In the shady ravines they have profitable gardens of betel (areca)

palms, the nut being essential to any native's happiness, and

commanding a ready sale. Some writers have advanced the theory

that the religious traditions of the Karens were derived from their

supposed contact with Nestorian Jews in western China. This can hardly

be true--as it places the migration of the Karens to Burma at much too

late a date.

The Nestorians did not begin their work in western China until 505

A. D., closing it in 1368, when they were expelled by the

Mongols.

It seems certain that the Karens were already in Burma long before the

Nestorian missionaries went to China. (Marco Polo's Roman Catholic

mission-work in western China did not begin until 1271.)

If it is true that the large towns in Shan-land were founded by

the Shans four or five hundred years before the Christian era, the

migration of the Karens must be placed at an even earlier period,--but

that early date is doubtful. The non-Christian Karens are, and always

have been spirit-worshippers. This so-called worship is limited to

propitiatory sacrifice. In this respect they are at one with all the

races of Burma, not excepting the Burman Buddhists, though the latter

have abandoned bloody sacrifice. Before the adoption of Buddhism the

Burmans, Shans and Talaings were spirit-worshippers pure and simple.

Spirit-worshippers they still are, with the forms of Buddhism for a

veneering.

But the Karens have many religious traditions, so closely following

the Bible accounts of the creation, fall, flood, and other events

as to furnish strong evidence that in bygone ages their ancestors

somewhere were in touch with the people of God. In spite of their

spirit-worship they have retained a belief in a Supreme Being, and

long looked forward to the time when God's Word, which they had lost,

should be restored to them. God was believed to be a benevolent Being,

but so far away that he had nothing to do with men. All spirits

were believed to be evil, vengeful and near at hand. Therefore the

Supreme Being was left out of their worship, and sacrifices offered

to propitiate evil spirits who might work harm to them, by causing

sickness, destruction of crops, and many other possible misfortunes.

The Karens contend that in making offerings to the evil spirits they

were not showing disloyalty to the Supreme Being. They illustrate

their position by the following story: "Some children left in a

place of supposed safety by their parents, were so frightened by the

approach of a tiger that they threw down the cliff some pigs that had

taken refuge with them. Their eyes, however, were not fixed on the

tiger, but on the path by which they expected their father to come.

Their hands fed the tiger _from fear_, but their ears were eagerly

listening for the twang of their father's bowstring, which should send

the arrow quivering into the tiger's heart." "And so, although we

have to make sacrifices to demons, our hearts are still true to God.

We must throw sops to the demons who afflict us, but our hearts were

looking for God."

The history of the Karens in Burma has been a sad one. For centuries

they had been grievously oppressed by the Burmans, who robbed them,

carried away captives into slavery, and kept the Karens pent up in the

most inaccessible parts of the mountain ranges.

Under British rule the Karens are safe from serious molestation, but

the old feeling still remains, and they hold aloof from the Burman as

much as possible. The coming of the Christian missionary, restoring

to them the knowledge of the true God so vaguely known through their

traditions, was the great event to which the whole Karen nation had

so long looked forward. Multitudes readily accepted Christianity. By

its power they were emancipated from the domination of evil spirits;

the swords and spears of tribal feuds were forged into pruning hooks;

and the whole Christian world rejoiced in the glorious spectacle

of "A nation in a day." The census of 1901 gives a total of nearly

714,000 Karens, of all tribes. Many more are found in Siam. It has

been asserted that "more languages are spoken in Assam than in any

other country in the world." The same may be said of Burma. The recent

census recognized fifty-seven indigenous races or tribes, and as many

more non-indigenous. In the Toungoo district the missionaries meet

with several Karen dialects not mentioned in the census enumeration,

but so distinct that one tribe does not understand the dialect of

another.

In some localities one meets with a new dialect in each village

through which he passes in a day's journey. Ye shades of Shinar!

confusion of tongues,--twice confounded. It seems incredible that so

many families of one race, occupying the same territory, and with

practically the same habits, customs, and superstitions,--should

each perpetuate for centuries its own peculiar dialect and clannish

exclusiveness. The missionary or official, to do effective work among

such a people, needs a small army of interpreters at his heels.

THE KACHINS

_The Kachins_ inhabit the extreme northern part of Burma, extending

as far south as the Bhamo and Namkham districts, and east into

China. The Kachins are own cousins to the Nagas of the adjacent hill

tract of Assam, who call themselves "Singpho." "Kachin" is a name

applied to these people by the Burmans. The Kachins of Burma call

themselves "Chingpaw." This quite suits their kinsmen of Assam, who

look down upon the Chingpaws as unworthy the grand name of Singpho.

Both terms seem to mean "men,"--but _men_ in distinction from the

inferior races around them. The census of 1901 gives a total of 65,510

Kachins in Burma alone. The early missionaries held that the Kachins

and Karens were of the same origin; that the Kachins were really

Karens, from whom the southern Karens had become separated. This

view seemed substantiated by the people themselves; by some of their

customs,--such as the manner in which their houses are constructed

and partitioned off; by a certain similarity of language--many

common nouns said to be common to both languages, and by their

spirit-worship. It is now generally admitted that the Kachins and

Karens are not of the same origin. In bygone ages they may have

been neighbours, if not more closely related,--in the borders of

Tartary,--but at a very remote period. Certainly they did not migrate

to Burma at the same time, nor by the same route. The Kachins have

traditions that they migrated to Burma by way of the headwaters of

the Irrawadi,--that their primal ancestor lived at "Majoi Shingra

Pum." In his "Handbook of the Kachin Language," H. F. Hertz says: "I

have succeeded in obtaining the views of several old men, _Tumsas_

and _Faiwas_, who might be described as Kachin priests. It would seem

from these that 'Majoi Shingra Pum' is a high table-land with very few

trees, frequently covered with snow, and very cold.

"Now, the name 'Majoi Shingra Pum,' literally translated is a

naturally flat mountain, or in other words, a plateau, and it does

not need any stretch of the imagination to identify it with some part

of eastern Tibet. Colonel Hannay, writing in 1847, describes tribes

residing in the inaccessible regions bordering on Tartary as closely

allied to the Kachins." This identifies the Kachins more closely

with the Burmans and Chins than with the Karens. Moreover it is said

that the Kachin language has more points in common with the Burmese

than with the Karen. This is especially true of the Marus,--a tribe

to the eastward, allied to the Kachins of Burma. It is not difficult

to believe that all these races, in the very remote past, were

neighbours in the borders of Tibet, and that while the Kachins and

Burmese migrated south direct, the Karens migrating by way of western

China,--the meeting of these races on Burmese soil reveals a few of

the many things they once had in common.

After the Burmans and Chins had migrated to Burma, the Shans, pressing

westward by way of the Namkham valley, blocked the way of further

migrations from the north. The Shans are known to have been supreme in

northern Burma at the beginning of the Christian era. It is probable

that they peopled the Upper Irrawadi several centuries earlier. In

the thirteenth century the Shans overran Assam. Not until the middle

of the sixteenth century were they finally overcome by the Burmans.

Nothing is known of the Kachins in Burma earlier than the sixteenth

century. They seem to be comparatively recent arrivals, working their

way into Burma after the Shans had been weakened by their struggles

with the Burmans. The Singphos of Assam are said to have drifted into

that country but a little more than a century ago.

The Kachins have gradually forced the Palaungs and Shans before them,

or isolating some of their villages from the main body. Their sudden

development of power is remarkable. Political changes consequent on

the annexation of Upper Burma checked Kachin aggressions. They are

still spreading, but by fairly peaceable means. The Namkham district,

supposedly Shan, is found to contain fully as many Kachins as Shans.

Slowly but surely the Shans will be pressed southward. Before passing

under control of the British the various tribes of Kachins were ever

at war among themselves. Captives were sold into slavery. Retaliatory

raids were constantly expected. Feuds are still kept up, though they

do not have the free hand to execute vengeance enjoyed in former years.

The Kachin, from habit, is watchful and suspicious of

strangers,--until his confidence is gained. Their villages are usually

high up in the hills, as secluded and inaccessible as possible. But

the isolated situation of the village probably is due to the fear of

_nats_, spirits,--quite as much as from fear of human enemies. One

writer describes an avenue leading to the village, with bamboo posts

at regular intervals, with rattan ropes, à la clothes-line, from which

various emblems are suspended. Near the village "wooden knives, axes,

spears, and swords are fastened to the tree-trunks. All this display

is for the benefit of the nats. Like the Chinese, they do not give

their demons credit for much acuteness. For one thing they believe

that they can only move in a straight line. Therefore the _nats_

avoid going about in the jungle, and keep to the open paths. A few

judicious turns are made in the avenue, so as to turn the prowling

devils off, if possible, but if he should happen to be cannoned off

the tree stems in the right direction, there are the emblems to show

him where the thing he is in search of may be found. If he is hungry

there is the bullock's skull nailed to a tree, to indicate where food

may be found; if he is thirsty a joint of bamboo points out where

a libation of rice spirit has been made." These spirit-worshippers

are more easily gained than the Buddhist Burmans and Shans, but they

have not the traditions of the Karens to prejudice them in favour of

Christianity. Morally, they rank very low,--and yet their morality

must be viewed in the light of Kachin, rather than English custom.

As with the non-Christian Karens, there are certain unwritten tribal

laws governing family life. Should a Kachin presume to poach on his

neighbour's preserves, there would be one less Kachin the next day.

Courtship, when once the parties have come to an understanding, is

conducted as a "probationary marriage." They may separate before the

marriage ceremony takes place, if they weary of each other. But if

they have already started a colony, marriage _must_ follow, or the man

"has to kill a bullock and pigs--to appease the _nats_ of the damsel's

house. In addition he has to pay a fine to the parents, of a spear,

a gong, a _da_, and some pieces of cloth, and sometimes a bullock

or buffalo." The old man is more exacting than the _nats_. Such

separations do not effect the social standing of either party. It is

claimed that separations or disloyalty after marriage "are practically

unknown."

It certainly would not be healthy to have it known. The Kachins

have their own distinctive costume, varying according to tribe and

locality. But Kachin men in touch with Chinese, Shans, or Burmans,

usually adopt the costume of their neighbours. The women hold to their

own costume.

The religion of the Kachins, though gross spirit-worship, contains

an element of truth not found in the Buddhism of the more civilized

Burmans. Rev. Mr. Geis, missionary at Myitkyina says--"Above and

beyond all _nats_ to whom Kachins offer sacrifices at one time or

another, they recognize the existence of one great spirit called

Karai Kasang. Altars in his honour are not found in Kachin villages

or houses. No priest has been able to divine what offerings are to be

made to it, but in time of great danger _nats_ and their offerings

are forgotten, and their cry goes out to Karai Kasang for help and

succour."

THE CHINS

_The Chins_, who number about 180,000, are thought to be of the same

origin as the Burmese,--from the neighbourhood of Tibet. It is evident

that they became separated from kindred tribes at a very remote period.

The Lushais of Assam, and Bengal, and the Kukis of Manipur have the

same race-characteristics, and probably formed part of the original

migration southward. At present the Chins, occupying the hill country

in the northwest corner of Burma, are slowly pressing northward,

affecting Manipur. The Chins of the hill-country are quite isolated

from other races. For this reason Buddhism has never reached them.

Like their kinsmen, the Kachins, they are spirit-worshippers, as were

their other kinsmen, the Burmese, before the introduction of Buddhism.

The Chins are divided into several tribes. The northern Chins call

themselves "Yo," the Tashons call themselves "KaKa"; the middle

tribes give their names as "Lai"; the southern Chins call themselves

"Shu." Since the annexation of Upper Burma, securing immunity from

oppression by the Burmans many Chins have drifted down from their own

hill-country and formed agricultural villages in the plains. The Chin

country is about 250 miles long by from 100 to 150 miles wide. It is

wholly mountainous, the highest peaks being from 5,000 to 9,000 feet.

Liklang peak, the highest of all, is nearly 10,000 feet. Like all

spirit-worshippers, the Chins dread the power of demons, and offer to

them the same left-handed sort of worship. But their worst enemy is

of their own manufacture, made by fermenting rice, millet, or corn,

and called "Zu." The great and wide-spread vice among the Chins is

drunkenness. Men, women, children, even babes in arms--all drink and

glory in intoxication as an accomplishment of which to be proud. No

act is considered a crime if committed when drunk. Many people I have

seen in European and American cities must have been Chins. No function

is complete without liquor. Hospitality is gauged by the number of

cups of spirit dealt out, and appreciation of it--by the number of

cups consumed. Again, how like many of their white cousins. "A man

should drink, fight, and hunt, and the portion for women and slaves

is _work_"--is both creed and practice. They have a peculiar custom,

now dying out, of tattooing the faces of the women, until the whole

face, from chin to hair--is dyed a purplish black. The reason for this

custom is in dispute. Some have asserted that it was to make them

unattractive to their enemies, especially the Burmans, who frequently

raided their villages in the foot-hills. Others claim that the

tattooing was in order to increase their attractiveness to the young

men of their own kind. Fortunate indeed were they if this queer custom

served the double purpose of repelling enemies and attracting friends.

To unaccustomed eyes the tattooed face is hideous in the extreme.

The first attempt by the British to control any part of the Chin Hills

was made in 1859, but was neither continuous nor effective. In 1871

an expedition was sent into the hills to recover captives, and punish

offenders. The Chins remained quiet for ten years, then broke out

again in repeated raids, from 1882 to 1888. The English were obliged

to undertake a systematic subjugation of the whole Chin country. This

was effected in 1889-90. The expedition met with stubborn resistance,

by guerilla methods. Many villages were burned by the English, as

the only means of subduing the wily enemy. Many villages were burned

by the Chins themselves. Near one village "a dog had been killed

and disemboweled, and tied by its four legs and thus stretched on

a rope suspended between two sticks across the path to the village,

its entrails being likewise suspended between two other sticks, thus

barring the road. Asking the Chins what this might mean, they said

it was an offering to the war _nat_ to protect their village, and to

ward off our bullets from injuring them." The work of subjugation had

to be continued for some years, before the Chins were made to realize

that the English government must be respected. The Hakas and others

were disarmed in 1895. The Chin Hills are administered by a political

officer at Falam, with a European assistant at other important points,

as Tiddim and Haka. The morals of these benighted Chins, still further

degraded by their drink habit, are what might be expected. Marriages

are governed by the working-value of the bride, parents expecting

compensation for the loss of her services, according to her capacity

for work, and "expectation of life." This seems to have been the

custom among all races of Burma. It is said that when a Chin wife is

asked "Where is your husband?" she will give the required information

in case he is living,--but if dead she will reply, "He is not here,"

and expects the subject to be dropped at that. This reminds me of

a Shan girl's answer when I asked her the whereabouts of a former

resident--"I don't know,--he is dead." The Chins of the foot-hills

and plains present an encouraging field for missionary work, but

missionary work must be pushed with all possible vigour--to forestall

the influences of Buddhism. To win them from spirit-worship is hard

enough, to win them from Buddhism will be very much harder.

The dialect of the southern Chins has been reduced to writing, and

is found to be strikingly similar to the Burmese, perhaps half of

the words being more or less allied to the Burmese. As the southern

Chins have great difficulty in understanding the speech of the wild

tribes in the northern hills, it is quite probable that their own

dialect has been corrupted by contact with the Burmans since their

migration to Burma. The Chin dialect of the south is also said to

contain many words of Shan origin. This must have come about in the

same way, either by contact with Shans on the Upper Chindwin at a

very early period, or when the Shans occupied Arracan about eighteen

years, towards the end of the tenth century. This later contact seems

much too short to have left a permanent mark on the southern Chin

dialect. The total number of Animists--demon-worshippers--in Burma,

Chin, Kachin, Karen, and other, is about four hundred thousand. But as

we have seen, the Buddhist Burmans, Shans and Talaings, are at core,

demon-worshippers, all races having in common practically the same

superstitions.

V

BUDDHISM AS IT IS

Much has been written on Buddhism, besides the translation of the

Buddhist's sacred books. Little, however, can be learned from books of

Buddhism as one finds it expressed in the life of the people.

Riding one day with a missionary who had a wide acquaintance with the

Burmans and their language, I asked him certain questions as to their

real belief. His reply was, "No man can tell, until he finds a way

to get into the Burman mind." The first business of the missionary

seemed to be then to make every effort to get into the Burman mind;

to study him; study his religious habits; ascertain if possible, his

point of view; learn to see things from his point of view; to know

what there is in him that must be eradicated and supplanted by the

gospel of Jesus Christ. We see the country fairly alive;--no, _dead_

with idols. We see the people kneeling before these idols, and, to

every appearance praying. Are they praying? How can they be praying,

inasmuch as Buddhism knows no God,--does not claim to have a God?

Gautama himself whom all these images represent, never claimed

to have any power to save others, or even to save himself. These

worshippers know that he was only a man, that at the age of eighty

years he died, that his death was due to an attack of indigestion

(from eating too much fresh pork), as any other man might die. It

is supposed that he was born near Benares, about six hundred years

before Christ; that his father was a chief of an Aryan tribe called

the Sakyas. From the sacred books they learn that Gautama's early

life was spent in dissolute pleasure and luxury common to oriental

princes; that after a time becoming dissatisfied with his own manner

of life and the corrupt conditions around him, he yielded to another

his princely prospects, abandoned his wife and child and gave himself

up to a life of meditation and study under religious teachers; that

failing in this to gain the longed-for peace of soul he for several

years led a life of the most severe privation and affliction of the

flesh, until by long continued meditation and self-concentration the

light broke in upon him, and he became "the enlightened one,"--a

Buddha. Did he not by this enlightenment become something more than

man? Not at all. He had learned nothing of God, not even that such a

being existed. He entertained no thought that he himself had acquired

any supernatural character or power. And so he died. Even the common

people of the jungle villages know all this, and yet they prostrate

themselves before these images of brass, wood, or stone. Are they

praying? Perchance their hopes are based on what Gautama became, after

death. According to Buddhism, Gautama had now passed through all the

necessary conditions and changes, and entered at once upon the final

state, the highest goal of Buddhism, Nirvana, ("Neikban," in Burmese).

Had he now become a God? Not at all. No Buddhist entertains such

a thought. What then is Neikban? "It means," they say, "the going

out, like the flame of a candle." By a long-continued process of

self-concentration Gautama is supposed to have become absolutely

oblivious to the world around him, and ultimately to have become

unconscious even of self. His death is believed to have been utter

extinction of both physical and spiritual existence. Some deny that

Neikban is equivalent to annihilation. The best that can be claimed

for it is an impossible existence in which there is neither sensation

nor conscious life.

Fittingly they describe it as "a flame which has been blown out."

According to Buddhist teachings and current belief Gautama has

disappeared, body and soul. Brahmins may talk of being absorbed in the

"One Supreme Soul," and Theosophists glibly repeat the form of words,

but Buddhists claim nothing of the sort. There is no Supreme Soul to

absorb them, and no human souls to be absorbed. It is not soul, or

life that is perpetuated, but _desire_ merely. Neikban, they declare,

is the cessation of everything, a condition of unconsciousness,

lifeless ease, they do not like to say annihilation. Then what are

these worshippers doing here on their knees before images which

represent no existing being? surely not praying, for they have "no

hope, without God in the world"; no being higher than themselves to

whom prayer could be addressed; no expectation of blessing of any sort

from any supernatural source; absolutely nothing in their religious

conceptions or experience corresponding to the communion between the

Christian and his God.

There is no such thing as real prayer in the whole Buddhist system.

What, then, are they doing? Here comes in the system of "merit" on

which Buddhism is built. An instinctive sense of guilt and impending

penalty is universal. Having no Saviour--man must save himself.

From what? Not from sin, as violation of the laws of a Holy Being, but

from their train of evil consequences to himself.

[Illustration: WORSHIPERS]

Among the Burmans: A Record of Fifteen Years of Work and its Fruitage · 第 5 / 14 段