Schoolboys have charms to protect them against the pain of whipping,

young men have charms to make them successful in their wooing.

Soldiers and dacoits have charms to protect them from bullets and

_dah_-thrusts, and everybody has charms to render harmless all snake

and insect bites. Besides the tattooed charms, certain objects

are inserted under the skin, or carried about, according to the

superstition of the individual, and representing about as high a type

of intelligence as does the horseshoe over many a door in civilized

lands.

The custom of tattooing is said to have originated many centuries

ago, when the Burmans were subject to the Shan kings in Upper Burma.

The Shans, who were themselves tattooed,--branded with tattoo-marks

captives taken in war, as evidence of their servility. Instead of

regarding this as humiliating, the Burmans were proud of their

tattooing, as marks of the king. Moreover, the despised Chins, wild

tribes in the north-western hills, did not tattoo. A non-tattooed

Burman might be mistaken for a Chin, which would be humiliating

indeed. Tattooing became popular, the custom spread rapidly, and now a

full-grown Burman who is not the proud possessor of a pair of tattooed

breeches that will last him a lifetime, is seldom found. In the

jungle-villages nearly every boy is tattooed. In the towns the custom

is rapidly dying out. Not five per cent. of Burman boys in the towns

have submitted to this custom. Town boys are much more afraid of being

taken for countrymen than of being made fun of for departing from the

time-honoured custom. In fact, the town boy is as anxious to have it

known that he is not tattooed as the unbreeched village boy would be

to conceal it.

The fact that at the last census nine hundred and eighty six persons

were returned as professional tattooers indicates that their business

is still thriving, notwithstanding the disaffection of the town dudes.

The desire to ape English customs may have something to do with this

backsliding. This is also noticeable in the habit, now popular among

town boys, especially in the schools, of cutting the hair short. Only

a few years ago a cropped head would have stamped one as a convict.

Girls are not tattooed except possibly an invisible love-charm,--but

they furnish a companion-ceremony, when ear-boring time comes round.

It answers to the time when a girl in the home-land begins to think of

getting out of short dresses, to be a child no longer.

When an ear-boring ceremony is announced everything else must take

second place. The day and hour are fixed by the soothsayer, but he

manages to make his divinations harmonize with the plans of the

parents who engaged his services. In spite of the frightened girl's

screams and struggles her ears are pierced with the gold or silver

needle of the professional ear-borer, the tom-toms and horns of the

band outside doing their best to drown her cries. The holes are kept

open until they heal, and then they are gradually enlarged by wearing

glass or metal tubes of increasing size, until finally a tube half

an inch in diameter can be inserted. In the olden time the lobe of

the ear was stretched much more than is now the fashion. I have seen

old women with holes in their ears through which two fingers could be

passed. Such ear-lobes furnished handy holders for their big cheroots.

This stretching and elongating of the lobes of their ears formerly

had a religious significance that is now being forgotten. All images

of Gautama represent him with ear-lobes touching the shoulders, as a

symbol of perfection.

Devout women,--and some of the men,--did their best to imitate his

example. Ear jewelry may be inexpensive colored glass, or of gold

elaborately designed and set with precious stones.

Once her ears are bored the girl puts an end to all street play with

small-boy acquaintances, and poses as a young lady. Changes are

observed in the style of dressing her hair; in her costume; in the

use of cosmetics,--for every Burmese girl, though naturally brown,

desires to be white; in her bearing as she walks the street; in every

pose of her graceful body. She may not have so much freedom of action

as she enjoyed before, but she knows it will not be long until some

choice young man will want her, to adorn his household.

The one universal custom, common to all, both men and women, boys and

girls alike, is the filthy habit of _kun_-chewing and smoking. The

_kun_-chew is made up of part of a betel (areca) nut, chopped fine,

and an astringent green leaf of a certain vine. A little lime-paste,

usually coloured red, is spread on the leaf, then it is wadded up

and jammed into the side of the mouth, with the betel nut. Saliva

soon accumulates. To expectorate would be to lose some of the small

pieces of the nut before the good had been extracted. Attempts at

conversation are ridiculous and nauseating in the extreme. When the

mouth can retain its load no longer its contents are discharged

through a crack in the floor.

The white pony of a lady-missionary was once tethered under a native

house for the night. What was the lady's disgust the next morning

to find her beautiful pony all stained and bedaubed with vile red

_kun_-juice. Smoking is begun before teething is finished. I myself

have seen a mother take a lighted cheroot from her own mouth, and put

it in the mouth of a wee child in her arms. Burmese ladies consider

a cigar the finishing touch to their preparations for a dress-parade.

But the Burman cigar contains but a small proportion of real tobacco

leaf, otherwise the smoke-habit would soon kill off the race. They

cannot both chew and smoke at the same time, but the twin habits keep

them so busy that they accomplish little else. It is said that the

Burman "smokes between chews, and chews between smokes."

It is simply marvellous how far a Burman can smell a rupee, and what

methods he will employ to get it. Has the mission work to be done

by carpenters, cartmen, etc., heathen Burmans are not wanting who

will regularly attend chapel services, and pose as devout inquirers

so long as the job lasts. I have known fortune-tellers, teachers,

court-clerks, and common rice-cultivators to become pretended

disciples with no other motive than to become preachers. They know

that the native evangelists have regular salaries, and that the

missionary takes a fatherly interest in their welfare, giving medicine

when they are ill, advising when they are in difficulty. Though the

salary is not large, it secures a fairly comfortable living, which

is more than many a heathen is sure of the year round. So the wily

heathen comes to our people, pretending to be deeply interested in

Christianity, applies himself to learn all he can, attends worship,

and finally asks for baptism, with every appearance of sincerity. One

year we drew a prize, "Saya Tike" he was called. "Saya" because he had

charge of a small private school. He was past middle age, of uncommon

intelligence, and fine bearing. A more earnest and devout inquirer,

to all appearances, we never met. After some months of waiting he was

baptized and received into the church. Then began his tale of woe. In

consequence of his becoming a Christian his school had been broken

up. Persecutors had broken into his house and stolen his clothing.

Friendless, penniless, and out of a situation, he appealed to the

missionary for something to do. Being fairly handy as a carpenter he

was given such work on the mission buildings. After about two weeks

he suddenly disappeared. Some weeks passed before we could get any

clue to his whereabouts. Then one day one of our preachers met him

in a jungle-village wearing the yellow robe of a Buddhist priest.

When asked why he had left the mission he complained that instead

of being employed as a teacher he had only carpenter work to do. He

preferred being a "pongyi," and have his food given him. Some months

later he again turned up at the mission, professing repentance for

his backsliding, and asking to be received back again. Our faith in

him had been badly shaken, but we tried not to show it. If we would

only give him citizen's clothing in place of his yellow robe he

would gladly go to work again. Giving him the benefit of a doubt I

arranged with my right-hand man to give him a _longyi_, such as the

other men were wearing. No, he did not like a longyi, but must have

the more stylish _puhso_. His taste not being gratified, back he went

again to his heathenism. We soon learned that all his pathetic stories

of persecution had been trumped up for the occasion, to excite our

sympathy, and secure a position.

One day a strange Burman came to the mission. He said that he was a

Christian from a mission fifty miles away. On the train he had been

robbed of his clothing and the little money he had. All he wanted was

to be kept over night, and money enough to pay his way home. The case

was referred to me. I placed the required sum in the hands of my man

"Friday" with instructions to give it to the applicant should he prove

worthy. The next morning my man came to report, and to give back the

money. I said to him, "Well, Ko Ngi, how did you find out that he was

a humbug?" Replying in broken English, he said "Last night we have

meeting (evening prayers). I think, you proper Christian, I make you

pray. He no know anything. He can't pray proper. Then I say--Your

Saya (missionary) how many chillen? He say 'Four little boy, so much

big.' I know he Saya done got _five_ chillen,--one _so much girl_,"

indicating with hand a full grown young lady. So he had sent the man

away without the hand of fellowship, and returned the money.

Among non-Christian Burmans sin, of whatever sort, is sin only when

discovered. "How could it be sin when nobody knew anything about it?"

Deceit is practiced without a pang of conscience so long as the game

can be worked.

The missionary is kind-hearted, supposed to have plenty of money, like

other "Europeans," and is considered legitimate prey.

IV

CHIEF RACES OF BURMA

Reliable history of Burma dates back only to the early part of the

eighteenth century. Burmese chronicles claim to cover a period from

seven to eight hundred years before the Christian era. The Burmese

language certainly was not reduced to writing earlier than the fifth

century of the Christian era.

Early history is founded upon legend. Doubtless many of the events

recorded actually happened, but their dates are hopelessly mixed, and

events themselves distorted by exaggeration. Measured by their records

of the Burmese-English wars of the nineteenth century, in which every

reverse was written down as a great victory,--all of the history

prior to the eighteenth century is utterly untrustworthy. Much may be

learned from other sources, but the information is at best fragmentary

and conflicting. In 1795, the time of the first "Embassy to Ava,"

historical facts dating back to the early part of the century were

gathered and verified. From that time the history of Burma, compiled

by Europeans, is fairly continuous and accurate. In giving a brief

sketch of the chief races of Burma, the main facts of history will

appear. The chief races, in order of numbers, are the Burmans, Shans,

Karens, Talaings, Chins, and Kachins. Taken in the order of priority,

the Talaings, according to the theory which seems to me to have

most in its favour,--come first in order. This theory is that they

were the first of all the many races of Burma to migrate southward

from Tibet, or neighbouring parts of Asia. They seem to have been

of the same race as the Burmans. They still retain the same general

characteristics and customs, and cannot be distinguished from the

Burmans where the two races mingle. The time of this migration is not

known, but it may safely be placed many centuries before the Christian

era. It is probable that they gradually drifted southward until they

reached Burma. The Burmans, coming from the same general source long

afterwards, failed to recognize the Talaings as having any kinship

to themselves. The fact that the Talaing language is utterly unlike

the Burmese, both in root words, and in construction of sentences

indicates that the two races, or two sections of the same race, as

the case may be,--were kept quite distinct prior to the migration of

the Talaings. The Burmans, who held the Talaings in contempt, finally

became indebted to them in a threefold manner,--by the adoption of

the Talaing system of writing, the Buddhist religion, and the sacred

books in which it was recorded.

The sacred books were brought to Thatone from Ceylon, by Buddhist

missionaries not earlier than 386 A. D. These books were

written in Pali, which is still the religious language of Buddhism.

The Talaings soon reduced their own language to writing, not adopting

the Pali characters, but drawing chiefly from the Tamil, with a change

from the square to the round shaped letters.

It is well known that there was a colony of Tamils near Thatone at

that early date. The old theory that the Talaings descended from

the Telugus, and that their original home was in Talingana, is now

generally discredited. Little is known of them prior to the Christian

era, scant mention of them being found in Burmese chronicles, and

having none of their own, covering their early history. Whatever

chronicles they may have had were destroyed by the Burmese conquerors.

The Talaings seem to have been in control in the first century, A.

D., from the Gulf of Martaban to the upper Irawadi. They founded

Pegu in the sixth century, but lost it, as well as Thatone to the

Burmans in the eleventh century. The present city of Pegu was founded

by the Talaings in the sixteenth century, and they have since been

known as Peguans. The term _Talaing_ is said to have been applied

to them by the Burmese as a term of reproach, the word meaning "the

down-trodden." They call themselves _Mons_,--but "Talaings" they will

be, so long as they maintain a distinct existence. In 1385 they were

again in power at Pegu, and two years later at Martaban. In 1410

they had extended their sway to Arracan, which they held until 1423.

The Talaings of Pegu and Martaban were conquered by the Burmans in

1551. But in 1740 we find them again to the front. Taking advantage

of the recklessness of the Burman king the Talaings, in alliance

with a colony of Shans living near Pegu, seized that town, and soon

afterwards were in possession of Prome and Toungoo. In 1752, aided, it

is said, by renegade Dutch and Portuguese, and with firearms procured

from European traders, they invaded the upper country, capturing and

burning Ava, the capital of the Burman kingdom. Three years later

Alaungpra recaptured Ava, driving the Talaings southward, and in 1755

followed with his army to Rangoon, destroying the Talaing power. The

Burmans having regained possession of the whole country, retained

control until they had to yield to the greater power of the English.

Descendants of the Talaings who remained in the Pegu district, have

practically lost their identity, readily and willingly passing as

Burmans. The main body retired to the country east of the Gulf of

Martaban. In consequence of an exodus, probably more than one,--of

Talaings into Siam after unsuccessful wars with the Burmans, joining

the many already in that country, there are now more Talaings in Siam

than in Burma. It is even claimed that Siam got her code of laws from

the Talaings. The census of 1901 gives the number of Talaings in

Burma as 321,898. The number will increase year by year, as many are

returning to Burma from Siam. Thousands of Talaings scattered through

the country doubtless returned themselves as Burmans, without so much

as recalling that their ancestors were Talaings. Many prophesy that

the Talaing language will in time, die out. This may be true, for the

Burmanizing process is slowly, steadily, irresistibly going on. Nearly

half of the Talaings in Burma speak Burmese, many of them speaking

Burmese only. But this still leaves a large body beyond the reach of

Burmanizing influences, waiting for the gospel in their own tongue. If

the Talaings--as a race, are to be evangelized in this generation or

the next, the gospel must be given to them in their own language.

THE BURMESE

The original home of all so-called indigenous races is still in

doubt. The bulk of evidence seems to be in favour of the borders of

Tibet as the original home of the race known as Burmese. To one who

knows the characteristics of these people it is difficult to conceive

of such a migration, except under compulsion. In the census report

of 1901 we find them described as follows: "The Burman as we know

him, is essentially a non-migrating, unbusinesslike, irresponsible

creature, perfectly incapable of sustained effort, content with what

can be gained by a minimum of toil." That the race ever voluntarily

left its original home, whatever the attraction, seems incredible.

The Burman himself solves the mystery by claiming celestial origin.

Brahmas dwelling in the celestial regions came down to dwell on earth.

At first they existed as semi-supernatural beings, living above the

ordinary appetites and passions of men. By extending their diet to

kinds of food not allowed to such beings they gradually lost their

supernatural attributes, and finally became like ordinary mortals.

The Burmans proudly claim lineal descent from these Brahmas. Their

argument, quite conclusive to themselves, is based on the similarity

between Brahma and Bam-ma, as they call themselves. Philologists, with

cruel disregard for the feelings of these people, have utterly spoiled

their pretty theory. Brahma is a Hindoo term, introduced long after

the Burmese migration. So now there is nothing left to substantiate

their cherished belief,--except the national habit of wanting to

eat everything they see. In both history and religion legend is

inextricably mixed with facts and fancies imported with Buddhism.

Burman tradition, backed by ancient ruins on the upper Irrawadi,

assert that Sakya tribes from central northern India, migrating by

way of Manipur, settled in Upper Burma a few centuries before the

Christian era. It is difficult to account for such ruins as are to

be seen at Tagaung, on any other theory. These ruins can hardly be

the remains of work accomplished by any of the indigenous races of

Burma, in their barbarous condition. The claim that the first Burmese

monarchy received its stimulus from these Indian princes can neither

be proved nor disproved. In any event whatever remained of the foreign

tribes was assimilated by the Mongoloid peoples who were first in the

land.

An incursion of Shans before the opening of the Christian era,

themselves forced out of western China, seems to have caused the

downfall of the kingdom of the Indian tribes, if they really had one.

Shans, rather than Burmans, then became supreme in the upper Irrawadi

valley. Not until as late as the eleventh century did the Burmans

regain their supremacy, and even then the Shans continued to hold the

country north of Bhamo. In the Burman war of conquest in the south

at this time, the main object was to secure the Buddhist Scriptures,

known to be in possession of the Talaings at Thatone. These sacred

books, obtainable in no other way, were essential to the king's

purpose to reform the imperfect Buddhism of the north. There is some

evidence that Buddhism was introduced into Upper Burma from India, by

way of Manipur, several centuries before it was brought to Lower Burma

from Ceylon.

It is evident that Upper Burma did not have the Buddhist sacred books

prior to the eleventh century. Northern Buddhism was only super-added

to the existing rites of _Naga_, and spirit worship.

In the south the sacred books had already been translated from Pali

into Talaing, but not into Burmese. With the importation of the sacred

books into Upper Burma, and their translation from Talaing into

Burmese, the real history of Buddhism among the Burmese began.

It is not known when this translation was begun, nor when the Burmans,

by adopting the Talaing system, reduced their language to writing.

Some of the later translations of Pali writings into Burmese direct,

were made about the beginning of the nineteenth century.

The Burmese "Pagan Monarchy," weakened by bad government and luxurious

living, came to an untimely end in the thirteenth century, through an

invasion of the Chinese. The Shans in the north held the balance of

power, and may have agreed to the subordination of Burma to China, as

the Chinese have always claimed.

[Illustration: BUDDHIST SHRINES]

In the fourteenth century a new king, nominally Burmese, but connected

with the Shans,--came into full power, and founded Ava. But early in

the fifteenth century (1426) the Burmans lost their capital and all

the territory north of Toungoo and Prome, to the Shans. The new city

of Toungoo, built about this time, was the seat of an independent

prince. Pegu had been ruled by kings of Shan race since 1281. In

1538-9 the Toungoo Burman prince, Tabin Shwe' Htee, conquered Pegu,

in the following year Martaban, and after being proclaimed king in

Pegu, extended his sway in 1542, as far north as Pagan. Two years

later, with an allied army of Burmans, Shans and Talaings, he invaded

and conquered Arracan, but not Chittagong. But his success as king

at Pegu was short-lived. Expensive but fruitless wars, and excessive

dissipation turned the people against him. He soon became the victim

of a conspiracy and was treacherously murdered. In 1551 the Burmans

were again victorious at Pegu, pursuing and destroying the Talaing

king. Three years later they regained Ava from the Shans, but retained

the capital at Pegu. Pressing his successes, the Burman king, in

1557, conquered the Shans in the extreme north of Burma, and a little

later at Thibaw, Mone and "Zimme"; northern Siam becoming tributary

to Burma. Steps were taken to make the then non-Buddhist Shans (many

were doubtless already Buddhists), conform to the Buddhist customs of

the Burmese. The Burman ruler, Nawartha, was now what his ambition

craved,--the "King of Kings."

But before the end of the century Pegu and all the territory south to

Tavoy had been lost. Between 1600 and 1613 a Portuguese adventurer

named Philip de Brito reigned as king of Pegu, with residence at his

own fortified city of Syriam. By the marriage of his son with the

daughter of the king of Martaban, the cooperation of that section was

secured. In 1612 De Brito and the king of Martaban marched against

the prince of Toungoo, who had broken faith with De Brito by forming

an alliance with Ava. "They plundered the city, burned the palace and

retired." This high-handed aggression soon reacted on his own head.

The Burman king advanced from Ava with an immense army, laid seige to

Syriam, and starved the garrison to surrender. De Brito, who had been

guilty of many sacrilegious acts, destroying pagodas and other sacred

objects in search of plunder, could hope for no mercy at the hands of

his captors. The leading Portuguese were slaughtered. The remainder,

including the women, were carried away captive to Ava as slaves. Their

descendants may now be found throughout Burma, many of them being

Roman Catholic priests. In 1634 Ava was made the permanent capital.

An immense pagoda was built, and a costly image of Gautama cast to add

to the sacredness of the place, and to the merit of the king.

But Burman fortunes were uncertain. Ava the Great was taken and burned

by the Talaings in 1752. Not long were the Talaings allowed to hold

the Burman capital. A Burman who took the name of Alaungpra, with

wonderful vigour and ability rallied his people. Little more than a

year had passed when Alaungpra recaptured Ava. In 1755 he took his

armies southward, conquering as he went, not content until he reached

Dagon. There he founded a new city, which he designed should be the

chief port of Burma, and named it Rangon (or Yangon), the word meaning

the war ended.

Among the Burmans: A Record of Fifteen Years of Work and its Fruitage · 第 3 / 14 段