ministers and commissioners of kirks were despised at the first,
with these words, "As ministers will not follow our counsels, so
will we suffer ministers to labour for themselves, and see what
speed they come." And when the whole Assembly said, "If the Queen
will not provide for our ministers, we must; for both Third and
Two-part are rigorously taken from us, and from our tenants." "If
others," said one, "will follow my counsel, the gaird[225] and the
Papists shall complain as long as our ministers have done." At
these words the former sharpness was coloured,[226] and the speaker
alleged that he did not refer to all ministers, but to some to whom
the Queen was no debtor; for what Third received she of burghs?
Christopher Goodman answered, "My Lord Secretary, if ye can show me
what just title either the Queen has to the Third, or the Papists to
the Two-part, then I think I should solve whether she were debtor to
ministers within burghs or not." But thereto he received this check
for answer, "_Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica_;" that
is, "Let not a stranger be curious in a strange commonwealth." The
man of God answered, "Albeit I be a stranger in your polity, I am
not so in the Kirk of God; and its care does no less appertain to me
in Scotland than if I were in the midst of England."
[225] Guard; civil establishment.
[226] Modified; dissembled.
[Sidenote: John Knox demands the Judgment of his Brethren.]
Many wondered at the silence of John Knox; for in all those quick
reasonings he opened not his mouth. The cause thereof he himself
expressed in those words: "I have travailed, right honourable and
beloved Brethren, since my last arrival within this realm, in an
upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more, as He is my
witness, than the advancement of His glory, and the stability of His
Kirk within this realm; and yet of late days I have been accused as
a seditious man, and as one that usurps to myself power that becomes
me not. True it is that I have given notification to the Brethren in
divers quarters concerning the extremity intended against certain
faithful men for looking at a priest going to Mass, and for
observing those that transgressed just laws; but that therein I have
usurped further power than is given to me, until I be condemned by
you, I utterly deny.
"I say that by you, that is, by the charge of the General Assembly,
I have as just power to advertise the Brethren from time to time
of dangers appearing, as I have authority to preach the Word of
God in the pulpit of Edinburgh; for by you I was appointed to the
one and to the other; and, therefore, in the name of God, I crave
your judgments. The danger that appeared to me in my accusation
was not so fearful as were the words that came to my ears dolorous
to my heart; for these words were plainly spoken, and that by some
Protestants, 'What can the Pope do more than send forth his letters,
and require them to be obeyed.' Let me have your judgments whether
I have usurped any power to myself, or if I have but obeyed your
commandment."
The flatterers of the Court, amongst whom Sir John Bellenden,
Justice Clerk, was then not the least, began to storm, and said,
"Shall we be compelled to justify the rash doings of men?" "My
Lord," said John Knox, "ye shall speak your pleasure for the
present: of you I crave nothing; but if the Kirk that is here
present do not either absolve me, or else condemn me, never shall
I in public or in private, as a public minister, open my mouth in
doctrine or in reasoning."
[Sidenote: Acquittal of John Knox by the General Assembly.]
The said John being removed, the whole Kirk found, after long
contention, that a charge was given to him to warn the brethren in
all quarters as oft as ever danger appeared; and therefore avowed
that act not to be his only, but to be the act of all. Thereat
were the Queen's clawbacks[227] more enraged than ever they were
before; for some of them had promised to the Queen to get the said
John convicted, both by the Council and by the Kirk; and, being
frustrated of both, she and they thought themselves not a little
disappointed....
[227] Sycophants.
[Sidenote: Signs of God's Displeasure.]
God from heaven, and upon the face of the earth, gave declaration
that He was offended at the iniquity that was committed even within
this realm; for upon the 20th day of January there fell wet in
great abundance, which in falling froze so vehemently, that the
earth was but one sheet of ice. The fowls,[228] both great and
small, froze, and might not fly: many died, and some were taken and
laid beside the fire, that their feathers might resolve. In that
same month the sea stood still, as was clearly observed, and neither
ebbed nor flowed for the space of twenty-four hours. In the month
of February, the 15th and 18th days thereof, there were seen in the
firmament battles arrayed, spears and other weapons, and as it had
been the joining of two armies. These things were not only observed,
but also spoken of and constantly affirmed by men of judgment and
credit.
[228] Birds.
[Sidenote: Lavish Entertainments at Court.]
But the Queen and our Court made merry. There was banqueting upon
banqueting. The Queen banqueted all the Lords; and that was done
upon policy, to remove the suspicion of her displeasure against
them, because they would not, at her devotion, condemn John Knox.
To remove, we say, that jealousy, she made the banquet to the
whole Lords, and thereat she would have the Duke of Chatelherault
amongst the rest. It behoved them to banquet her again; and so did
banqueting continue till Fastern's-e'en[229] and after. But the poor
ministers were mocked, and reputed as monsters; the guard, and the
affairs of the kitchen were so griping,[230] that the ministers'
stipends could not be paid.
[229] Shrove Tuesday; the day before Lent.
[230] Extortionate.
[Sidenote: The Queen's broken Promises.]
And yet at the Assembly preceding, solemn promise of redress had
been made in the Queen's name, by the mouth of Secretary Lethington,
in audience of many of the nobility and of the whole Assembly. He
had affirmed that he had commandment of her Highness to promise
them full contentation[231] of things bygone to all the ministers
within the realm; and that, such order would be kept in all times to
come, the whole body of the Protestants would have occasion to stand
content. The Earl of Moray affirmed the same, and many other fair
promises had been given in writing by Lethington himself, as may be
seen from the register of the Acts done in the General Assembly.
But the world can witness how far that, or any other promise by her,
or in her name, to the Kirk of God, was observed.
[231] Satisfaction.
[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington defies the Servants of God.]
The ministers perceiving all things tend to ruin, discharged their
conscience in public and private; but they received for their
labours hatred and indignation. Amongst others, that worthy servant
of God, Mr. John Craig, speaking against the manifest corruption
that then declared itself without shame or fear, said, "At one time,
hypocrites were known by their disguised habits, and we had men as
monks, and women as nuns; but now, all things are so changed that
we cannot discern the earl from the abbot, or the nun from such as
would be held noblewomen; so that we have got a new order of monks
and nuns. But, seeing that ye are not ashamed of that unjust profit,
would God that therewith ye had the cowl of the nun, the veil, yea,
and the tail joined with all, that so ye might appear in your own
colours." Their liberty did so provoke the choler of Lethington,
that, in open audience, he gave himself to the Devil, if ever after
that day he should regard what became of ministers. He should do
what he could that his companions should have a skair[232] with him;
"and let them bark and blow," said he, "as loud as they list." That
was the second time that he had given his defiance to the servants
of God.
[232] Share (?).
[Sidenote: The Courtiers and the Kirk.]
Hereupon rose whispering and complaints by the flatterers of the
Court. Men were not charitably handled, said they: "Might not sins
be reproved in general, albeit men were not so specially taxed,
that all the world might know of whom the preacher spake?" To
this the answer was made, "Let men be ashamed to offend publicly,
and the ministers shall abstain from specialities; but so long as
Protestants are not ashamed manifestly to act against the Evangel
of Jesus Christ, so long cannot the ministers of God cease to cry
that God will be revenged upon such abusers of His holy Word." Thus
had the servants of God a double battle; fighting upon the one side
against the idolatry and the rest of the abominations maintained
by the Queen; and upon the other part, against the unthankfulness
of such as sometime would have been esteemed the chief pillars of
the Kirk within the realm. The threatenings of the preachers were
fearful; but the Court thought itself in such security that it could
not miscarry.
The Queen, after the banqueting, kept a diet by direction of
Monsieur la Usurie, Frenchman, who had been acquainted with her
malady before, being her physician. And thereafter, for the second
time, she made her progresses to the North, and commanded the Earl
of Caithness to ward in the castle of Edinburgh, for a murder
committed by his servants upon the Earl Marischall's men. He obeyed,
but he was speedily relieved; for bloodthirsty men and Papists, such
as he is, are best subjects to the Queen. "Thy kingdom come, O Lord;
for in this realm there is nothing (amongst such as should punish
vice and maintain virtue) but abomination abounding without bridle."
[Sidenote: The Courtiers rouse John Knox: he preaches concerning
Idolatry.]
The flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against the poor
preachers: happiest was he that could invent the most bitter taunts
and disdainful mockings of the ministers. At length they began to
jest at the term of idolatry, affirming, "That men wist not what
they spake when they called the Mass idolatry." Yea, some proceeded
further, and feared not at open tables to affirm, that they would
sustain the argument that the Mass was no idolatry. These things
coming to the ears of the preachers, were proclaimed in the public
pulpit of Edinburgh, with this complaint directed by the speaker
to his God. "O Lord, how long shall the wicked prevail against the
just! How long shalt Thou suffer Thyself and Thy blessed Evangel to
be despised of men; of men, we say, that make themselves defenders
of the truth. Of Thy manifest and known enemies we complain not,
but of such as unto whom Thou hast revealed Thy light: for now it
comes to our ears that men, not Papists, but chief Protestants,
will defend the Mass to be no idolatry. If this were so, O Lord,
miserably have I been deceived, and miserably, alas, O Lord, have
I deceived Thy people; and that Thou knowest, O Lord, I have ever
abhorred more than a thousand deaths."
Turning his face towards the room where sat such men as had so
affirmed, "If I be not able to prove the Mass to be the most
abominable idolatry that ever was used since the beginning of the
world, I offer myself to suffer the punishment appointed by God to
a false teacher; and it appears to me that the affirmers should
be subject to the same law; for it is the truth of God that ye
persecute and blaspheme; and it is the invention of the Devil that,
obstinately against His Word, ye maintain. Albeit ye now flyrt
and flyre,[233] as though all that were spoken were but wind, yet
am I as assured, as I am that my God liveth, that some that hear
your defection and railing against the truth and the servants of
God, shall see a part of God's judgments poured forth upon this
realm, and principally upon you that fastest cleave to the favour
of the Court, for the abominations that are maintained by you."
Such vehemence provoked the tears of some, yet those men that knew
themselves guilty said, in a mocking manner, "We must recant, and
burn our bill, for the preachers are angry."
[233] Mock and deride.
[Sidenote: The General Assembly: June 1564.]
The General Assembly, held in June 1564, approaching, to this the
great part of those of the Nobility that are called Protestants,
convened; some for assistance of the ministers, and some to accuse
them.... On the first day of the General Assembly, the Courtiers and
the Lords that depended upon the Court, did not present themselves
in session with their brethren. Many wondering thereat, an ancient
and honourable man, the Laird of Lundie, said, "Nay, I wonder not of
their present absence; but I wonder that, at our last Assembly, they
drew themselves apart, and joined not with us, but drew from us some
of our ministers, and willed them to conclude such things as were
never proponed in the public Assembly. That appears to me to be very
prejudicial to the liberty of the Kirk. My judgment is, therefore,
that they be informed of this offence, which the whole brethren have
conceived of their former fault; with humble request that, if they
be brethren, they will assist their brethren with their presence
and counsel, for we never had greater need. If they be minded to
fall back from us, it were better we knew it now than afterwards."
The whole Assembly agreed to this, and gave commission to certain
brethren to signify the minds of the Assembly to the Lords: that was
done on the same afternoon.
[Sidenote: The Protestant Courtiers maintain an independent
Position.]
At first, the Courtiers seemed not a little offended that they
should be suspected of defection: yet, upon the morrow, they joined
with the Assembly, and came into it. But they drew themselves apart,
as they had done before, and entered the Inner Council House. There
were the Duke's Grace, the Earls Argyll, Moray, Morton, Glencairn,
Marischall, and Rothes; the Master of Maxwell, Secretary Lethington,
the Justice Clerk, the Clerk Register, and the Comptroller, the
Laird of Pittarrow.
After a little consultation, they directed a messenger, Mr.
George Hay, then called the Minister of the Court, requiring the
Superintendents, and some of the learned ministers, to confer with
them.
The Assembly answered that they had convened to deliberate upon the
common affairs of the Kirk; and therefore, that they could not lack
their superintendents and chief ministers, whose judgments were so
necessary that, without them, the rest should sit as it were idle.
They therefore, as before, willed them that, if they acknowledged
themselves members of the Kirk, they would join with the brethren,
and propone in public such things as they pleased; and so they
should have the assistance of the whole in all things that might
conform to God's commandment. Hurt and slander might arise, rather
than any profit or comfort to the Kirk, were they to send from
themselves a portion of their company. For they feared that all men
should not stand content with the conclusion, where the conference
and reasons were only heard by a few.
This answer was not given without cause; for no small travail was
made to have drawn some ministers to the faction of the courtiers,
and to have sustained their arguments and opinions. But when it
was perceived by the most politic amongst them that they could not
prevail by that means, they proponed the matter in other terms.
Purging themselves first that they never meant to divide themselves
from the society of their brethren, they said that they had certain
heads to confer with certain ministers; and that, to prevent
confusion, they thought it more expedient to have the conference
before a few, rather than in the public audience. The Assembly did
still reply, that they would not admit secret conference upon those
heads that must be concluded by a general vote.
The Lords promised that no conclusion should be taken, or yet vote
required, until their propositions and the reasons should both be
heard and considered by the whole Assembly. Upon that condition,
there were directed to them, with express charge to conclude nothing
without the knowledge and advice of the Assembly, the Laird of Dun,
Superintendent of Angus, the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife,
Mr. John Row, Mr. John Craig, William Christison, and Mr. David
Lindsay, ministers, with the Rector of St. Andrews, and Mr. George
Hay. The Superintendent of Glasgow, Mr. John Willock, was moderator,
and John Knox waited upon the scribe. And so they were appointed to
sit with the brethren. Because the principal complaint touched John
Knox, he was also called for.
[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington defines the Attitude of the Lords of
the Court.]
Secretary Lethington began the harangue, which contained these
heads: First, how much we were indebted unto God, by whose
providence we had liberty of religion under the Queen's Majesty,
albeit she was not persuaded in it herself: Secondly, how necessary
a thing it was that the Queen's Majesty, by all good offices, so
spake he, of the Kirk, and of the ministers principally, should be
retained in the constant opinion that they unfeignedly favoured
her advancement, and procured her subjects to have a good opinion
of her: And, lastly, how dangerous a thing it was that ministers
should be noted to disagree one from another, in form of prayer for
Her Majesty, or in doctrine concerning obedience to Her Majesty's
authority. "And in these two last heads," said he, "we desire you
all to be circumspect; but especially we must crave of you, our
brother, John Knox, to moderate yourself, as well in form of
praying for the Queens Majesty, as in doctrine that ye propone
touching her estate and obedience. Neither shall ye take this," said
he, "as spoken to your reproach, _quia nevus interdum in corpore
pulchro_, but because others by your example may imitate the like
liberty, albeit not with the same modesty and foresight; and wise
men do foresee the opinion that may engender in the people's heads."
[Sidenote: The Disputation between John Knox and the Secretary.]
_John Knox._ If such as fear God have occasion to praise Him because
idolatry is maintained, the servants of God are despised, wicked
men are placed again in honour and authority, and, finally, because
vice and impiety overflow this whole realm without punishment, then
have we occasion to rejoice and to praise God. But if those and the
like actions are wont to provoke God's vengeance against realms
and nations, then, in my judgment, the godly within Scotland ought
to lament and mourn; and so to prevent[234] God's judgments, lest
He, finding all in a like security, strike in His hot indignation,
perchance beginning at such as think they offend not.
[234] Anticipate.
_Lethington._ That is a head wherein ye and I never agreed; for how
are ye able to prove that ever God struck or plagued a nation or
people for the iniquity of their prince, if they themselves lived
godly?
_Knox._ I looked, my Lord, to have audience, until I had absolved
the other two parts; but seeing that it pleases your Lordship to cut
me off before the midst, I will answer your question. The Scripture
of God teaches me that Jerusalem and Judah were punished for the sin
of Manasseh; and if ye will allege that they were punished because
they were wicked, and offended with their king, and not because
their king was wicked, I answer that, albeit the Spirit of God makes
for me, saying in express words, "For the sin of Manasseh," yet
will I not be so obstinate as to lay the whole sin, and the plagues
that followed, upon the king, and utterly absolve the people. I
will grant you that the whole people offended with the king: but
how, and in what fashion, I fear that ye and I shall not agree. I
doubt not but that the great multitude accompanied him in all the
abominations which he did; for idolatry and a false religion have
ever been, are, and will be pleasing to the most part of men. To
affirm that all Judah committed really the acts of his impiety, is
but to affirm that which neither has certainty, nor yet appearance
of truth. Who can think it possible that all those of Jerusalem
should so shortly turn to external idolatry, considering the notable
reformation in the days of Hezekiah, a short time before? But yet,
the text says, "Manasseh made Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem
to err." True it is; for the one part willingly followed him in his
idolatry, and the other, by reason of his authority, suffered him
to defile Jerusalem, and the temple of God, with all abominations.
So were they all criminal for his sin; the one by act and deed, the
other by suffering and permission. Even so, all Scotland is guilty
this day of the Queen's idolatry, and ye, my Lords, especially,
above all others.
_Lethington._ Well, that is the chief head wherein we never agreed;
but of that we shall speak hereafter. What will ye say as touching
the moving of the people to have a good opinion of the Queen's
Majesty, and as concerning obedience to be given to her authority,
as also of the form of the prayer which commonly ye use, and so on?
_Knox._ My Lord, a good conscience will not suffer me to move the
people more earnestly, or to pray otherwise than heretofore I have
done. He who knows the secrets of hearts knows that, privately and
publicly, I have called to God for the Queen's conversion, and have
willed the people to do the same, showing them the dangerous estate
wherein not only she herself stands, but also the whole realm, by
the reason of her indurate blindness.
_Lethington._ That is exactly wherein we find greatest fault. Your
extremity against the Queen's Mass, in particular, passes measure.
Ye call her a slave to Satan; ye affirm that God's vengeance hangs
over the realm by reason of her impiety; and what is this else but
to rouse up the heart of the people against Her Majesty, and against
them that serve her?
There was heard an exclamation from the rest of the flatterers that
such extremity could not profit. The Master of Maxwell said in plain
words, "If I were in the Queen's Majesty's place, I would not suffer
such things as I hear."
_Knox._ If the words of preachers shall always be wrested to the
worst construction, then will it be hard to speak of anything so
circumspectly (provided that the truth be spoken) that it shall not
escape the censure of the calumniator. The most vehement, and, as ye
put it, excessive manner of prayer that I use in public is this, "O
Lord, if it be Thy pleasure, purge the heart of the Queen's Majesty
from the venom of idolatry, and deliver her from the bondage and
thraldom of Satan in which she has been brought up, and yet remains,
for the lack of true doctrine; and let her see, by the illumination
of Thy Holy Spirit, that there is no means to please Thee but by
Jesus Christ, Thy only Son, and that Jesus Christ cannot be found
but in Thy holy Word, nor yet received but as it prescribes; which
is, to renounce our own wisdom and preconceived opinion, and worship
Thee as Thou commandest; that in so doing she may avoid that eternal
damnation which abides all who are obstinate and impenitent unto
the end; and that this poor realm may also escape that plague and
vengeance which inevitably follow idolatry, maintained against Thy
manifest Word and the open light thereof." This, said he, is the
form of my common prayer, as yourselves can witness. Now, I would
hear what is worthy of reprehension in it.
_Lethington._ There are three things that I never liked. The first
is that ye pray for the Queen's Majesty with a condition, saying,
"Illuminate her heart, if it be Thy good pleasure." It may appear
from these words that ye doubt of her conversion. Where have ye the
example of such prayer?
_Knox._ Wheresoever the examples are, I am assured of the rule,
which is this, If we shall ask anything according to His will, He
shall hear us; and our Master, Christ Jesus, commanded us to pray
unto our Father, "Thy will be done."
_Lethington._ But where do ye ever find one of the Prophets so to
have prayed?
_Knox._ It sufficeth me, my Lord, that the Master and Teacher of
both Prophets and Apostles has taught me so to pray.
_Lethington._ But, in so doing, ye put a doubt in the people's head
concerning her conversion.
_Knox._ Not I, my Lord. Her own obstinate rebellion causes more than
me to doubt of her conversion.
_Lethington._ Wherein rebels she against God?