and Lord James, with the men of war and some company of horsemen,
should go to Dysart, and there lie in wait upon the French, so
that they should not utterly destroy the sea-coast, as they had
intended to have done. The said Earl and Lord James did as they were
appointed, albeit their company was very small; and yet they did
so valiantly, that it passed all credibility. For twenty-one days
they lay in their clothes; their boots never came off: they had
skirmishing almost every day; yea, some days, from morn to even.
The French had four thousand soldiers, beside their favourers and
faction of the country. The Lords had never altogether five hundred
horsemen, with a hundred soldiers; and yet they held the French so
busy, that for every horse they slew to the Congregation, they lost
four French soldiers.
William Kirkaldy of Grange, on the day after his house was cast
down, sent in his defiance to Monsieur D'Oysel and the rest,
declaring that to that hour had he used the French favourably. He
had saved their lives, when he might have suffered their throats to
be cut; but, seeing that they had used him with that rigour, let
them not look for that favour in times to come. The said William
Kirkaldy, and the Master of Lyndsay, escaped many dangers. The
Master had his horse slain under him: the said William was almost
betrayed in his house at Hallyards. Yet they never ceased; night
and day they waited upon the French.
On one occasion, they with some gentlemen laid themselves in a
secret place, before day, to await the French, who were wont to
ish in companies, to seek their prey. Forth came a Captain Battu,
with his hundred men, and began to spoil. The said Master, now Lord
of Lyndsay, and the said William, suffered this without showing
themselves or their company, until they had them more than a mile
from Kinghorn. Then the horsemen began to break. Perceiving this,
the French drew together to a place called Glennis House, and made
for debate; some took the house, and others defended the close and
yard. The hazard appeared very unlikely, for our men had nothing but
spears, and were compelled to light upon their feet. The others were
within dykes; and all had culverins: the shot was fearful to many,
and divers were hurt. Kirkaldy, perceiving men to faint and begin to
recoil, cried, "Fie, let us never live after this day, if we shall
recoil for French schybalds[152];" and so the Master of Lyndsay and
he burst in at the yett, and others followed. The Master struck with
his spear at La Battu, and glancing upon his harness, for fierceness
stammered[153] almost upon his knees. But, recovering suddenly, he
fastened his spear, and bare the Captain backward, who, because he
would not be taken, was slain, and fifty of his company with him.
Those that were in the house, with some others, were saved, and sent
to Dundee to be kept. This mischance to the Frenchmen made them more
circumspect in scattering abroad in the country; and so the poor
folk got some relief.
[152] Mean fellows.
[153] Staggered.
To furnish the French with victuals, Captain Cullen, with two ships,
travelled betwixt the south shore and Kinghorn. For his wages, he
spoiled Kinghorn, Kirkcaldy, and as much of Dysart as he might. For
remedy, two ships were sent from Dundee, Andrew Sands, a stout and
fervent man in the cause of religion, being in command. At the same
time Count de Martigues arrived. Without delay he landed himself,
his coffers, and the principal gentlemen that were with him at
Leith, leaving the rest in his two ships until more convenient
opportunity. But the said Andrew, and his companion, striking sail
and making as if they would cast anchor hard beside them, boarded
them both, and carried them to Dundee. In them were gotten some
horse and much harness, with some other trifles; but of money we
heard not.
[Sidenote: An English Fleet arrives in the Forth.]
The French were incensed, and vowed the destruction of St. Andrews
and Dundee. Upon Monday morning, the twenty-third day of January
1560, they marched from Dysart, and crossed the water of Leven; ever
keeping the sea-coast, for the sake of their ships and victuals.
About twelve o'clock they espied ships. These had been seen that
morning by us that were upon the land, but they were not known.
Monsieur D'Oysel affirmed them to be French ships, and so the
soldiers triumphed, shot their volley for salutation, and marched
forward to Kincraig, fearing no resistance. But shortly after, the
English ships, meeting with Captain Cullen, seized him and his
ships, and this made them muse a little.
Suddenly came Master Alexander Wood, and assured Monsieur D'Oysel,
that they were Englishmen, and that they were the fore-riders of a
greater number that followed for the support of the Congregation.
Then might have been seen the riving of beards, and might have been
heard such despite as cruel men are wont to spue forth when God
bridleth their fury. Weariness and the night constrained them to
lodge where they were. They supped scarcely, because their ships
were taken. In these were their victuals, and also the ordnance
which they intended to have placed in St. Andrews. They themselves
durst not stray abroad to forage; and the Laird of Wemyss's
carriage, which likewise was coming with provisions for them, was
stayed. Betimes in the morning, they retired towards Kinghorn, and
made more expedition in one day in retiring, than they had done in
two in advancing.
[Sidenote: The French retire on Edinburgh.]
The storm, which had continued for the space of nearly a month,
broke at the very time of the retreat of the French. Many thought
they would have been stayed by this until a reasonable company might
have been assembled to have fought them; and with that purpose
William Kirkaldy cut the bridge of Tullibody. But the French,
expert enough in such work, took down the roof of a parish kirk, and
made a bridge over the water called the Devon. So they escaped, and
came to Stirling, and syne to Leith.
[Sidenote: A greedy Frenchman dies in a Beef-tub.]
In their retreat, the French spoiled the country and lost divers
men; amongst whom there was one whose miserable end we must
rehearse. A Frenchman--captain or soldier, we cannot tell, but he
had a red cloak and a gilt morion--entered upon a poor woman, that
dwelt in the Whyteside, and began to spoil. The poor woman offered
him such bread as she had ready prepared. But he, in no ways content
therewith, demanded the meal and a little salt beef with which she
had to sustain her own life, and the lives of her poor children.
Neither could tears nor pitiful words mitigate the merciless man; he
would have whatsoever he could carry. The poor woman perceiving him
so bent, and that he stooped down into her tub to take forth such
stuff as was within it, cowped up his heels, so that his head went
down; and there he ended his unhappy life.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: The Negotiations between the Congregation and the English
Court.]
From this time forward, frequent mention will be made of the
comfortable support that we, by God's providence, received in our
greatest extremity from our neighbours of England. We therefore
think it expedient simply to declare how that matter was first
moved, and by what means it came to pass that the Queen and Council
of England showed themselves so favourable to us.
John Knox had forewarned us, by his letters from Geneva, of all
dangers that he foresaw to ensue from our enterprise; and, when he
came to Dieppe, mindful of these, and revolving with himself what
remedy God would please to offer, he had the boldness to write to
Sir William Cecil, Secretary of England. With him the said John had
formerly been familiarly acquainted, and he intended thereby to
renew acquaintance, and so to open his mind further....
To this letter no answer was made; for, shortly thereafter, the
said John made forward to Scotland by sea, where he landed on the
third day of May; and had such success as has been declared in the
Second Book. The said John, being in St. Andrews after Cupar Moor,
entered into deep discourse with the Laird of Grange: the dangers
were evident, but the support was not easy to be seen. After many
words, John Knox burst forth as follows: "If England would foresee
their own commodity, yea, if they did consider the danger wherein
they themselves stand, they would not suffer us to perish in this
quarrel; for France hath decreed no less the conquest of England
than of Scotland." After long reasoning, it was concluded betwixt
them two that support should be craved of England. For that purpose,
the said Laird of Grange first wrote to Sir Harry Percy, and
afterwards rode from Edinburgh and spake with him. To him he made
so plain demonstration of the apparent danger to England, that he
took upon him to write to the Secretary Cecil; who with expedition
returned answer back again. Sir Harry was given to understand that
our enterprise was not altogether misliked by the Council, albeit
they desired further resolution on the part of the principal Lords.
When this was understood, it was concluded by some to write unto
him plainly our whole purpose.... With this our letter, John Knox
wrote two, one to the Secretary, and another to the Queen's Majesty
herself.... These letters were directed by Alexander Whitelaw, a man
that hath oft hazarded himself, and his all, for the cause of God,
and for his friends when in danger for the same cause.
Within a day or two after the departure of the said Alexander, there
came a letter from Sir Harry Percy to John Knox, requiring him to
meet him at Alnwick, on the third of August, upon such affairs as
he would not write of, nor yet communicate to any but the said
John himself. While he was preparing himself for the journey, for
Secretary Cecil had appointed to meet him at Stamford, the Frenchmen
came forth furiously from Dunbar, intending to have surprised the
Lords in Edinburgh, as in the Second Book has been declared. This
stayed the journey of the said John, until God had delivered the
innocent from that great danger; and then was he (having Master
Robert Hamilton, minister of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, in
his company) directed from the Lords, with full commission and
instructions to set forth their whole cause and estate.
The passage was from Pittenweem, by sea. Arriving at Holy Island,
and being informed that Sir Harry Percy was absent from the North,
they addressed themselves to Sir James Crofts, then Captain of
Berwick and Warden of the East Marches of England. They showed
to him their credit and commission. He received them gently, and
comforted them with his faithful counsel, which was that they should
travel no farther, nor yet should they be seen in public, and that
for divers considerations. First, the Queen Regent had her spies in
England. Secondarily, the Queen and the Council favoured our action,
but would that all things should remain secret as long as possible.
And last, said he, "I do not think it expedient that, when preachers
are so scarce, ye two should be any long time absent from the Lords.
Therefore," said he, "ye shall do best to commit to writing your
whole mind and credit, and I shall promise to you, upon my honour,
to have answer delivered to you and the Lords, before ye yourselves
could reach London. And where your letters cannot express all things
so fully as your presence could, I, not only by my pen, but also by
my own presence, shall supply the same, to such as will inform the
Council sufficiently of all things."
The said John and Master Robert followed this counsel, for it was
faithful and proceeded of love at that time. They tarried with Sir
James Crofts very secretly, within the Castle of Berwick, for two
days, when Alexander Whitelaw returned with answer to the Lords, and
to John Knox, the tenor of whose letter was this:--
[Sidenote: Master Cecil's Letter to John Knox.]
"MASTER KNOX,--Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut
ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui
confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus fiducia ejus.[154]
"I have received your letters, at the time that I had thought
to have seen yourself about Stamford. What is the cause of your
let, I know not. I forbear to descend to the bottom of things,
until I may confer with such an one as ye are; and, therefore,
if your chance shall be hereafter to come hither, I wish you
to be furnished with good credit, and power to make good
resolution. Although my answer to the Lords of Congregation be
somewhat obscure, upon further understanding ye shall find the
matter plain. I need wish to you no more prudence than God's
grace, whereof God send you plenty. And so I end. From Oxford,
the twenty-eighth of July 1559.--Yours as a member of the same
body in Christ,--W. CECIL."
[154] There is neither male nor female; for, as saith Paul, they
are all one in Christ Jesus. Blessed is the man who trusteth in
the Lord; and the Lord will be his confidence.--_Laing._
Albeit the said John received this letter at Berwick, yet would
he answer nothing until he had spoken with the Lords. Them he
found in Stirling, and unto them he delivered the answer sent from
the Council of England.... The answer sent by Master Cecil was
so general that many amongst us were despaired of any comfort to
come from that country; and therefore were determined that they
would request nothing further. John Knox laboured for the contrary
purpose; but he could prevail no further than that he should have
licence and liberty to write as he thought best. And so took he upon
him to answer for all, in form as follows:--
[Sidenote: The Reply of John Knox to Secretary Cecil.]
"... Albeit Master Whitelaw, by his credit, Master Kirkaldy,
by his letter, and I, both by letters and by that which I had
learned from Sir James Crofts, did declare and affirm your good
minds towards them and their support; yet could not some of the
Council--those, I mean, of greatest experience--be otherwise
persuaded, but that this alteration in France had altered your
former purpose.
"It is not unknown to your countrymen what goodwill we three
do bear to England. Therefore we heartily desire of you that
your favours and good minds may appear to the Council by your
own writings, rather than by any credit committed to any of us.
The case of those gentlemen standeth thus:--Unless money be
furnished without delay to pay their soldiers, who in number now
exceed five hundred, for their service by-past, and to retain
another thousand footmen, with three hundred horsemen for a
time, they will be compelled every man to seek the next way for
his own safety. I am assured, as flesh may be of flesh, that
some of them will take a very hard life before they compone[155]
either with the Queen Regent, or with France. But this I dare
not promise at all, unless in you they see a greater forwardness
to their support.
"To support us may appear excessive, and to break promise with
France may appear dangerous. But, Sir, I hope ye consider that
our destruction were your greatest loss; and that when France
shall be our full master--which God avert!--they will be but
slender friends to you. I heard Béthencourt brag in his credit,
after he had delivered his menacing letters to Lord James
Stewart, that the King and his Council would spend the Crown of
France, unless they had our full obedience. But most assuredly I
know that unless by us they thought to make an entrance to you,
they would not buy our poverty at that price. They labour to
corrupt some of our great men by money, and some of our number
are poor, as before I wrote, and cannot serve without support;
some they threaten; and against others they have raised up a
party in their own country. In the meantime, if ye lie by as
neutrals, ye may easily conjecture what will be the end! Some
of the Council, immediately after the sight of your letters,
departed, not well appeased. The Earl of Argyll is gone to his
country for putting order to the same,[156] and is minded to
return shortly with his forces, if assurance of your support be
had.
"Therefore, Sir, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, I require you
to make plain answer, that the Gentlemen here may know what to
lippen to,[157] and at what time their support should be in
readiness. How dangerous is the drift of time in such matters,
ye are not ignorant...."
[155] Agree.
[156] That is, to make arrangements there.
[157] Trust to.
[Sidenote: A practical Answer.]
With great expedition, answer was returned to this letter. It was
requested that some men of credit should be sent from the Lords to
Berwick, to receive money for immediate support; and promise was
made that, if the Lords of the Congregation meant no otherwise than
they had written, and if they would enter into league with honest
conditions, they should neither lack men nor money to aid their just
cause. Upon receipt of this answer, Master Henry Balnaves, a man of
good credit in both the realms, was sent by the Lords to Berwick.
He immediately returned with such a sum of money as served all the
public affairs until the next November; John Cockburn of Ormiston
was then sent for the second support, and receiving the same,
unhappily fell into the hands of the Earl Bothwell, and was wounded,
taken, and spoiled of a great sum. Upon this mischance followed all
the rest of our troubles before rehearsed....
In the negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the Queen and
Council of England, in which he travailed with no less wisdom and
faithfulness than happy success, many things occurred that required
the resolution of the whole Lords. Amongst these there was one of
which we have made no previous mention.
After the Queen and Council of England had concluded to send their
army into Scotland to expel the French, the Duke of Norfolk was sent
to Berwick, with full instructions, power, and commission, to do
in all things, concerning the present affairs of Scotland, as the
Queen and Councillors in their own persons might do. Hereupon, the
said Duke required such a part of the Lords of Scotland as had power
and commission from the whole to meet him at such day and place
as it might please them to appoint. The intimation came first to
Glasgow, by means of the Master of Maxwell. When this had been read
and considered by the Lords, it was agreed that they should meet at
Carlisle. This arrangement was made on the procurement of the said
Master of Maxwell, for his own ease.
[Sidenote: John Knox reproaches the Lords for Slackness and
Thoughtlessness.]
Letters were directed from the Lords, lying at Glasgow, to Lord
James, requiring him to repair towards them for the purpose named,
with all possible expedition. When these letters had been read
and advised upon, commandment was given to John Knox to make the
answer.... And he wrote as follows:--"I have written oftener than
once to Mr. Henry Balnaves concerning things that have misliked me
in your slow proceedings in supporting your brethren, who many
days have sustained extreme danger in these parts, as well as in
making provision how the enemy might have been annoyed, when they
lay in few numbers nigh to your quarters in Stirling; and in making
provision how the expectation of your friends, who long have awaited
for your answer, might have been satisfied. But although I have
complained of those things, of very conscience, I am yet compelled
to signify unto your honours that, unless I shall espy some redress
of these and other enormities, I am assured that the end shall be
such as godly men shall mourn, and that a good cause shall perish
for lack of wisdom and diligence.
"In my last letters to Mr. Henry Balnaves, I declared that your
especial friends in England wonder that no greater expedition is
made, the weight of the matter being considered. I wrote also that,
if the fault were with the Lord Duke and his friends, the greatest
loss should be his and theirs in the end. And now, I cannot cease
both to wonder and lament that your whole Council was so destitute
of wisdom and discretion as to charge this poor man, the Prior, to
come to you to Glasgow, and thereafter to go to Carlisle, for such
affairs as are to be entreated. Was there none amongst you who did
foresee what inconveniences might ensue his absence from these parts?
"I cease to speak of the dangers from the enemy. Your friends have
lain in the Firth now for fifteen days bypast, and what was their
former travail is not unknown; yet they have never received comfort
from any man, him only excepted, more than if they had lain upon the
coast of their mortal enemy. Do ye not consider that such a company
needs comfort and provision from time to time? Remove him, and who
abideth that carefully will travail in that or any other weighty
matter in these parts? Did ye not further consider that he had begun
to meddle with the gentlemen who had declared themselves unfriends
heretofore; and also that order would have been taken for such as
have been neutral? Now, by reason of his absence, the former will
escape without admonition, and the latter will retain their former
liberty. I am assured that the enemy will not sleep, either in that
or in other affairs. They will undermine you and your whole cause;
and, especially, they will hurt this part of the country in revenge
for their former folly.
"If none of these causes should have moved you to have considered
that such a journey, at such a time, was not meet for the Lord
James, or for them that must accompany him, discreet men would yet
have considered that the men that have lien in their jacks, and
travailed their horses continually the space of a month, require
some longer rest than yet they have had, both for themselves and,
especially, for their horses, before they should have been charged
to take such a journey. The Prior may, for satisfaction of your
unreasonable minds, make the enterprise; but I am assured that he
shall not be able to procure in all Fife six honest men to accompany
him. How that stands either with your honour or his safety, judge ye
yourselves.
"Again, it is a wonder that ye did not consider to what pain and
fashery[158] ye put your friends of England; especially the Duke
of Norfolk and his Council, whom ye would cause to travel the most
wearisome and fashous gait[159] that is in England. In my opinion,
whoever gave you that counsel either lacked right judgment in things
to be done, or else had too much respect to his own ease, and too
small regard to the travail and danger of his brethren. A common
cause requireth a common concurrence, and that every man bear his
burden proportionably. Prudent and indifferent men espy the contrary
in this cause, especially of late days; for the weakest are most
grievously charged, and those to whom the matter most belongeth, and
to whom justly the greatest burden is due, are in a manner exempted
both from travail and expenses.
[158] Trouble.
[159] Troublesome route.
"To speak the matter plainly, wise men do wonder what my Lord Duke's
friends do mean; they are so slack and backward in this cause. In
other actions, they have been judged stout and forward; and in this,
which is the greatest that ever he or they had in hand, they appear
destitute both of grace and of courage. I am not ignorant that
they that are most inward in his counsels are enemies to God, and
therefore cannot but be enemies to His cause. But the wonder is that
he and his other friends do not consider that the tinsel of this
godly enterprise will mean the rooting of them and their posterity
from this realm. Considering, my Lords, that by God's providence
ye are joined with the Duke's Grace in this common cause, do ye
admonish him plainly of the danger to come. Will him to beware of
the counsel of those that are plainly infected with superstition,
with pride, and with venom of particular profits. If he do not this
at your admonition, he shall smart, before he be aware; if ye cease
to put him in mind of his duty, it may be that, for your silence, ye
shall drink some portion of the plague with him...."
Upon the receipt of this letter, and consultation thereupon, a fresh
decision was made; to wit, that the Lords would visit the Duke of
Norfolk at Berwick, where he was.
Thus far have we digressed from the style of the history, to let
the posterity that shall follow understand by what instruments God
wrought the familiarity and friendship that afterwards we found in
England. Now we return to our former history.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: After the French Retreat from Fife.]