immediate stoppage of the roads by those people nearest the sea-side,
to prevent their adversaries getting guns, powder, or any other
necessaries for war; which in 1738 occasioned the king of _Warsaw_,
and his allies, to draw a discriminating line along the _Gold Coast_
for that intent; and this hath ever since prevented all intercourse
and trade with the inland natives in the direct way; as also any
gold or slaves for sale coming from them, except a few stolen away
by the king of _Warsaw_’s soldiers, with a little gold; and an
inconsiderable number of slaves brought from the great kingdom of
_Ashantee_, in a very difficult and dangerous way, by the traders of
that country, in order to purchase guns and powder at the _British_,
_Dutch_, and _Danish_ forts at _Acra_.
These traders are obliged to come and return in arm’d bodies, many
miles round about through strange countries, where they are afraid
of being plundered by the natives of their European goods, and are
themselves in danger of being seized upon, and sold as slaves, which
prevents their bringing the trade down as usual.
Consequently, whenever the proper roads are open, and protection
given, there will be a great number of slaves, gold dust and
elephants teeth brought down to the sea-side, to purchase British
manufactures for supplying the inhabitants of those extensive
countries, that have stood in need of them so many years.
The obstructing of such intercourse has occasioned our planters being
deprived of fifteen or twenty thousand of the best and most useful
Negroes yearly for their plantations,[9] and Great Britain has
thereby also been prevented from receiving _fifty or sixty thousand
ounces_ of gold dust,[10] besides thirty or forty tons of elephants
teeth annually.[11]
It is highly probable that _Africa_ abounds with gold mines, richer
than those in the Brazil, or in any other country; for the late
African company, in the infancy of their trade, imported from their
settlements on that coast, from the year 1675 to the year 1690,
as much gold as was coined at the Tower into 400,000 guineas[12],
exclusive of what was sent and brought home by their officers and
servants, who were always paid their salaries and commissions
upon the trade they made in that commodity, which must have been
no inconsiderable quantity; because, as the company extended
their forts and settlements upon the Gold Coast, their gold trade
increased so much, that they were used to take in exchange for
British manufactures, and East India goods in _Africa_, upwards
of two thousand ounces of gold weekly, which can be proved from
authentic vouchers, and continued so to do until such time as the
private traders made incroachments upon them, and overstocked the
country with goods by their competitions with each other, which the
natives took the advantage of, and insisted upon the traders lowering
the price of European merchandize, and raising those of Africa, by
keeping their slaves, gold and ivory up to an exorbitant price, and
thereby getting as great a quantity of goods, for a few slaves, as
was sufficient for their consumption; and was the cause of fewer
being brought from the inland countries, as by the high prices,
before observed, the Negroes got what goods they wanted for the small
number sold, which also prevented their bringing gold to market, and
by which means that valuable branch of the _African_ trade, of such
importance to this country, was in a great measure destroyed, and the
profits thereof centered with the natives of _Africa_.
We believe the private traders will admit they have not altogether
imported from _Africa_ into these kingdoms two thousand ounces
of gold annually[13]; and that since the act of parliament for
dissolving the late company, and putting the forts and settlements
under the management of the committee of the company of merchants
trading to Africa, the officers commanding there, have not taken gold
sufficient to pay the annual salaries of their servants, though they
are fewer in number than those that were kept by the late company.
From what has been stated, we conjecture it will appear, that the
_British_ forts in _Africa_ are not upon a proper plan; if they
were, the commanding officers for the committee of the company of
merchants trading to _Africa_, would, in eleven years and upwards,
have opened those roads (which have been so long stopt) that the
colonies and mother-country might receive those great benefits and
advantages beforementioned, by having the trade brought down to the
forts without interruption, from the remotest parts of _Africa_, as
it was in the time of the late company’s prosperity; but that has not
been done, and as the British traders declined that trade many years
before the _French_ seized the opportunity of stepping in, and reaped
so great advantages thereby, as to have carried to their colonies,
not fewer than one hundred and fifty thousand of those useful people,
from the year 1729 to the year 1739.
This induces us to think, that the _British_ merchants forsook that
trade, and made the opposition they did to the late company, to get
the forts and settlements under their management, to prevent other
people putting them upon a proper establishment, that might hinder
the French making the encroachments they have made in time of peace
(and consequently carrying to their plantations those most useful
people) in order to follow their more favourite trades to _Benin_,
_Calabar_, and the coast of _Angola_, because there they can purchase
three hundred Negroes with a cargo of 3600_l._ value, when that
number upon the Gold Coast would cost in March last 4950_l._[14].
Therefore we fear the private interest of said opposers rather gained
an ascendency over them, to the great prejudice and disadvantage
of the British colonies and the mother-country, and to the great
emolument of the French; which we thought proper to observe at this
juncture, and to hint also, that it will be more fully set forth in
the description of the African trade beforementioned.
We hope to see a minister at the head of the administration in this
country, devoid of faction and corruption, that no private pique
or prejudice against person or party will so far influence him, as
not to pay a due and impartial attention to what is laid before
the legislative power, relative to that valuable branch of British
commerce, the _African_ trade.
We shall rejoice that such enquiries will not for the future be
prevented by ministerial direction, as happened at a certain
period, when it had cost great pains and expence to bring a matter
of the utmost importance to this country to a hearing, which was
frustrated, by putting a previous question in a great assembly on
purpose to prevent such enquiry; notwithstanding several persons
had been examined with respect to the _African_ trade, as well as
the expenditure of public money[15]; and for no other reason, as
we could learn, or can conceive, than[15] that one of the greatest
planters in the world (who at this time so worthily fills the first
office in this metropolis) promoted said enquiry; which, under a wise
and able minister, would have been a sufficient reason for examining
minutely into an affair of such national consequence.
For what must be prejudicial to that planter’s interest, must in
proportion be so to every other in the sugar colonies: and those of
small property must feel the effects of being supplied with the worst
sort of Negroes at exorbitant prices, more than those of affluent
circumstances.
We have the honour to know that gentleman well, and are fully
satisfied he was induced to exert himself in behalf of that enquiry,
not from a motive of private interest, but for the general good of
all those interested in, and concerned for the prosperity of the
_British_ colonies.
We therefore hope he will long live to employ his great abilities in
promoting all good, and opposing all bad measures, with that zeal
and spirit he hath always done, as also to prevent, to the utmost
of his power, any minister (hereafter) daring to smuggle accounts
into a certain assembly, although great objections had been made to
them, before those objections were canvassed and cleared up; and
that he will ever oppose the issuing public money intended for other
services, till a satisfactory account is given, which has been the
case[16]. However, we shall not at present enlarge further upon this
head, because we know an abstract of the report of the committee,
appointed by the honourable house of commons, will soon be published,
to which we beg leave to refer our readers.
When the enquiry, relative to the _African_ trade, was under
consideration before the honourable house of commons in the year
1758, Mr. Pitt, that wise, great and able statesman, who has done
his king and country so many eminent and good services, was pleased
to declare, that he believed the then method of carrying on the
_African_ trade wanted alteration and amendment. He also added,
that when we should be so happy as to have a peace, he would be at
all times ready to examine into it, and give all the assistance in
his power to put it upon such a footing, that our plantations might
be supplied with the best and most valuable Negroes at reasonable
rates. We doubt not but he will make good his promise to lend his
able assistance, and also to recommend it to the administration
to begin such an enquiry, and continue it, in order to amend the
present, or form such other plan, as will preserve and secure that
valuable trade to the _British_ subjects, as the only and certain
means to encrease the produce of the _British_, and lessen that of
the _French_ colonies. For, with the islands we already possess, and
those which it appears by the preliminaries are to be ours, we shall
have a sufficient number to raise sugar, _&c._ for the consumption of
all Europe, if our British planters are properly supplied with the
best sort of Negroes for their cultivation.
When that gentleman has assisted in doing this further service to his
country, we sincerely wish him a long series of uninterrupted health,
to enjoy the fruits of an honourable and permanent peace; and that he
may be held in that esteem, reverence and honour, he so justly merits
from all lovers of this country.
Should such an enquiry be made, we hope some method will be found
out, to examine all persons at the bar of the house of commons upon
oath; for if that could be done, it would save the house a deal of
trouble, and prevent their receiving false information in matters of
the utmost consequence to this nation and its commerce. Because we
have heard people assert at that bar, what, to our knowledge, they
at the same time knew to be intirely false; which we most sincerely
wish could be remedied; or at least that persons examined there, upon
matters of importance, should be informed they will be examined with
respect to the same matter upon oath, at the bar of the house of
lords, which we presume may be done; and if done, will be attended
with great and good consequences to the whole community.
We cannot omit observing; that it was industriously reported,
propagated, and even urged as an argument in a great assembly, when
the state of the sugar islands was under their consideration in
the year 1758, that the British planters had formed a scheme for a
monopoly, by agreeing only to cultivate such part of their lands
as would produce but a certain quantity of sugar, in order to raise
the price, and exactingly to obtain as much for a little as a great
quantity; which was as true and likely to be the case, as if the
farmers of _Great Britain_, _Ireland_, _France_, _Sweden_, _Poland_
and _Denmark_ were to enter into a combination to leave such parts of
their lands uncultivated, with an unfair intent of raising the price
of grain; which we believe any person will readily admit can never be
brought about, although a correspondence may be easier, and in much
less time carried on between the farmers of those nations, than the
planters of our sugar colonies, as those of Jamaica cannot correspond
with Barbadoes, or any other part of the sugar islands, sooner than
by way of _Great Britain_ or _North America_, which would at least be
six months before they could hear from each other; that impediment
alone is sufficient to shew, that people thus separated, though ever
so well inclined, can never form a monopoly.
Besides, would it not be absurd, even to suppose that the farmers of
Great Britain, and other nations, who inhabit corn countries, do not
raise as much grain upon their farms as they possibly can procure
servants at reasonable wages, and can stock them with horses, cattle,
_&c._ at a cheap rate?
But if they are obliged to pay great wages to their servants, and
extravagant prices for their stock, they can then only put in
execution the cultivation of their lands by degrees, which is exactly
the case of the British planters; for had they a sufficient supply of
the proper sort of Negroes at reasonable rates, they would not let
any of their land lie idle that was worth being cultivated.
Therefore the true reason why some lands may lie unplanted in the
sugar islands is, it would greatly prejudice any planter in their
circumstances, to attempt to make new plantations with those tender
sort of Negroes, who have been carried to them in great numbers for
several years past, and sold at the extravagant prices from 50_l._
to 54_l._ and upwards each; whereas the best sort of Negroes, at
the time the late company cultivated and preserved the trade on the
_Gold Coast_, _Popo_, and _Whidah_, so as to prevent the French
carrying the best sort of Negroes to their plantations, who therefore
were sold in ours at the moderate prices of 20_l._ to 25_l._ a head
the highest; which was a very great encouragement to the planters
to clear their lands, and cultivate new plantations, enabling them
thereby greatly to improve and encrease the product of the islands,
which it must be their interest to do to the very extent of their
power, if their lands are situated with any sort of convenience for
water, or other carriage, to convey the product of their plantation
to the sea-ports, notwithstanding what was at that time advanced to
the contrary, to serve particular purposes, and in order to divert
the attention of the legislature from the real causes.
For whatever people may think, who are not well acquainted with
the colonies, because they see some of our planters come to settle
here in great opulence; that is no reason why those remaining in
the colonies are all rich; for if they were, few of them would stay
there: on the contrary, they are obliged to cultivate their lands
with the greatest pains and industry, in order to raise as much sugar
and other product as they possibly can, to pay the debts they owe:
for there is not a sugar island but what is considerably indebted to
Great Britain; so that whatever disadvantages the planters of our
colonies labour under, they must terminate by being prejudicial to
this country.
We cannot help once more observing, it is not having the most sugar
islands that will be the greatest benefit and advantage to the
mother-country, unless such islands can be supplied with a sufficient
number of the best Negroes for their cultivation; therefore as _Great
Britain_, _France_, _Spain_, _Holland_ and _Denmark_ have encreased
their number, and extended their colonies to such a degree, that
Africa cannot sufficiently supply them all with Negroes, including
those that the Portuguese want and carry off. On that account, in
our humble opinion, the contest ought to be, not who has the most
islands, but who can secure the trade to those parts of Africa,
where the best and greatest number of those useful people are to be
procured, as the only means to promote the interest and prosperity of
their colonies who may be so lucky to succeed in doing it, but will
be very disadvantageous to their competitors.
From what has been before observed, we presume it will be admitted
that every equitable method ought to be pursued and put in practice
by Great Britain, to secure to herself as much as possible the
African trade, in order to prevent the French purchasing Negroes. For
the same reason we take all the measures we possibly can, to hinder
the smuggling of wool, or any of our artificers and manufacturers
going to France. It cannot be too much insisted on that the Negroes
are of as much consequence and use for the cultivation of our
colonies, as the wool is to our manufactory, for these obvious
reasons; that the Negroes are the artificers, manufacturers, and
labourers in the colonies; because the whole process, from clearing
and preparing the ground to plant the sugar cane, and manufacturing
it into sugar and rum, and the putting it on board the ships, is the
work of Negroes; therefore it surely must be very prejudicial to our
interest to sell any of those useful people to the French, even were
they to pay gold or silver for them: there are, besides, much more
cogent reasons to be given why we should exert ourselves to prevent
the French, as much as we can, carrying them from Africa.
If there should at any time be more Negroes brought to the British
colonies than are necessary for the cultivation there, which we have
great reason to believe is seldom, or perhaps will never be the
case, then such Negroes may be sold to the Spaniards or Portuguese,
because they would pay gold or silver for them; and moreover, the
slaves so disposed of, would be employed in the mines of America, and
not in cultivating sugar and other plantation produce, as would be
the consequence if the French were allowed to be the purchasers; by
which means they would be effectually enabled to become our rivals
in trade, as well on account of their national encouragement and
advantages peculiar to them, by which they may be capacitated to sell
the product of their plantations considerably cheaper than we can
ours at foreign markets[17].
In order to remove the prejudices of many worthy and tender-minded
persons against the Negro-trade, which from a delicacy natural to
civilized nations, they declare to be quite contrary to all dictates
of humanity, and a disgrace to the professors of the christian
religion, we shall lay before them and the public a true state of
the case. As there is no occasion to enlarge how essentially and
absolutely necessary it is to have Negroes for the cultivation of our
colonies, which is explained in the foregoing sheets; therefore we
shall only beg leave to observe, by the best information that could
be obtained, Africa in general is divided into little kingdoms and
states, which, when at peace, the natives thereof breed slaves for
sale, as our farmers do stock on their farms, and sell them as their
necessity requires, which was a traffic carried on among themselves
before Europeans traded thither; and when overstocked, their practice
was putting to death (often with great torture) the prisoners taken
in war. Those that are bred slaves, are always very desirous to be
purchased by white people, as they are infinitely better used than by
their black masters, who allow them but a bare subsistance, and treat
them with the greatest barbarity; and were used to put several to
death through custom, when they buried persons above the common rank,
and oftentimes merely through wantonness, which is prevented by their
having found an advantageous and lucrative market for them.
Those Negroes taken in war, or prisoners for feloniously committing
crimes in despite of the laws, made by the officers commanding the
European forts, such laws having been agreed to by the natives
under their command and protection, also by those laws made by the
kings and princes in the inland countries, are now sold, but often
unwilling to go on board ships; perhaps, on account of having lived
in a better situation in their own country than those who have been
bred up in slavery from their infancy; therefore they often contrive
to make their escape, and by speaking the language, persuade others
to join and assist them to take the ship from the Europeans, of
which we have had too many fatal instances, and is entirely owing to
their ignorance in not knowing the place they are destined to; and
also that they will be much better treated and looked after in our
colonies than they ever were in their country; so that when bought by
Europeans, they are in a manner rescued from a state of misery as to
treatment; for in the colonies, when they are sick, they have great
care taken of them, and physicians to administer proper medicines for
their relief; which, on a similar occasion, their black masters would
give themselves no care or concern about them.
Besides, many of them are instructed in the principles of religion,
and become christians and men of property, which, from experience, we
know to be true, having talked with several who had no desire to see
their own country, living much more comfortably in our colonies. And
we think it would be politic to send two or three Negroes on board
every ship that goes to Africa, that can talk the different languages
of the countries the master of such ship intends to trade to, that
they might inform their countrymen how they had been treated. Such
measures, we are convinced, would prevent the loss of many lives,
by the Negroes being satisfied they were going where they would be
better treated than in their own country; and, at the same time, to
eradicate that opinion many of them have, that they are going to be
fed and eaten, which, if effected, would be a means to quiet their
minds, so as not to attempt rising on board of ships.
In all fluctuating societies, such as merchants trading to a country
so remote and little known as Africa, many more than the majority are
liable to be imposed on, even in the trade they intend to support,
a misfortune owing to the want of local knowledge, and personal
experience.
What chance for truth do those merchants in general stand, whose ears
few other accounts reach, than the imperfect relation of some master
of a ship, mariner or traditionalist, little to be credited, and less
to be depended upon? As to the former (if capable) he has little time
or opportunity to speculate into the _trade_, _manners_, _customs_,
and _temper_ of the _natives_, which they are seldom long enough at
a place to do; and who, from motives of immediate profit, pursue
measures they think most conducive to make a quick voyage, which is
all they turn their minds to; yet many of them, when they arrive in
Europe, will take upon themselves to give information in the most
interesting matters; which, without having lived in the country for
a considerable length of time, it is impossible for them to do with
accuracy and any degree of truth, notwithstanding such impositions
being propagated, have in general prevailed and influenced the minds
of people to such a degree, that those of certain boroughs, far from
having, as has been before observed, the least connection, interest,
or so much as acquainted in the most minute manner with the African
trade, presented their petitions to the honourable house of commons
to lay open the same; though many of the said boroughs have not since
sent the most trifling adventure to Africa, which at that time, and
before, when the forts were under the direction of the late royal
African company, the trade was much more free and open than it has
been since under the management of the committee of the company of
merchants trading to Africa, which we conjecture will appear from
the following extract of letters, certificates and affidavits[18],
we think it highly necessary, and even our duty, to lay before the
public, thereby to shew how far they have been imposed on by false
pretenders to knowledge.
Extract of a letter from on board the Fly sloop at Bristol,
Alexander Graham, master, dated 16 March, 1750, to the late royal
African company’s governor at Cape Coast Castle.
“I write this to acquaint you, that the French vessels sailed
two days ago; I acknowledge myself obliged to you for the method
you have taken to send them off, am very much obliged to you for
your advice; have sent my armourer to alter some handcuffs, your
permission will much oblige, _&c._”
Extract of a letter from six British masters of vessels, dated on
board the Polly in Annamaboa Road, 20 March, 1750. To the same.
“Your favour of yesterday we received, and thank you for the
promise of assistance, in protecting the privileges of the British
subjects trading to this place, too much invaded by the French, and
too little protected from home, but at this time shall have no
occasion to trouble you. The French ship is sailed, _&c._”