the article of _wool_; but meaning to encourage not only the
manufacturing of woollen cloth, but also the raising of wool in
our ancient dominions, and to prevent both, as much as may be, in
our said island, we do hereby absolutely forbid the transportation
of wool from thence even to the mother-country, Prussia: and that
those islanders may be farther and more effectually restrained in
making any advantage of their own wool, in the way of manufacture,
we command, that none shall be carried out of one country into
another; nor shall any worsted, bay, or woollen-yarn, cloth, says,
bays, kerseys, serges, frizes, druggets, cloth-serges, shalloons, or
any other drapery stuffs or woollen manufactures whatsoever, made
up or mixed with wool in any of the said counties, be carried into
any other county, or be water-borne even across the smallest river
or creek, on penalty of forfeiture of the same, together, with the
boats, carriages, horses, &c. that shall be employed in removing
them.--Nevertheless, our loving subjects there are hereby permitted
(if they think proper) to use all their wool as manure, for the
improvement of their lands.
"And whereas the art and mystery of making _hats_ hath arrived at
great perfection in Prussia, and the making of hats by our remoter
subjects ought to be as much as possible restrained: and forasmuch
as the islanders before mentioned, being in possession of wool,
beaver, and other furs, have presumptuously conceived they had a
right to make some advantage thereof, by manufacturing the same into
hats, to the prejudice of our domestic manufacture: we do therefore
hereby strictly command and ordain, that no hats or felts whatsoever,
dyed or undyed, finished or unfinished, shall be loaden or put into
or upon any vessel, cart, carriage, or horse, to be transported or
conveyed out of one county in the said island into another county, or
to any other place whatsoever, by any person or persons whatsoever,
on pain of forfeiting the same, with a penalty of five hundred
pounds sterling for every offence. Nor shall any hat-maker in any
of the said counties employ more than two apprentices, on penalty
of five pounds sterling per month: we intending hereby that such
hat-makers, being so restrained, both in the production and sale of
their commodity, may find no advantage in continuing their business.
But, lest the said islanders should suffer inconveniency by the want
of hats, we are farther graciously pleased to permit them to send
their beaver furs to Prussia, and we also permit hats made thereof to
be exported from Prussia to Britain; the people thus favored to pay
all costs and charges of manufacturing, interest, commission to our
merchants, insurance and freight going and returning, as in the case
of iron.
"And lastly, being willing farther to favour our said colonies
in Britain, we do hereby also ordain and command, that all the
_thieves_, highway and street robbers, housebreakers, forgerers,
murderers, s--d--tes, and villains of every denomination, who have
forfeited their lives to the law in Prussia, but whom we, in our
great clemency, do not think fit here to hang, shall be emptied out
of our gaols into the said island of Great Britain, for the better
peopling of that country.
"We flatter ourselves, that these our royal regulations and commands
will be thought _just and reasonable_ by our much-favoured colonists
in England; the said regulations being copied from their statutes
of 10 and 11 Will. III. c. 10.--5 Geo. II. c. 22.--23 Geo. II. c.
29.--4 Geo. I. c. 11. and from other equitable laws made by their
parliaments, or from instructions given by their princes, or from
resolutions of both houses, entered into for the good government of
their _own colonies in Ireland and America_.
"And all persons in the said island are hereby cautioned, not to
oppose in any wise the execution of this our edict, or any part
thereof, such opposition being high-treason; of which all who are
suspected shall be transported in fetters from Britain to Prussia,
there to be tried and executed according to the Prussian law.
"Such is our pleasure.
"Given at Potsdam, this twenty-fifth day of the month of August,
one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three, and in the
thirty-third year of our reign.
"By the king, in his council.
"RECHTMÆSSIG, Sec."
Some take this edict to be merely one of the king's _jeux d'esprit_:
others suppose it serious, and that he means a quarrel with England:
but all here think the assertion it concludes with, "that these
regulations are copied from acts of the English parliament respecting
their colonies," a very injurious one; it being impossible to
believe, that a people distinguished for their love of liberty; a
nation so wise, so liberal in its sentiments, so just and equitable
towards its neighbours, should, from mean and injudicious views
of petty immediate profit, treat its own children in a manner so
arbitrary and tyrannical!
FOOTNOTES:
[116] This _intelligence extraordinary_, I believe, first appeared in
the Public Advertiser. I have reprinted it from a copy which I found
in the Gentleman's Magazine. B. V.
[117] _A tous presens et à venir._ ORIGINAL.
_Preface by the British Editor [Dr. Franklin] to "The Votes and
Proceedings of the Freeholders, and other Inhabitants of the Town
of Boston, in Town-Meeting assembled according to Law (published by
Order of the Town), &c[118]._"
All accounts of the discontent, so general in our colonies, have
of late years been industriously smothered and concealed here, it
seeming to suit the views of the American minister[119] to have it
understood, that by his great abilities, all faction was subdued,
all opposition suppressed, and the whole country quieted. That the
true state of affairs there may be known, and the true causes of that
discontent well understood, the following piece (not the production
of a private writer, but the unanimous act of a large American city)
lately printed in New England, is republished here. This nation, and
the other nations of Europe, may thereby learn, with more certainty,
the grounds of a dissention, that possibly may, sooner or later, have
consequences interesting to them all.
The colonies had, from their first settlement, been governed with
more ease than perhaps can be equalled by any instance in history
of dominions so distant. Their affection and respect for this
country, while they were treated with kindness, produced an almost
implicit obedience to the instructions of the prince, and even to
acts of the British parliament, though the right of binding them by
a legislature, in which they were unrepresented, was never clearly
understood. That respect and affection produced a partiality in
favour of every thing that was English; whence their preference of
English modes and manufactures; their submission to restraints on
the importation of foreign goods, which they had but little desire
to use; and the monopoly we so long enjoyed of their commerce, to
the great enriching of our merchants and artificers. The mistaken
policy of the stamp act first disturbed this happy situation; but the
flame thereby raised was soon extinguished by its repeal, and the old
harmony restored, with all its concomitant advantage to our commerce.
The subsequent act of another administration, which, not content
with an established exclusion of foreign manufactures, began to make
our own merchandize dearer to the consumers there by heavy duties,
revived it again; and combinations were entered into throughout the
continent, to stop trading with Britain till those duties should be
repealed. All were accordingly repealed but one--_the duty on tea_.
This was reserved (professedly so) as a standing claim and exercise
of the right, assumed by parliament, of laying such duties[120].
The colonies, on this repeal, retracted their agreement, so far
as related to all other goods, except that on which the duty was
retained. This was trumpeted here by the minister for the colonies
as a triumph; there it was considered only as a decent and equitable
measure, showing a willingness to meet the mother-country in
every advance towards a reconciliation; and this disposition to
a good understanding was so prevalent, that possibly they might
soon have relaxed in the article of tea also. But the system of
commissioners of customs, officers without end, with fleets and
armies for collecting and enforcing those duties, being continued;
and these acting with much indiscretion and rashness (giving great
and unnecessary trouble and obstruction to business, commencing
unjust and vexatious suits, and harassing commerce in all its
branches, while that minister kept the people in a constant state of
irritation by instructions which appeared to have no other end than
the gratifying his private resentment[121]) occasioned a persevering
adherence to their resolutions in that particular; and the event
should be a lesson to ministers, not to risque, through pique, the
obstructing any one branch of trade; since the course and connection
of general business may be thereby disturbed to a degree, impossible
to be foreseen or imagined. For it appears, that the colonies,
finding their humble petitions to have this duty repealed were
rejected and treated with contempt, and that the produce of the duty
was applied to the rewarding, with undeserved salaries and pensions,
every one of their enemies; the duty itself became more odious, and
their resolution to starve it more vigorous and obstinate. The Dutch,
the Danes, and French, took this opportunity, thus offered them by
our imprudence, and began to smuggle their teas into the plantations.
At first this was something difficult; but at length, as all business
is improved by practice, it became easy. A coast fifteen hundred
miles in length could not in all parts be guarded, even by the whole
navy of England; especially where their restraining authority was
by all the inhabitants deemed unconstitutional, the smuggling of
course considered as patriotism. The needy wretches too, who, with
small salaries, were trusted to watch the ports day and night, in all
weathers, found it easier and more profitable, not only to wink, but
to sleep in their beds; the merchants' pay being more generous than
the king's. Other India goods also, which, by themselves, would not
have made a smuggling voyage sufficiently profitable, accompanied
tea to advantage; and it is feared the cheap French silks, formerly
rejected as not to the taste of the colonies, may have found their
way with the wares of India, and now established themselves in the
popular use and opinion.
It is supposed, that at least a million of Americans drink tea
twice a day, which, at the first cost here, can scarce be reckoned
at less than half-a-guinea a head per annum. This market, that,
in the five years which have run on since the act passed, would
have paid 2,500,000 guineas for tea alone into the coffers of the
company, we have wantonly lost to foreigners. Meanwhile it is said
the duties have so diminished, that the whole remittance of the
last year amounted to no more than the pitiful sum of 85_l._[122]
for the expence of some hundred thousands, in armed ships and
soldiers to support the officers. Hence the tea, and other India
goods, which might have been sold in America, remain rotting in the
company's warehouses[123]; while those of foreign ports are known
to be cleared by the American demand. Hence, in some degree, the
company's inability to pay their bills; the sinking of their stock,
by which millions of property have been annihilated; the lowering
of their dividend, whereby so many must be distressed; the loss to
government of the stipulated 400,000_l._ a year[124], which must
make a proportionable reduction in our savings towards the discharge
of our enormous debt: and hence in part the severe blow suffered by
credit in general[125], to the ruin of many families; the stagnation
of business in Spitalfields and at Manchester, through want of vent
for their goods; with other future evils, which, as they cannot, from
the numerous and secret connections in general commerce, easily be
foreseen, can hardly be avoided.
FOOTNOTES:
[118] "Boston printed: London reprinted, and sold by J. Wilkie, in
St. Paul's Church-yard. 1773."--I have given the reader _only the
preface_.
It is said, that this little piece very much irritated the ministry.
It was their determination, that the Americans should receive teas
only from Great Britain. And accordingly the East-India company
sent out large cargoes under their protection. The colonists every
where refused, either entrance, or else permission of sale, except
at Boston, where, the force of government preventing more moderate
measures, certain persons in disguise threw it into the sea.
The preamble of the stamp act produced the tea act; the tea act
produced violence; violence, acts of parliament; acts of parliament,
a revolt.
----"A little neglect," says _poor Richard_, "may breed great
mischief: for want of a nail the shoe was lost; for want of a shoe
the horse was lost; for want of a horse the rider was lost; being
overtaken and slain by the _enemy_; all for want of a little care
about a horse-shoe nail." B. V.
[119] Lord Hilsborough.--This nobleman, already first lord of trade,
was introduced in 1768 into the _new-titled office_ of secretary of
state for the colonies. B. V.
[120] Mr. Burke tells us (in his speech in 1774) that this
preambulary tax had lost us at once the benefit of the west and of
the east; had thrown open folding-doors to contraband; and would be
the means of giving the profits of the colony-trade to every nation
but ourselves. He adds in the same place, "It is indeed a tax of
sophistry, a tax of pedantry, a tax of disputation, a tax of war
and rebellion, a tax for any thing but benefit to the imposers, or
satisfaction to the subject." B. V.
[121] Some of his circular letters had been criticised, and exposed
by one or two of the American assemblies.
[122] "Eighty-five pounds I am assured, my lords, is the whole
equivalent, we have received for all the hatred and mischief, and
all the infinite losses this kingdom has suffered during that year,
in her disputes with North America." See the bishop of St. Asaph's
intended speech. B. V.
[123] At this time they contained many millions of pounds of tea,
including the usual stock on hand. Mr. Burke, in his speech in 1774,
supposes, that America might have given a vent for ten millions
of pounds. This seems to have been the greater part of the whole
quantity. B. V.
[124] On account of a temporary compromise of certain disputes with
government. B. V.
[125] Seen in certain memorable mercantile failures in the year 1772.
B. V.
_Account of Governor Hutchinson's Letters[126]._
TO THE CLERK OF THE COUNCIL IN WAITING.
(Copy.)
_Whitehall, Dec. 3, 1773._
SIR,
The agent for the house of representatives of the province of
Massachusett's Bay [Dr. Franklin] having delivered to lord
Dartmouth, an address of that house to the king, signed by their
speaker; complaining of the conduct of the governor [Hutchinson] and
lieutenant governor [Andrew Oliver] of that province, in respect to
certain private letters written by them to their correspondent in
England, and praying that they may be removed from their posts in
that government; his lordship hath presented the said address to his
majesty, and his majesty having signified his pleasure, that the said
address should be laid before his majesty in his privy council, I am
directed by lord Dartmouth to transmit the same accordingly, together
with a copy of the agent's letter to his lordship, accompanying the
said address.
I am, sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
(Signed) J. POWNALL.
TO THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
(Copy.)
_London, Aug. 21, 1773._
MY LORD,
I have just received from the house of representatives of the
Massachusett's Bay, their address to the king, which I now inclose,
and send to your lordship, with my humble request in their behalf,
that you would be pleased to present it to his majesty the first
convenient opportunity.
I have the pleasure of hearing from that province by my late letters,
that a sincere disposition prevails in the people there to be on good
terms with the mother-country; that the assembly have declared their
desire only to be put into the situation they were in before the
stamp act: _They aim at no novelties_. And it is said, that having
lately discovered, as they think, the authors of their grievances
to be some of their own people, their resentment against Britain is
thence much abated.
This good disposition of theirs (will your lordship permit me to say)
may be cultivated by a favourable answer to this address, which I
therefore hope your goodness will endeavour to obtain.
With the greatest respect,
I have the honour to be, my lord, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
_Agent for the House of Representatives_.
THE PETITION.
TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
We your majesty's loyal subjects, the representatives of your ancient
colony of Massachusett's Bay, in general court legally assembled,
by virtue of your majesty's writ under the hand and seal of the
governor, beg leave to lay this our humble petition before your
majesty.
Nothing but the sense of duty we owe to our sovereign, and the
obligation we are under to consult the peace and safety of the
province, could induce us to remonstrate to your majesty [concerning]
the mal-conduct of persons, who have heretofore had the confidence
and esteem of this people; and whom your majesty has been pleased,
from the purest motives of rendering your subjects happy, to advance
to the highest places of trust and authority in the province.
Your majesty's humble petitioners, with the deepest concern and
anxiety, have seen the discords and animosities which have too long
subsisted between your subjects of the parent-state and those of the
American colonies. And we have trembled with apprehensions, that the
consequences, naturally arising therefrom, would at length prove
fatal to both countries.
Permit us humbly to suggest to your majesty, that your subjects here
have been inclined to believe, that the grievances which they have
suffered, and still continue to suffer, have been occasioned by your
majesty's ministers and principal servants being, unfortunately for
us, _misinformed_ in certain facts of very interesting importance to
us. It is for this reason that former assemblies have, from time to
time, prepared a true state of facts to be laid before your majesty;
but their humble remonstrances and petitions, it is presumed, have by
some means been prevented from reaching your royal hand.
Your majesty's petitioners have very lately had before them _certain
papers_, from which they humbly conceive, it is most reasonable
to suppose, that there has been long a conspiracy of evil men in
this province, who have contemplated measures and formed a plan
to advance themselves to power, and raise their own fortunes, by
means destructive of the charter of the province, at the expence of
the quiet of the nation, and to the annihilating of the rights and
liberties of the American colonies.
And we do with all due submission to your majesty beg leave
particularly to complain of the conduct of his excellency Thomas
Hutchinson, Esq. governor, and the honourable Andrew Oliver, Esq.
lieutenant-governor of this your majesty's province, as having a
natural and efficacious tendency to interrupt and alienate the
affections of your majesty, our rightful sovereign, from this your
loyal province; to destroy that harmony and good-will between Great
Britain and this colony, which every honest subject should strive to
establish; to excite the resentment of the British administration
against this province; to defeat the endeavours of our agents and
friends to serve us by a fair representation of our state of facts;
to prevent our humble and repeated petitions from reaching the ear
of your majesty, or having their desired effect. And finally, that
the said Thomas Hutchinson and Andrew Oliver have been among the
chief instruments in introducing a fleet and army into this province,
to establish and perpetuate their plans, whereby they have been not
only greatly instrumental [in] disturbing the peace and harmony
of the government, and causing unnatural and hateful discords and
animosities between the several parts of your majesty's extensive
dominions; but are justly chargeable with all that corruption of
morals, and all that confusion, misery, and bloodshed, which have
been the natural effects of posting an army in a populous town.
Wherefore we most humbly pray, that your majesty would be pleased
to remove from their posts in this government the said Thomas
Hutchinson, Esquire, and Andrew Oliver, Esquire; who have, by
their above-mentioned conduct, and otherwise, rendered themselves
justly obnoxious to your loving subjects, and entirely lost their
confidence; and place such good and faithful men in their stead, as
your majesty in your wisdom shall think fit.
In the name and by order of the house of
representatives,
THOMAS CUSHING, _Speaker_.
TO THE LORDS COMMITTEE OF HIS MAJESTY'S PRIVY COUNCIL FOR PLANTATION
AFFAIRS.
THE PETITION OF ISRAEL MAUDUIT,
_Humbly sheweth unto your lordships_,
That having been informed, that an address, in the name of
the house of representatives of his majesty's colony of
Massachusett's Bay, has been presented to his majesty by Benjamin
Franklin, Esquire, praying the removal of his majesty's governor
and lieutenant-governor, which is appointed to be taken into
consideration on Thursday next; your petitioner, on the behalf of the
said governor and lieutenant governor, humbly prays, that he may be
heard by counsel in relation to the same, before your lordships shall
make any report on the said address.
ISRAEL MAUDUIT.
_Clement's Lane, Jan. 10, 1775._
_The Examination of Dr. Franklin, at the Council Chamber, Jan. 17,
1774[127]. Present, Lord President, the Secretaries of State, and
many other Lords; Dr. Franklin and Mr. Bollan; Mr. Mauduit and Mr.
Wedderburn._
Dr. Franklin's Letter and the Address, Mr. Pownall's Letter, and
Mr. Mauduit's Petition, were read.
_Mr. Wedderburn._ The address mentions certain papers: I could wish
to be informed what are those papers?
_Dr. Franklin._ They are the letters of Mr. Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver.
_Court._ Have you brought them?
_Dr. Franklin._ No, but here are attested copies.
_Court._ Do you mean to found a charge upon them? if you do, you must
produce the letters.
_Dr. Franklin._ These copies are attested by several gentlemen at
Boston, and a notary public.
_Mr. Wedderburn._ My lords, we shall not take advantage of any
imperfection in the proof. We admit that the letters are Mr.
Hutchinson's and Mr. Oliver's hand writing: reserving to ourselves
the right of inquiring how they were obtained.
_Dr. Franklin._ I did not expect that counsel would have been
employed on this occasion.
_Court._ Had you not notice sent you of Mr. Mauduit's having
petitioned to be heard by counsel on behalf of the governor and
lieutenant governor.
_Dr. Franklin._ I did receive such notice; but I thought this had
been a matter of _politics_, not of law, and have not brought my
counsel.
_Court._ Where a charge is brought, the parties have a right to be
heard by counsel or not, as they choose.
_Mr. Mauduit._ My lords, I am not a native of that country, as these
gentlemen are. I know well Dr. Franklin's abilities, and wish to
put the defence of my friends more upon a parity with the attack;
he will not therefore wonder that I choose to appear before your
lordships with the assistance of counsel. My friends, in their
letters to me, have desired (if any proceedings, as they say, should
be had upon this address) that they may have a hearing in their own
justification, that their innocence may be fully cleared, and their
honour vindicated, and have made provision accordingly. I do not
think myself at liberty therefore to give up the assistance of my
counsel, in defending them against this unjust accusation.
_Court._ Dr. Franklin may have the assistance of counsel, or go on
without it, as he shall choose.
_Dr. Franklin._ I desire to have counsel.
_Court._ What time do you want?
_Dr. Franklin._ Three weeks.
_Ordered_ that the further proceedings be on Saturday 29th
instant[128].
_To the Printer of the Public Advertiser._[129]
SIR,