a more embellished form in
Mahâvaṃsa XII. 44-54. See also the Kalyani Inscriptions in _Indian
Ant._ 1893, p. 16.]
[Footnote 133: Through the form Saton representing Saddhan. Early
European travellers called it Satan or Xatan.]
[Footnote 134: The Burmese identify Aparantaka and Yona to which Asoka
also sent missionaries with Upper Burma and the Shan country. But this
seems to be merely a misapplication of Indian names.]
[Footnote 135: See Forchhammer, _Jardine Prize Essay_, 1885, pp.
23-27. He also says that the earliest Talaing alphabet is identical
with the Vengi alphabet of the fourth century A.D. _Burma Archaeol.
Report_, 1917, p. 29.]
[Footnote 136: See R.C. Temple, "Notes on Antiquities of Râmaññadesa,"
_Ind. Antiq._ 1893, pp. 327 ff. Though I admit the possibility that
Mahâyânism and Tantrism may have flourished in lower Burma, it does
not seem to me that the few Hindu figures reproduced in this article
prove very much.]
[Footnote 137: _J.A._ 1912, II. pp. 121-136.]
[Footnote 138: It is remarkable that Buddhaghosa commenting on Ang.
Nik. 1. 14. 6 (quoted by Forchhammer) describes the merchants of
Ukkala as inhabiting Asitañjana in the region of Haṃsavatî or Pegu.
This identification of Ukkala with Burmese territory is a mistake but
accepted in Burma and it is more likely that a Burmese would have made
it than a Hindu.]
[Footnote 139: Chap. XXXIX.]
[Footnote 140: See however _Epig. Indica_, vol. V. part iv. Oct. 1898,
pp. 101-102. For the prevalence of forms which must be derived from
Sanskrit not Pali see _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, p. 14, and 1917, p.
39.]
[Footnote 141: Report of _Supt. Arch. Survey Burma_, 1909, p. 10,
1910, p. 13, and 1916, pp. 33, 38. Finot, _Notes d'Epigraphie_, p.
357.]
[Footnote 142: See especially Finot in _J.A._ 1912, II. p. 123, and
Huber in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1909 P. 584.]
[Footnote 143: The Aris are further credited with having practised a
sort of _jus primæ noctis_. See on this question the chapter on
Camboja and alleged similar customs there.]
[Footnote 144: See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, pp. 12, 13. They seem to
have been similar to the Nîlapatanadarśana of Ceylon. The
Prabodhacandrodaya (about 1100 A.D.) represents Buddhist monks as
drunken and licentious.]
[Footnote 145: See Parker, _Burma_, 1892. The annalist says "There is
a huge white elephant (or image) 100 feet high. Litigants burn
incense and kneel before it, reflecting within themselves whether they
are right or wrong.... When there is any disaster or plague the king
also kneels in front of it and blames himself." The Chinese character
means either image or elephant, but surely the former must be the
meaning here.]
[Footnote 146: See Taw-Sein-Ko, in _Ind. Antiquary_, 1906, p. 211. But
I must confess that I have not been able to follow or confirm all the
etymologies suggested by him.]
[Footnote 147: See for Chinese remains at Pagan, _Report of the
Superintendent, Arch. Survey, Burma, for year ending 31st March,
1910_, pp. 20, 21. An inscription at Pagan records that in 1285
Khubilai's troops were accompanied by monks sent to evangelize Burma.
Both troops and monks halted at Tagaung and both were subsequently
withdrawn. See _Arch. Survey_, 1917, p. 38.]
[Footnote 148: The date of Anawrata's conquest of Thaton seems to be
now fixed by inscriptions as 1057 A.D., though formerly supposed to be
earlier. See _Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916. For Anawrata's religious reforms
see _Sâsanavaṃsa_, pp. 17 ff. and 57 ff.]
[Footnote 149: It has been noted that many of the inscriptions
explanatory of the scenes depicted on the walls of the Ananda temple
at Pagan are in Talaing, showing that it was some time before the
Burmans were able to assimilate the culture of the conquered country.]
[Footnote 150: See the _Sâsanavaṃsa_, p. 64 and p. 20. See also
Bode, _Pali Literature of Burma_, p. 15. But the Mahâvaṃsa, LX.
4-7, while recording the communications between Vijaya Bahu and
Aniruddha ( = Anawrata) represents Ceylon as asking for monks from
Râmañña, which implies that lower Burma was even then regarded as a
Buddhist country with a fine tradition.]
[Footnote 151: The Burmese canon adds four works to the
Khuddaka-Nikâya, namely: (a) Milinda Pañha, (b) Netti-Pakaraṇa, (c)
Suttasaṇgaha, (d) Peṭakopadesa.]
[Footnote 152: Inscriptions give his reign as 1084-1112 A.D. See
_Burma Arch. Rep._ 1916, p. 24. Among many other remarkable edifices
may be mentioned the Thapinyu or Thabbannu (1100), the Gaudapalin
(1160) and the Bodhi (_c._ 1200) which is a copy of the temple at
Bodhgaya.]
[Footnote 153: The best known of his works are the Sutta-niddesa on
grammar and the Sankhepavaṇṇanâ. The latter is a commentary on
the Abhidhammattha-sangaha, but it is not certain if Chapaṭa
composed it or merely translated it from the Sinhalese.]
[Footnote 154: Some authorities speak as if the four disciples of
Chapaṭa had founded four sects, but the reprobate Râhula can hardly
have done this. The above account is taken from the Kalyani
inscription, _Ind. Ant_. 1893, pp. 30, 31. It says very distinctly
"There were in Pugama (Pagan) 4 sects. 1. The successors of the
priests who introduced the religion from Sudhammanâgara (_i.e._ the
Mramma Sangha). 2. The disciples of Sîvalimahâthera. 3. The disciples
of Tâmalindamahâthera. 4. The disciples of Ananda Mahâthera."]
[Footnote 155: Also known by the title of Dhammavitasa. He was active
in 1246.]
[Footnote 156: Found in Zaingganaing, a suburb of Pegu. The text,
translation and notes are contained in various articles by Taw-Sein-Ko
in the _Indian Antiquary_ for 1893-4.]
[Footnote 157: Mahâvagga, II. 11, 12, 13.]
[Footnote 158: According to Taw-Sein-Ko (_Ind. Ant._ 1893, p. 11)
"about 105 or 126 feet in perimeter."]
[Footnote 159: No contact with Cambojan religion is implied. The sect
was so called because its chief monastery was near the Camboja market
and this derived its name from the fact that many Cambojan (probably
meaning Shan) prisoners were confined near it.]
[Footnote 160: In favour of it, it may be said that the Dîpavaṃsa
and the earlier traditions on which the Dîpavaṃsa is based are
ancient and impartial witnesses: against it, that Asoka's attention
seems to have been directed westwards, not towards Bengal and Burma,
and that no very early proof of the existence of Buddhism in Burma has
been found.]
[Footnote 161: Apparently about 1525-1530.]
[Footnote 162: See _Sâsanavaṃsa_, pp. 118 ff.]
[Footnote 163: _E.g._ Mahâvagga, I. 29, 2; IV. 3, 3. Ekaṃsam
uttarâsangam karitvâ. But both arrangements of drapery are found in
the oldest images of the Buddha and perhaps the Ekaṃsika fashion is
the commoner. See Grünwedel, _Buddhist Art in India_, 1901, p. 172.
Though these images are considerably later than the Mahâvagga and
prove nothing as to the _original_ practice of the Saṇgha, yet they
show that the Ekaṃsika fashion prevailed at a relatively early
period. It now prevails in Siam and partly in Ceylon. I-Ching (chap.
XI.) has a discussion on the way robes were worn in India (_c._ 680
A.D.) which is very obscure but seems to say that monks may keep their
shoulders covered while in a monastery but should uncover one when
they go out.]
[Footnote 164: _Sâsanav._ p. 123. Sakala-Maramma-raṭṭhavâsino
ca: ayaṃ amhakâṃ râjâ bodhisatto ti vohârimsu. In the Po-U-Daung
inscription, Alompra's son, Hsin-byu-shin, says twice "In virtue of
this my good deed, may I become a Buddha, ... an omniscient one."
_Indian Antiquary_, 1893, pp. 2 and 5. There is something Mahâyânist
in this aspiration. Cf. too the inscriptions of the Siamese King
Śrî-Sûryavaṃsa Râma mentioned below.]
[Footnote 165: They were Puritans who objected to shrines and images
and are said to be represented to-day by the Sawti sect.]
[Footnote 166: See _The Burmese Empire_ by the Italian Father
Sangermano, who went to Burma in 1783 and lived there about 20 years.]
[Footnote 167: Thathana is the Pali Sâsana. In Burmese pronunciation
the s of Indian words regularly appears as th ( = θ), r as y
and j as z. Thus Thagya for Sakra, Yazawin for Râjavaṃśa.]
[Footnote 168: See E. Forchhammer, _Jardine Prize Essay_ (on the
sources and development of Burmese Law), 1885. J. Jolly, "Recht und
Sitte" in _Grundriss der Ind. Ar. Phil._ 1896, pp. 41-44. M.H. Bode,
_Pali Lit. of Burma_, pp. 83 ff. Dhammathat is the Burmese
pronunciation of Dhammasattha, Sanskrit Dharmaśâstra.]
[Footnote 169: This theory did not prevent the kings of Burma and
their subordinates from inflicting atrociously cruel punishments.]
[Footnote 170: Forchhammer gives a list of 39 Dhammathats compiled
between 1753 and 1882.]
[Footnote 171: They seem to have included tantric works of the
Mahâkâlacakra type. See Bode, _Pali Lit. of Burma_, p. 108, Nos. 270,
271. But the name is given in the Pali form cakka.]
[Footnote 172: Among usages borrowed from Hinduism may be mentioned
the daily washing in holy water of the image in the Arakan temple at
Mandalay. Formerly court festivities, such as the New Year's feast and
the festival of ploughing, were performed by Pônnâs and with Indian
rites. On the other hand the Râmâyana does not seem to have the same
influence on art and literature that it has had in Siam and Java,
though scenes from it are sometimes depicted. See _Report, Supt.
Archaeolog. Survey, Burma_, 1908, p. 22.]
[Footnote 173: See especially _The Thirty Seven Nats_ by Sir. R.C.
Temple, 1906, and _Burma_ by Sir. J.G. Scott, 1906, pp. 380 ff. The
best authorities seem agreed that Nat is not the Sanskrit Nâtha but an
indigenous word of unknown derivation.]
[Footnote 174: Possibly in order to include four female spirits: or
possibly because it was felt that sundry later heroes had as strong a
claim to membership of this distinguished body as the original 33.]
[Footnote 175: It is noticeable that Thagyâ comes from the Sanskrit
Śakra not the Pali Sakka. Th = Sk. s: y = Sk. r.]
[Footnote 176: See R.C. Temple, _The Thirty Seven Nats_, chaps.
X.-XIII., for these cycles.]
[Footnote 177: _E.g._ R.C. Temple, _l.c._ p. 36.]
[Footnote 178: According to Sir. J.G. Scott much more commonly than
prayers among Christians. _Burma_, p. 366.]
[Footnote 179: 15,371 according to the census of 1891. The figures in
the last census are not conveniently arranged for Buddhist
statistics.]
[Footnote 180: Hastings' _Encycl. of Religion and Ethics_, art. "Burma
(Buddhism)."]
[Footnote 181: See Bode, _Pali Literature in Burma_, pp. 95 ff.]
[Footnote 182: No less than 22 translations of it have been made into
Burmese. See S.Z. Aung in _J.P.T.S._ 1912, p. 129. He also mentions
that night lectures on the Abhidhamma in Burmese are given in
monasteries.]
[Footnote 183: But on such occasions the laity usually fast after
midday.]
[Footnote 184: Man is the Burmese form of Mâra.]
[Footnote 185: Among the most striking characteristics of the Nepalese
style are buildings of many stories each with a projecting roof. No
examples of similar buildings from ancient India have survived,
perhaps because they were made of wood, but representations of
two-storied buildings have come down to us, for instance on the
Sohgaura copper plate which dates probably from the time of Asoka (see
Bühler, _W.Z.K.M._ 1896, p. 138). See also the figures in Foucher's
_Art Gréco-bouddhique du Gandhâra_, on pp. 121, 122. The monuments at
Mâmallapuram known as Raths (see Fergusson, _Indian and Eastern
Architecture_, I. p. 172) appear to be representations of many storied
Vihâras. There are several references to seven storied buildings in
the Jâtakas.]
[Footnote 186: = cetiya.]
[Footnote 187: Occasionally groups of five Buddhas, that is, these
four Buddhas together with Metteyya, are found. See _Report of the
Supt. Arch. Survey (Burma) for the year ending March 31st, 1910_, p.
16.]