Marmont's narrative, as that of the chief actor in this strange scene.
It is less dramatic than the usual account, as found in Thiers, and
therefore is more probable. The incident illustrates the folly of a
commander doing the work of a sergeant. Marmont points out that the
best tactics would have been to send one division to cross the Adige
at Albaredo, and so take Arcola in the rear. Thiers' criticism, that
this would have involved too great a diffusion of the French line, is
refuted by the fact that on the third day a move on that side induced
the Austrians to evacuate Arcola.]
[Footnote 68: Koch, "Mémoires de Masséna," vol. i., p. 255, in his
very complete account of the battle, gives the enemy's losses as
upwards of 2,000 killed or wounded, and 4,000 prisoners with 11
cannon. Thiers gives 40,000 as Alvintzy's force before the battle--an
impossible number. See _ante_.]
[Footnote 69: The Austrian official figures for the loss in the three
days at Arcola give 2,046 killed and wounded, 4,090 prisoners, and 11
cannon. Napoleon put it down as 13,000 in all! See Schels in "Oest.
Milit. Zeitschrift" for 1829.]
[Footnote 70: A forecast of the plan realized in 1801-2, whereby
Bonaparte gained Louisiana for a time.]
[Footnote 71: Estimates of the Austrian force differ widely. Bonaparte
guessed it at 45,000, which is accepted by Thiers; Alison says 40,000;
Thiébault opines that it was 75,000; Marmont gives the total as
26,217. The Austrian official figures are 28,022 _before_ the fighting
north of Monte Baldo. See my article in the "Eng. Hist. Review" for
April, 1899. I have largely followed the despatches of Colonel Graham,
who was present at this battle. As "J.G." points out (_op.cit. _, p.
237), the French had 1,500 horse and some forty cannon, which gave
them a great advantage over foes who could make no effective use of
these arms.]
[Footnote 72: This was doubtless facilitated by the death of the
Czarina, Catherine II., in November, 1796. She had been on the point
of entering the Coalition against France. The new Czar Paul was at
that time for peace. The Austrian Minister Thugut, on hearing of her
death, exclaimed, "This is the climax of our disasters."]
[Footnote 73: Hüffer, "Oesterreich und Preussen," p. 263.]
[Footnote 74: "Moniteur," 20 Floreal, Year V.; Sciout, "Le
Directoire," vol. ii., ch. vii.]
[Footnote 75: See Landrieux's letter on the subject in Koch's
"Mémoires de Masséna," vol. ii.; "Pièces Justif.," _ad fin._; and
Bonaparte's "Corresp.," letter of March 24th, 1797. The evidence of
this letter, as also of those of April 9th and 19th, is ignored by
Thiers, whose account of Venetian affairs is misleading. It is clear
that Bonaparte contemplated partition long before the revolt of
Brescia.]
[Footnote 76: Botta, "Storia d'Italia," vol. ii., chs. x., etc.; Daru,
"Hist. de Venise," vol. v.; Gaffarel, "Bonaparte et les Républiques
Italiennes," pp. 137-139; and Sciout, "Le Directoire," vol ii., chs.
v. and vii.]
[Footnote 77: Sorel, "Bonaparte et Hoche en 1797," p. 65.]
[Footnote 78: Letter of April 30th, 1797.]
[Footnote 79: Letter of May 13th, 1797.]
[Footnote 80: It would even seem, from Bonaparte's letter of July
12th, 1797, that not till then did he deign to send on to Paris the
terms of the treaty with Venice. He accompanied it with the cynical
suggestion that they could do what they liked with the treaty, and
even annul it!]
[Footnote 81: The name _Italian_ was rejected by Bonaparte as too
aggressively nationalist; but the prefix _Cis_--applied to a State
which stretched southward to the Rubicon--was a concession to Italian
nationality. It implied that Florence or Rome was the natural capital
of the new State.]
[Footnote 82: See Arnault's "Souvenirs d'un sexagénaire" (vol. iii.,
p. 31) and Levy's "Napoléon intime," p. 131.]
[Footnote 83: For the subjoined version of the accompanying new letter
of Bonaparte (referred to in my Preface) I am indebted to Mr. H.A.L.
Fisher, in the "Eng. Hist. Rev.," July, 1900:
"Milan, 29 Thermidor [l'an IV.]
"À LA CITOYENNE TALLIEN
"Je vous dois des remerciements, belle citoyenne, pour le souvenir
que vous me conservez et pour les choses aimables contenues dans
votre apostille. Je sais bien qu'en vous disant que je regrette les
moments heureux que j'ai passé dans votre société je ne vous répète
que ce que tout le monde vous dit. Vous connaître c'est ne plus
pouvoir vous oublier: être loin de votre aimable personne lorsque
l'on a goûté les charmes de votre société c'est désirer vivement de
s'en rapprocher; mais l'on dit que vous allez en Espagne. Fi! c'est
très vilain à moins que vous ne soyez de retour avant trois mois,
enfin que cet hiver nous ayons le bonheur de vous voir à Paris.
Allez donc en Espagne visiter la caverne de Gil Blas. Moi je crois
aussi visiter toutes les antiquités possibles, enfin que dans le
cours de novembre jusqu'à février nous puissions raconter sans
cesse. Croyez-moi avec toute la considération, je voulais dire le
respect, mais je sais qu'en général les jolies femmes n'aiment pas
ce mot-là.
"BONAPARTE.
"Mille et mille chose à Tallien."]
[Footnote 84: Lavalette, "Méms.," ch. xiii.; Barras, "Méms.," vol.
ii., pp. 511-512; and Duchesse d'Abrantès, "Méms.," vol. i., ch.
xxviii.]
[Footnote 85: Barras, "Méms.," vol. ii., ch, xxxi.; Madame de Staël,
"Directoire," ch. viii.]
[Footnote 86: "Mémoires de Gohier"; Roederer, "Oeuvres," tome iii., p.
294.]
[Footnote 87: Brougham, "Sketches of Statesmen"; Ste. Beuve,
"Talleyrand"; Lady Blennerhasset, "Talleyrand."]
[Footnote 88: Instructions of Talleyrand to the French envoys
(September 11th); also Ernouf's "Maret, Duc de Bassano," chs. xxvii.
and xxviii., for the _bona fides_ of Pitt in these negotiations.
It seems strange that Baron du Casse, in his generally fair treatment
of the English case, in his "Négociations relatives aux Traités de
Lunéville et d'Amiens," should have prejudiced his readers at the
outset by referring to a letter which he attributes to Lord
Malmesbury. It bears no date, no name, and purports to be "Une Lettre
de Lord Malmesbury, oubliée à Lille." How could the following
sentences have been penned by Malmesbury, and written to Lord
Grenville?--"Mais enfin, outre les regrets sincères de Méot et des
danseuses de l'Opéra, j'eus la consolation de voir en quittant Paris,
que des Français et une multitude de nouveaux convertis à la religion
catholique m'accompagnaient de leurs voeux, de leurs prières, et
presque de leurs larmes.... L'évènement de Fructidor porta la
désolation dans le coeur de tous les bons ennemis de la France. Pour
ma part, j'en fut consterné: _je ne l'avais point prévu_." It is
obviously the clumsy fabrication of a Fructidorian, designed for
Parisian consumption: it was translated by a Whig pamphleteer under
the title "The Voice of Truth!"--a fit sample of that partisan
malevolence which distorted a great part of our political literature
in that age.]
[Footnote 89: Bonaparte's letters of September 28th and October 7th to
Talleyrand.]
[Footnote 90: See too Marsh's "Politicks of Great Britain and France,"
ch. xiii.; "Correspondence of W.A. Miles on the French Revolution,"
letters of January 7th and January 18th, 1793; also Sybel's "Europe
during the French Revolution," vol. ii.]
[Footnote 91: Pallain, "Le Ministère de Talleyrand sous le
Directoire," p. 42.]
[Footnote 92: Bourrienne, "Memoirs," vol. i., ch. xii. See too the
despatch of Sandoz-Rollin to Berlin of February 28th, 1798, in
Bailleu's "Preussen und Frankreich," vol. i., No. 150.]
[Footnote 93: The italics are my own. I wish to call attention to the
statement in view of the much-debated question whether in 1804-5
Napoleon intended to invade our land, _unless he gained maritime
supremacy_. See Desbrière's "Projets de Débarquement aux Iles
Britanniques," vol. i., _ad fin_.]
[Footnote 94: Letter of October 10th, 1797; see too those of August
16th and September 13th.]
[Footnote 95: The plan of menacing diverse parts of our coasts was kept
up by Bonaparte as late as April 13th, 1798. In his letter of this
date he still speaks of the invasion of England and Scotland, and
promises to return from Egypt in three or four months, so as to
proceed with the invasion of the United Kingdom. Boulay de la Meurthe,
in his work, "Le Directoire et l'Expédition d'Egypte," ch. i., seems
to take this promise seriously. In any case the Directors' hopes for
the invasion of Ireland were dashed by the premature rising of the
Irish malcontents in May, 1798. For Poussielgue's mission to Malta,
see Lavalette's "Mems.," ch. xiv.]
[Footnote 96: Mallet du Pan states that three thousand Vaudois came to
Berne to join in the national defence: "Les cantons démocratiques sont
les plus fanatisés contre les Français"--a suggestive remark.]
[Footnote 97: Dändliker, "Geschichte der Schweiz," vol. iii., p. 350
(edition of 1895); also Lavisse, "La Rév. Franç.," p. 821.]
[Footnote 98: "Correspondance," No. 2676.]
[Footnote 99: "Foreign Office Records," Malta (No. 1). Mr. Williams
states in his despatch of June 30th, 1798, that Bonaparte knew there
were four thousand Maltese in his favour, and that most of the French
knights were publicly known to be so; but he adds: "I do believe the
Maltees [_sic_] have given the island to the French in order to get
rid of the knighthood."]
[Footnote 100: I am indebted for this fact to the Librarian of the
Priory of the Knights of St. John, Clerkenwell.]
[Footnote 101: See, for a curious instance, Chaptal, "Mes Souvenirs,"
p. 243.]
[Footnote 102: The Arab accounts of these events, drawn up by Nakoula
and Abdurrahman, are of much interest. They have been well used by M.
Dufourcq, editor of Desvernois' "Memoirs," for many suggestive
footnotes.]
[Footnote 103: Desgenettes, "Histoire médicale de l'Armée d'Orient"
(Paris, 1802); Belliard, "Mémoires," vol. i.]
[Footnote 104: I have followed chiefly the account of Savary, Duc de
Rovigo, "Mems.," ch. iv. See too Desvernois, "Mems.," ch. iv.]
[Footnote 105: See his orders published in the "Correspondance
officielle et confid. de Nap. Bonaparte, Egypte," vol. i. (Paris,
1819, p. 270). They rebut Captain Mahan's statement ("Influence of Sea
Power upon the Fr. Rev. and Emp.," vol. i., p. 263) as to Brueys'
"delusion and lethargy" at Aboukir. On the contrary, though enfeebled
by dysentery and worried by lack of provisions and the insubordination
of his marines, he certainly did what he could under the
circumstances. See his letters in the Appendix of Jurien de la
Graviere, "Guerres Maritimes," vol. i.]
[Footnote 106: Desvernois, "Mems.," ch. v.]
[Footnote 107: _Ib._, ch. vi.]
[Footnote 108: Order of July 27th, 1798.]
[Footnote 109: Ducasse, "Les Rois, Frères de Napoléon," p. 8.]
[Footnote 110: "Mémoires de Napoléon," vol. ii.; Bourrienne, "Mems.,"
vol. i., ch. xvii.]
[Footnote 111: "Méms. de Berthier."]
[Footnote 112: On November 4th, 1798, the French Government forwarded
to Bonaparte, in triplicate copies, a despatch which, after setting
forth the failure of their designs on Ireland, urged him either (1) to
remain in Egypt, of which they evidently disapproved, or (2) to march
towards India and co-operate with Tippoo Sahib, or (3) to advance on
Constantinople in order that France might have a share in the
partition of Turkey, which was then being discussed between the Courts
of Petersburg and Vienna. No copy of this despatch seems to have
reached Bonaparte before he set out for Syria (February 10th). This
curious and perhaps guileful despatch is given in full by Boulay de la
Meurthe, "Le Directoire et l'Expédition d'Égypte," Appendix, No. 5.
On the whole, I am compelled to dissent from Captain Mahan ("Influence
of Sea Power," vol. i., pp. 324-326), and to regard the larger schemes
of Bonaparte in this Syrian enterprise as visionary.]
[Footnote 113: Berthier, "Mémoires"; Belliard, "Bourrienne et ses
Erreurs," also corrects Bourrienne. As to the dearth of food, denied
by Lanfrey, see Captain Krettly, "Souvenirs historiques."]
[Footnote 114: Emouf, "Le General Kléber," p. 201.]
[Footnote 115: "Admiralty Records," Mediterranean, No. 19.]
[Footnote 116: "Corresp.," No. 4124; Lavalette, "Mems.," ch. xxi.]
[Footnote 117: Sidney Smith's "Despatch to Nelson" of May 30th, 1799.]
[Footnote 118: J. Miot's words are: "Mais s'il en faut croire cette
voix publique, trop souvent organe de la vérité tardive, qu'en vain
les grands espèrent enchaîner, c'est un fait trop avéré que quelques
blessés du Mont Carmel et une grande partie des malades à l'hôpital de
Jaffa ont péri par les médicaments qui leur ont été administrés." Can
this be called evidence?]
[Footnote 119: Larrey, "Relation historique"; Lavalette, "Mems.," ch.
xxi.]
[Footnote 120: See Belliard, "Bourrienne et ses Erreurs"; also a
letter of d'Aure, formerly Intendant General of this army, to the
"Journal des Débats" of April 16th, 1829, in reply to Bourrienne.]
[Footnote 121: "On disait tout haut qu'il se sauvait lâchement," Merme
in Guitry's "L'Armée en Égypte." But Bonaparte had prepared for this
discouragement and worse eventualities by warning Kléber in the letter
of August 22nd, 1799, that if he lost 1,500 men by the plague he was
free to treat for the evacuation of Egypt.]
[Footnote 122: Lucien Bonaparte, "Mémoires," vol. ii., ch. xiv.]
[Footnote 123: In our "Admiralty Records" (Mediterranean, No. 21) are
documents which prove the reality of Russian designs on Corsica.]
[Footnote 124: "Consid. sur la Rév. Française," bk. iii., ch. xiii.
See too Sciout, "Le Directoire," vol. iv., chs. xiii.-xiv.]
[Footnote 125: La Réveillière-Lépeaux, "Mems.," vol. ii., ch. xliv.;
Hyde de Neuville, vol. i., chs. vi.-vii.; Lavisse, "Rév. Française,"
p. 394.]
[Footnote 126: Barras, "Mems.," vol. iv., ch. ii.]
[Footnote 127: "Hist. of the United States" (1801-1813), by H. Adams,
vol. i., ch. xiv., and Ste. Beuve's "Talleyrand."]
[Footnote 128: Gohier, "Mems.," vol. i.; Lavalette's "Mems.," ch.
xxii.; Roederer, "OEuvres," vol. iii., p. 301; Madelin's "Fouché," p.
267.]
[Footnote 129: For the story about Aréna's dagger, raised against
Bonaparte see Sciout, vol. iv., p. 652. It seems due to Lucien
Bonaparte. I take the curious details about Bonaparte's sudden pallor
from Roederer ("Oeuvres," vol. iii., p. 302), who heard it from
Montrond, Talleyrand's secretary. So Aulard, "Hist, de la Rév. Fr.,"
p. 699.]
[Footnote 130: Napoleon explained to Metternich in 1812 why he wished
to silence the _Corps Législatif_; "In France everyone runs after
applause: they want to be noticed and applauded.... Silence an
Assembly, which, if it is anything, must be deliberative, and you
discredit it."--Metternich's "Memoirs," vol. i., p. 151.]
[Footnote 131: This was still further assured by the first elections
under the new system being postponed till 1801; the functionaries
chosen by the Consuls were then placed on the lists of notabilities of
the nation without vote. The constitution was put in force Dec. 25th,
1799.]
[Footnote 132: Roederer, "Oeuvres," vol. iii., p. 303. He was the
go-between for Bonaparte and Sieyès.]
[Footnote 133: See the "Souvenirs" of Mathieu Dumas for the skilful
manner in which Bonaparte gained over the services of this
constitutional royalist and employed him to raise a body of volunteer
horse.]
[Footnote 134: "Lettres inédites de Napoléon," February 21st, 1800;
"Mémoires du Général d'Andigné," ch. xv.; Madelin's "Fouché," p. 306.]
[Footnote 135: "Georges Cadoudal," par son neveu, G. de Cadoudal; Hyde
de Neuville, vol. i., p. 305.]
[Footnote 136: Talleyrand, "Mems.," vol. i., part ii.; Marmont, bk.
v.]
[Footnote 137: "F.O.," Austria, No. 58; "Castlereagh's Despatches," v.
_ad init._ Bowman, in his excellent monograph, "Preliminary Stages of
the Peace of Amiens" (Toronto, 1899), has not noted this.]
[Footnote 138: "Nap. Correspond.," February 27th 1800; Thugut,
"Briefe" vol. ii., pp. 444-446; Oncken, "Zeitalter," vol. ii. p. 45.]
[Footnote 139: A Foreign Office despatch, dated Downing Street,
February 8th, 1800, to Vienna, promised a loan and that 15,000 or
20,000 British troops should be employed in the Mediterranean to act
in concert with the Austrians there, and to give "support to the
royalist insurrections in the southern provinces of France." No
differences of opinion respecting Piedmont can be held a sufficient
excuse for the failure of the British Government to fulfil this
promise--a failure which contributed to the disaster at Marengo.]
[Footnote 140: Thiers attributes this device to Bonaparte; but the
First Consul's bulletin of May 24th ascribes it to Marmont and
Gassendi.]
[Footnote 141: Marbot, "Mems.," ch. ix.; Allardyce, "Memoir of Lord
Keith," ch. xiii.; Thiébault's "Journal of the Blockade of Genoa."]
[Footnote 142: That Melas expected such a march is clear from a letter
of his of May 23rd, dated from Savillan, to Lord Keith, which I have
found in the "Brit. Admiralty Records" (Mediterranean, No. 22), where
he says: "L'ennemi a cerné le fort de Bard et s'est avancé jusque sous
le château d'Ivrée. Il est clair que son but est de délivrer
Masséna."]
[Footnote 143: Bonaparte did not leave Milan till June 9th: see
"Correspondance" and the bulletin of June 10th. Jomini places his
departure for the 7th, and thereby confuses his description for these
two days. Thiers dates it on June 8th.]
[Footnote 144: Lord W. Bentinck reported to the Brit. Admiralty
("Records," Meditn., No. 22), from Alessandria, on June 15th: "I am
sorry to say that General Elsnitz's corps, which was composed of the
grenadiers of the finest regiments in the (Austrian) army, arrived
here in the most deplorable condition. His men had already suffered
much from want of provisions and other hardships. He was pursued in
his retreat by Genl. Suchet, who had with him about 7,000 men. There
was an action at Ponte di Nava, in which the French failed; and it
will appear scarcely credible, when I tell your Lordship, that the
Austrians lost in this retreat, from fatigue only, near 5,000 men; and
I have no doubt that Genl. Suchet will notify this to the world as a
great victory."]
[Footnote 145: The inaccuracy of Marbot's "Mémoires" is nowhere more
glaring than in his statement that Marengo must have gone against the
French if Ott's 25,000 Austrians from Genoa had joined their comrades.
As a matter of fact, Ott, with 16,000 men, had _already_ fought with
Lannes at Montebello; and played a great part in the battle of
Marengo.]
[Footnote 146: "Corresp.," vol. vi., p. 365. Fournier, "Hist. Studien
und Skizzen," p. 189, argues that the letter was written from Milan,
and dated from Marengo for effect.]
[Footnote 147: See Czartoryski's "Memoirs," ch. xi., and Driault's "La
Question d'Orient," ch. iii. The British Foreign Office was informed
of the plan. In its records (No. 614) is a memoir (pencilled on the
back January 31st, 1801) from a M. Leclerc to Mr. Flint, referring the
present proposal back to that offered by M. de St. Génie to Catherine
II., and proposing that the first French step should be the seizure of
Socotra and Perim.]
[Footnote 148: Garden, "Traités," vol. vi., ch. xxx.; Captain Mahan's
"Life of Nelson," vol. ii., ch. xvi.; Thiers, "Consulate," bk. ix. For
the assassination of the Czar Paul see "Kaiser Paul's Ende," von R.R.
(Stuttgart, 1897); also Czartoryski's "Memoirs," chs. xiii.-xiv. For
Bonaparte's offer of a naval truce to us and his overture of December,
1800, see Bowman, _op. cit_.]
[Footnote 149: Pasquier, " Mems.," vol. i., ch. ii., p. 299. So too
Mollien, "Mems.": "With an insatiable activity in details, a
restlessness of mind always eager for new cares, he not only reigned
and governed, he continued to administer not only as Prime Minister,
but more minutely than each Minister."]
[Footnote 150: Lack of space prevents any account of French finances
and the establishment of the Bank of France. But we may note here that
the collection of the national taxes was now carried out by a
State-appointed director and his subordinates in every Department--a
plan which yielded better results than former slipshod methods. The
_conseil général_ of the Department assessed the direct taxes among
the smaller areas. "Méms." de Gaudin, Duc de Gaëte.]
[Footnote 151: Edmond Blanc, "Napoléon I; ses Institutions," p. 27.]
[Footnote 152: Theiner, "Hist. des deux Concordats," vol. i., p. 21.]
[Footnote 153: Thibaudeau estimated that of the population of
35,000,000 the following assortment might be made: Protestants, Jews,
and Theophilanthropists, 3,000,000; Catholics, 15,000,000, equally
divided between orthodox and constitutionals; and as many as
17,000,000 professing no belief whatever.]
[Footnote 154: See Roederer, "Oeuvres," vol. iii., p. 475. On the
discontent of the officers, see Pasquier's "Mems.," vol. i., ch. vii.;
also Marmont's "Mems.," bk. vi.]
[Footnote 155: See the drafts in Count Boulay de la Meurthe's
"Négociation du Concordat," vol. ii., pp. 58 and 268.]
[Footnote 156: Theiner, vol. i., pp. 193 and 196.]
[Footnote 157: Méneval, "Mems.," vol. i., p. 81.]
[Footnote 158: Thiers omits any notice of this strange transaction.
Lanfrey describes it, but unfortunately relies on the melodramatic
version given in Consalvi's "Memoirs," which were written many years
later and are far less trustworthy than the Cardinal's letters written
at the time. In his careful review of all the documentary evidence,
Count Boulay de la Meurthe (vol. iii., p. 201, note) concludes that
the new project of the Concordat (No. VIII.) was drawn up by
Hauterive, was "submitted immediately to the approbation of the
First Consul," and thereupon formed the basis of the long and
heated discussion of July 14th between the Papal and French
plenipotentiaries. A facsimile of this interesting document, with all
the erasures, is appended at the end of his volume.]
[Footnote 159: Pasquier, "Mems.," vol. i., ch. vii. Two of the organic
articles portended the abolition of the revolutionary calendar. The
first restored the old names of the days of the week; the second
ordered that Sunday should be the day of rest for all public
functionaries. The observance of _décadis_ thenceforth ceased; but the
months of the revolutionary calendar were observed until the close of
the year 1805. Theophilanthropy was similarly treated: when its
votaries applied for a building, their request was refused on the
ground that their cult came within the domain of philosophy, not of
any actual religion! A small number of priests and of their
parishioners refused to recognize the Concordat; and even to-day there
are a few of these _anti-concordataires_.]
[Footnote 160: Chaptal, "Souvenirs," pp. 237-239. Lucien Bonaparte,
"Mems.," vol. ii., p. 201, quotes his brother Joseph's opinion of the
Concordat: "Un pas rétrograde et irréfléchi de la nation qui s'y
soumettait."]
[Footnote 161: Thibaudeau, "Consulat," ch. xxvi.]
[Footnote 162: "Code Napoléon," art. 148.]
[Footnote 163: In other respects also Bonaparte's influence was used
to depress the legal status of woman, which the men of 1789 had done
so much to raise. In his curious letter of May 15th, 1807, on the
Institution at Ecouen, we have his ideas on a sound, useful education
for girls: "... We must begin with religion in all its severity. Do
not admit any modification of this. Religion is very important in a
girls' public school: it is the surest guarantee for mothers and
husbands. We must train up believers, not reasoners. The weakness of
women's brains, the unsteadiness of their ideas, their function in the
social order, their need of constant resignation and of a kind of
indulgent and easy charity--all can only be attained by religion."
They were to learn a little geography and history, but no foreign
language; above all, to do plenty of needlework.]
[Footnote 164: Sagnac, "Législation civile de la Rév. Fr.," p. 293.]
[Footnote 165: Divorce was suppressed in 1816, but was re-established
in 1884.]
[Footnote 166: Sagnac, _op. cit._, p. 352.]
[Footnote 167: "The Life of Sir S. Romilly," vol. i., p. 408.]
[Footnote 168: Madelin in his "Fouché," ch. xi., shows how Bonaparte's
private police managed the affair. Harel was afterwards promoted to
the governorship of the Castle of Vincennes: the four talkers, whom he
and the police had lured on, were executed after the affair of Nivôse.
That dextrous literary flatterer, the poet Fontanes, celebrated the
"discovery" of the Aréna plot by publishing anonymously a pamphlet ("A
Parallel between Caesar, Cromwell, Monk, and Bonaparte") in which he
decided that no one but Caesar deserved the honour of a comparison
with Bonaparte, and that certain destinies were summoning him to a yet
higher title. The pamphlet appeared under the patronage of Lucien
Bonaparte, and so annoyed his brother that he soon despatched him on a
diplomatic mission to Madrid as a punishment for his ill-timed
suggestions.]
[Footnote 169: Thibaudeau, _op. cit_., vol. ii., p. 55. Miot de
Melito, ch. xii.]
[Footnote 170: It seems clear, from the evidence so frankly given by
Cadoudal in his trial in 1804, as well as from his expressions when he
heard of the affair of Nivôse, that the hero of the Chouans had no
part in the bomb affair. He had returned to France, had empowered St.
Réjant to buy arms and horses, "dont je me servirai plus tard"; and it
seems certain that he intended to form a band of desperate men who
were to waylay, kidnap, or kill the First Consul in open fight. This
plan was deferred by the bomb explosion for three years. As soon as he
heard of this event, he exclaimed: "I'll bet that it was that---- St.
Réjant. He has upset all my plans." (See "Georges Cadoudal," par G. de
Cadoudal.)]
[Footnote 171: Roederer, "Oeuvres," vol. iii., p. 352. For these
negotiations see Bowman's "Preliminary Stages of the Peace of Amiens"
(Toronto, 1899).]
[Footnote 172: Porter, "Progress of the Nation," ch. xiv.]
[Footnote 173: "New Letters of Napoleon I." See too his letter of June
17th.]
[Footnote 174: "Cornwallis Correspondence," vol. iii., pp. 380-382.
Few records exist of the negotiations between Lord Hawkesbury and M.
Otto at London. I have found none in the Foreign Office archives. The
general facts are given by Garden, "Traités," vol. vii., ch. xxxi.;
only a few of the discussions were reduced to writing. This seriously
prejudiced our interests at Amiens.]
[Footnote 175: Lefebvre, "Cabinets de l'Europe," ch. iv]
[Footnote 176: Chaptal. "Mes Souvenirs," pp. 287, 291, and 359.]
[Footnote 177: See Chapter XIV. of this work.]
[Footnote 178: Thibaudeau, _op. cit_., ch. xxvi.; Lavisse, "Napoléon,"
ch. i.]
[Footnote 179: "A Diary of St. Helena," by Lady Malcolm, p. 97.]
[Footnote 180: "The Two Duchesses," edited by Vere Foster, p. 172.
Lord Malmesbury ("Diaries," vol. iv., p. 257) is less favourable:
"When B. is out of his ceremonious habits, his language is often
coarse and vulgar."]
[Footnote 181: Jurien de la Graviere, "Guerres Maritimes," vol. ii.,
chap. vii.]
[Footnote 182: These facts were fully acknowledged later by Otto: see
his despatch of January 6th, 1802, to Talleyrand, published by Du
Casse in his "Négociations relatives au Traité d'Amiens," vol. iii.]
[Footnote 183: "F.O.," France, No. 59. The memoir is dated October
19th, 1801.]
[Footnote 184: "F.O.," France, No. 59.]
[Footnote 185: Castlereagh, "Letters and Despatches," Second Series,
vol. i., p. 62, and the speeches of Ministers on November 3rd, 1801.]
[Footnote 186: Cornwallis, "Correspondence," vol. iii., despatch of
December 3rd, 1801. The feelings of the native Maltese were strongly
for annexation to Britain, and against the return of the Order at all.
They sent a deputation to London (February, 1802), which was shabbily
treated by our Government so as to avoid offending Bonaparte. (See
"Correspondence of W.A. Miles," vol. ii., pp. 323-329, who drew up
their memorial.)]
[Footnote 187: Cornwallis's despatches of January 10th and 23rd,
1802.]
[Footnote 188: Project of a treaty forwarded by Cornwallis to London
on December 27th, 1801, in the Public Record Office, No. 615.]
[Footnote 189: See the "Paget Papers," vol. ii. France gained the
right of admission to the Black Sea: the despatches of Mr. Merry from
Paris in May, 1802, show that France and Russia were planning schemes
of partition of Turkey. ("F.O.," France, No. 62.)]
[Footnote 190: The despatches of March 14th and 22nd, 1802, show how
strong was the repugnance of our Government to this shabby treatment
of the Prince of Orange; and it is clear that Cornwallis exceeded his
instructions in signing peace on those terms. (See Garden, vol. vii.,
p. 142.) By a secret treaty with Prussia (May, 1802), France procured
Fulda for the House of Orange.]
[Footnote 191: Pasolini, "Memorie," _ad init_.]
[Footnote 192: "Lettres inédites de Talleyrand à Napoléon" (Paris,
1889).]
[Footnote 193: Mr. Jackson's despatch of February 17th, 1802, from
Paris. According to Miot de Melito ("Mems.," ch. xiv.), Bonaparte had
offered the post of President to his brother Joseph, but fettered it
by so many restrictions that Joseph declined the honour.]
[Footnote 194: Roederer tells us ("OEuvres," vol. iii., p. 428) that
he had drawn up two plans of a constitution for the Cisalpine; the one
very short and leaving much to the President, the other precise and
detailed. He told Talleyrand to advise Bonaparte to adopt the former
as it was "_short and_"--he was about to add "_clear_" when the
diplomatist cut him short with the words, "_Yes: short and obscure!_"]
[Footnote 195: Napoleon's letter of February 2nd, 1802, to Joseph
Bonaparte; see too Cornwallis's memorandum of February 18th.]
[Footnote 196: It is only fair to Cornwallis to quote the letter,
marked "Private," which he received from Hawkesbury at the same time
that he was bidden to stand firm:
"DOWNING STREET, _March 22nd_, 1802.
"I think it right to inform you that I have had a confidential
communication with Otto, who will use his utmost endeavours to induce
his Government to agree to the articles respecting the Prince of
Orange and the prisoners in the shape in which they are now proposed.
I have very little doubt of his success, and I should hope therefore
that you will soon be released. I need not remind you of the
importance of sending your most expeditious messenger the moment our
fate is determined. The Treasury is almost exhausted, and Mr.
Addington cannot well make his loan in the present state of
uncertainty."]
[Footnote 197: See the British notes of November 6th-16th, 1801, in
the "Cornwallis Correspondence," vol. iii. In his speech in the House
of Lords, May 13th, 1802, Lord Grenville complained that we had had to
send to the West Indies in time of peace a fleet double as large as
that kept there during the late war.]
[Footnote 198: For these and the following negotiations see Lucien
Bonaparte's "Mémoires," vol. ii., and Garden's "Traités de Paix," vol.
iii., ch. xxxiv. The Hon. H. Taylor, in "The North American Review" of
November, 1898, has computed that the New World was thus divided in
1801:
Spain 7,028,000 square miles.
Great Britain 3,719,000 " "
Portugal 3,209,000 " "
United States 827,000 " "
Russia 577,000 " "
France 29,000 " "
[Footnote 199: "History of the United States, 1801-1813," by H. Adams,
vol. i, p. 409.]
[Footnote 200: Napoleon's letter of November 2nd, 1802.]
[Footnote 201: Merry's despatch of October 21st, 1802.]
[Footnote 202: The instructions which he sent to Victor supply an
interesting commentary on French colonial policy: "The system of this,
as of all our other colonies, should be to concentrate its commerce in
the national commerce: it should especially aim at establishing its
relations with our Antilles, so as to take the place in those colonies
of the American commerce.... The captain-general should abstain from
every innovation favourable to strangers, who should be restricted to
such communications as are absolutely indispensable to the prosperity
of Louisiana."]
[Footnote 203: Lucien Bonaparte, "Mémoires," vol. ii., ch. ix. He
describes Josephine's alarm at this ill omen at a time when rumours of
a divorce were rife.]
[Footnote 204: Harbé-Marbois, "Hist. de Louisiana," quoted by H.
Adams, _op. cit._, vol. ii., p. 27; Roloff, "Napoleon's Colonial
Politik."]
[Footnote 205: Garden, "Traités," vol. viii., ch. xxxiv. See too
Roederer, "Oeuvres," vol. iii., p. 461, for Napoleon's expressions
after dinner on January 11th, 1803: "Maudit sucre, maudit café,
maudites colonies."]
[Footnote 206: Cornwallis, "Correspondence," vol. iii., despatch of
December 3rd, 1801.]
[Footnote 207: See the valuable articles on General Decaen's papers in
the "Revue historique" of 1879 and of 1881.]
[Footnote 208: Dumas' "Précis des Événements Militaires," vol. xi., p.
189. The version of these instructions presented by Thiers, book xvi.,
is utterly misleading.]
[Footnote 209: Lord Whitworth, our ambassador in Paris, stated
(despatch of March 24th, 1803) that Decaen was to be quietly
reinforced by troops in French pay sent out by every French, Spanish,
or Dutch ship going to India, so as to avoid attracting notice.
("England and Napoleon," edited by Oscar Browning, p. 137.)]
[Footnote 210: See my article, "The French East India Expedition at
the Cape," and unpublished documents in the "Eng. Hist. Rev." of
January, 1900. French designs on the Cape strengthened our resolve to
acquire it, as we prepared to do in the summer of 1805.]
[Footnote 211: Wellesley, "Despatches," vol. iii., Appendix, despatch
of August 1st, 1803. See too Castlereagh's "Letters and Despatches,"
Second Series, vol. i., pp. 166-176, for Lord Elgin's papers and
others, all of 1802, describing the utter weakness of Turkey, the
probability of Egypt falling to any invader, of Caucasia and Persia
being menaced by Russia, and the need of occupying Aden as a check to
any French designs on India from Suez.]
[Footnote 212: Wellesley's despatch of July 13th, 1804: with it he
inclosed an intercepted despatch, dated Pondicherry, August 6th, 1803,
a "Mémoire sur l'Importance actuelle de l'Inde et les moyens les plus
efficaces d'y rétablir la Nation Française dans son ancienne
splendeur." The writer, Lieutenant Lefebvre, set forth the
unpopularity of the British in India and the immense wealth which
France could gain from its conquest.]
[Footnote 213: The report of the Imaum is given in Castlereagh's
"Letters," Second Series, vol. i., p. 203.]
[Footnote 214: "Voyage de Découverte aux Terres Australes sur les
Corvettes, le Géographe et le Naturaliste," rédigé par M.F. Péron
(Paris, 1807-15). From the Atlas the accompanying map has been
copied.]
[Footnote 215: His later mishaps may here be briefly recounted. Being
compelled to touch at the Ile de France for repairs to his ship, he
was there seized and detained as a spy by General Decaen, until the
chivalrous intercession of the French explorer, Bougainville, finally
availed to procure his release in the year 1810. The conduct of Decaen
was the more odious, as the French crews during their stay at Sydney
in the autumn of 1802, when the news of the Peace of Amiens was as yet
unknown, had received not only much help in the repair of their ships,
but most generous personal attentions, officials and private persons
at Sydney agreeing to put themselves on short rations in that season
of dearth in order that the explorers might have food. Though this
fact was brought to Decaen's knowledge by the brother of Commodore
Baudin, he none the less refused to acknowledge the validity of the
passport which Flinders, as a geographical explorer, had received from
the French authorities, but detained him in captivity for seven years.
For the details see "A Voyage of Discovery to the Australian Isles,"
by Captain Flinders (London, 1814), vol. ii., chs. vii.-ix. The names
given by Flinders on the coasts of Western and South Australia have
been retained owing to the priority of his investigation: but the
French names have been kept on the coast between the mouth of the
Murray and Bass Strait for the same reason.]
[Footnote 216: See Baudin's letter to King of December 23rd, 1803, in
vol. v. (Appendix) of "Historical Records of New South Wales," and the
other important letters and despatches contained there, as also
_ibid_., pp. 133 and 376.]
[Footnote 217: Mr. Merry's ciphered despatch from Paris, May 7th,
1802.]
[Footnote 218: It is impossible to enter into the complicated question
of the reconstruction of Germany effected in 1802-3. A general
agreement had been made at Rastadt that, as an indemnity for the
losses of German States in the conquest of the Rhineland by France,
they should receive the ecclesiastical lands of the old Empire. The
Imperial Diet appointed a delegation to consider the whole question;
but before this body assembled (on August 24th, 1802), a number of
treaties had been secretly made at Paris, with the approval of Russia,
which favoured Prussia and depressed Austria. Austria received the
archbishoprics of Trent and Brixen: while her Archdukes (formerly of
Tuscany and Modena) were installed in Salzburg and Breisgau. Prussia,
as the _protégé_ of France, gained Hildesheim, Paderborn, Erfurt, the
city of Münster, etc. Bavaria received Würzburg, Bamberg, Augsburg,
Passau, etc. See Garden, "Traités," vol. vii., ch. xxxii.; "Annual
Register" of 1802, pp. 648-665; Oncken, "Consulat und Kaiserthum,"
vol. ii.; and Beer's "Zehn Jahre Oesterreichischer Politik."]
[Footnote 219: The British notes of April 28th and May 8th, 1803,
again demanded a suitable indemnity for the King of Sardinia.]
[Footnote 220: See his letters of January 28th, 1801, February 27th,
March 10th, March 25th, April 10th, and May 16th, published in a work,
"Bonaparte, Talleyrand et Stapfer" (Zürich, 1869).]
[Footnote 221: Daendliker, "Geschichte der Schweiz," vol. iii., p.
418; Muralt's "Reinhard," p. 55; and Stapfer's letter of April 28th:
"Malgré cette apparente neutralité que le gouvernement français
déclare vouloir observer pour le moment, différentes circonstances me
persuadent qu'il a vu avec plaisir passer la direction des affaires
des mains de la majorité du Sénat [helvétique] dans celles de la
minorité du Petit Conseil."]
[Footnote 222: Garden, "Traités," vol. viii., p. 10. Mr. Merry, our
_chargé d'affaires_ at Paris, reported July 21st; "M. Stapfer makes a
boast of having obtained the First Consul's consent to withdraw the
French troops entirely from Switzerland. I learn from some
well-disposed Swiss who are here that such a consent has been given;
but they consider it only as a measure calculated to increase the
disturbances in their country and to furnish a pretext for the French
to enter it again."]
[Footnote 223: Reding, in a pamphlet published shortly after this
time, gave full particulars of his interviews with Bonaparte at Paris,
and stated that he had fully approved of his (Reding's) federal plans.
Neither Bonaparte nor Talleyrand ever denied this.]
[Footnote 224: See "Paget Papers," vol. ii., despatches of October
29th, 1802, and January 28th, 1803.]
[Footnote 225: Napoleon avowed this in his speech to the Swiss
deputies at St. Cloud, December 12th, 1802.]
[Footnote 226: Lord Hawkesbury's note of October 10th, 1802, the
appeal of the Swiss, and the reply of Mr. Moore from Constance, are
printed in full in the papers presented to Parliament, May 18th, 1803.
The Duke of Orleans wrote from Twickenham a remarkable letter to Pitt,
dated October 18th, 1802, offering to go as leader to the Swiss in the
cause of Swiss and of European independence: "I am a natural enemy to
Bonaparte and to all similar Governments....England and Austria can
find in me all the advantages of my being a French prince. Dispose of
me, Sir, and show me the way. I will follow it." See Stanhope's "Life
of Pitt," vol. iii., ch. xxxiii.]
[Footnote 227: See Roederer, "uvres," vol. iii., p. 454, for the
curious changes which Napoleon prescribed in the published reports of
these speeches; also Stapfer's despatch of February 3rd, 1803, which
is more trustworthy than the official version in Napoleon's
"Correspondance." This, however, contains the menacing sentence: "It
is recognized by Europe that Italy and Holland, as well as
Switzerland, are at the disposition of France."]
[Footnote 228: It is only fair to say that they had recognized their
mistake and had recently promised equality of rights to the formerly
subject districts and to all classes. See Muralt's "Reinhard," p.
113.]
[Footnote 229: See, _inter alia_, the "Moniteur" of August 8th,
October 9th, November 6th, 1802; of January 1st and 9th, February
19th, 1803.]
[Footnote 230: Lord Whitworth's despatches of February 28th and March
3rd, 1803, in Browning's "England and Napoleon."]
[Footnote 231: Secret instructions to Lord Whitworth, November 14th,
1802.]
[Footnote 232: "Foreign Office Records," Russia, No. 50.]
[Footnote 233: In his usually accurate "Manuel historique de Politique
Etrangère" (vol. ii., p. 238), M. Bourgeois states that in May, 1802,
Lord St. Helens succeeded in persuading the Czar _not_ to give his
guarantee to the clause respecting Malta. Every despatch that I have
read runs exactly counter to this statement: the fact is that the Czar
took umbrage at the treaty and refused to listen to our repeated
requests for his guarantee. Thiers rightly states that the British
Ministry pressed the Czar to give his guarantee, but that France long
neglected to send her application. Why this neglect if she wished to
settle matters?]
[Footnote 234: Castlereagh's "Letters and Despatches," Second Series,
vol. i., pp. 56 and 69; Dumas' "Evénements," ix. 91.]
[Footnote 235: Mémoire of Francis II. to Cobenzl (March 31st, 1801),
in Beer, "Die Orientalische Politik Oesterreichs," Appendix.]
[Footnote 236: "Memoirs," vol. i., ch. xiii.]
[Footnote 237: Ulmann's "Russisch-Preussische Politik, 1801-1806," pp.
10-12.]
[Footnote 238: Warren reported (December 10th, 1802) that Vorontzoff
warned him to be very careful as to the giving up of Malta; and, on
January 19th, Czartoryski told him that "the Emperor wished the
English to keep Malta." Bonaparte had put in a claim for the Morea to
indemnify the Bourbons and the House of Savoy. ("F.O.," Russia, No.
51.)]
[Footnote 239: Browning's "England and Napoleon," pp. 88-91.]
[Footnote 240: "F.O.," France, No. 72.]
[Footnote 241: We were undertaking that mediation. Lord Elgin's
despatch from Constantinople, January 15th, 1803, states that he had
induced the Porte to allow the Mamelukes to hold the province of
Assouan. (Turkey, No. 38.)]
[Footnote 242: Papers presented to Parliament on May 18th, 1803. I
pass over the insults to General Stuart, as Sebastiani on February 2nd
recanted to Lord Whitworth everything he had said, or had been made to
say, on that topic, and mentioned Stuart "in terms of great esteem."
According to Méneval ("Mems.," vol i., ch. iii.), Jaubert, who had
been with Sebastiani, saw a proof of the report, as printed for the
"Moniteur," and advised the omission of the most irritating passages;
but Maret dared not take the responsibility for making such omissions.
Lucien Bonaparte ("Mems.," vol. ii., ch. ix.) has another
version--less credible, I think--that Napoleon himself dictated the
final draft of the report to Sebastiani; and when the latter showed
some hesitation, the First Consul muttered, as the most irritating
passages were read out: "Parbleu, nous verrons si ceci--si cela--ne
décidera pas John Bull à guerroyer." Joseph was much distressed about
it, and exclaimed: "Ah, mon pauvre traité d'Amiens! Il ne tient plus
qu'à un fil."]
[Footnote 243: So Adams's "Hist, of the U.S.," vol. ii., pp. 12-21.]
[Footnote 244: Miot de Melito, "Mems.," vol. i, ch. xv., quotes the
words of Joseph Bonaparte to him: "Let him [Napoleon] once more drench
Europe with blood in a war that he could have avoided, and which, but
for the outrageous mission on which he sent his Sebastiani, would
never have occurred."
Talleyrand laboured hard to persuade Lord Whitworth that Sebastiani's
mission was "solely commercial": Napoleon, in his long conversation
with our ambassador, "did not affect to attribute it to commercial
motives only," but represented it as necessitated by our infraction of
the Treaty of Amiens. This excuse is as insincere as the former. The
instructions to Sebastiani were drawn up on September 5th, 1802, when
the British Ministry was about to fulfil the terms of the treaty
relative to Malta and was vainly pressing Russia and Prussia for the
guarantee of its independence]
[Footnote 245: Despatch of February 21st.]
[Footnote 246: "View of the State of the Republic," read to the Corps
Législatif on February 21st, 1803.]
[Footnote 247: Papers presented to Parliament May 18th, 1803. See too
Pitt's speech, May 23rd, 1803.]
[Footnote 248: See Russell's proclamation of July 22nd to the men of
Antrim that "he doubted not but the French were then fighting in
Scotland." ("Ann. Reg.," 1803, p. 246.) This document is ignored by
Plowden ("Hist. of Ireland, 1801-1810").]
[Footnote249: Despatch of March 14th, 1803. Compare it with the very
mild version in Napoleon's "Corresp.," No. 6636.]
[Footnote 250: Lord Hawkesbury to General Andreossy, March 10th.]
[Footnote 251: Lord Hawkesbury to Lord Whitworth, April 4th, 1803.]
[Footnote 252: Despatches of April 11th and 18th, 1803.]
[Footnote 253: Whitworth to Hawkesbury, April 23rd.]
[Footnote 254: Czartoryski ("Mems.," vol. i., ch. xiii.) calls him "an
excellent admiral but an indifferent diplomatist--a perfect
representative of the nullity and incapacity of the Addington Ministry
which had appointed him. The English Government was seldom happy in
its ambassadors." So Earl Minto's "Letters," vol. iii., p. 279.]
[Footnote 255: See Lord Malmesbury's "Diaries" (vol. iv., p. 253) as
to the bad results of Whitworth's delay.]
[Footnote 256: Note of May 12th, 1803: see "England and Napoleon," p.
249.]
[Footnote 257: "Corresp.," vol. viii., No. 6743.]
[Footnote 258: See Romilly's letter to Dumont, May 31st, 1803
("Memoirs," vol. i.).]
[Footnote 259: "Lettres inédites de Talleyrand," November 3rd, 1802.
In his letter of May 3rd, 1803, to Lord Whitworth, M. Huber reports
Fouché's outspoken warning in the Senate to Bonaparte: "Vous êtes
vous-même, ainsi que nous, un résultat de la révolution, et la guerre
remet tout en problème. On vous flatte en vous faisant compter sur les
principes révolutionnaires des autres nations: _le résultat de notre
révolution les a anéantis partout._"]
[Footnote 260: A copy of this letter, with the detailed proposals, is
in our Foreign Office archives (Russia, No. 52).]
[Footnote 261: Bourgeois, "Manuel de Politique Etrangère," vol. ii.,
p. 243.]
[Footnote 262: See Castlereagh's "Letters and Despatches," Second
Series, vol. i., pp. 75-82, as to the need of conciliating public
opinion, even by accepting Corfu as a set-off for Malta, provided a
durable peace could thus be secured.]
[Footnote 263: "Lettres inédites de Talleyrand," August 21st, 1803.]
[Footnote 264: Garden, "Traités," vol. viii., p. 191.]
[Footnote 265: Holland was required to furnish 16,000 troops and
maintain 18,000 French, to provide 10 ships of war and 350 gunboats.]
[Footnote 266: "Corresp.," May 23rd, 1803.]
[Footnote 267: Nelson's letters of July 2nd. See too Mahan's "Life of
Nelson," vol. ii., pp. 180-188, and Napoleon's letters of November
24th, 1803, encouraging the Mamelukes to look to France.]
[Footnote 268: "Foreign Office Records," Sicily and Naples, No. 55,
July 25th.]
[Footnote 269: Letter of July 28th, 1803.]
[Footnote 270: "Nap. Corresp.," August 23rd, 1803, and Oncken, ch. v.]
[Footnote 271: "Corresp.," vol. viii., No. 6627.]
[Footnote 272: Lefebvre, "Cabinets de l'Europe," ch. viii.; "Nap.
Corresp.," vol. viii., Nos. 6979, 6985, 7007, 7098, 7113.]
[Footnote 273: The French and Dutch ships in commission were: ships of
the line, 48; frigates, 37; corvettes, 22; gun-brigs, etc., 124;
flotilla, 2,115. (See "Mems. of the Earl of St. Vincent," vol. ii., p.
218.)]
[Footnote 274: Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. ii., p. 239.]
[Footnote 275: Stanhope's "Life of Pitt," vol. iv., p. 213.]
[Footnote 276: Roederer, " OEuvres," vol. iii., p. 348; Méneval, vol.
i., ch. iv.]
[Footnote 277: Lucien ("Mems.," vol. iii., pp. 315-320) says at
Malmaison; but Napoleon's "Correspondance" shows that it was at St.
Cloud. Masson (" Nap. et sa Famille," ch. xii.) throws doubt on the
story.]
[Footnote 278:_Ibid_., p. 318. The scene was described by Murat: the
real phrase was _coquine_, but it was softened down by Murat to
_maîtresse_.]
[Footnote 279: Miot de Melito, "Mems.," vol. 1., ch. xv. Lucien
settled in the Papal States, where he, the quondam Jacobin and proven
libertine, later on received from the Pope the title of Prince de
Canino.]
[Footnote 280: "Lettres inédites de Napoléon," April 22nd, 1805.]
[Footnote 281: Pasquier, "Mems.," vol. i., p. 167, and Boulay de la
Meurthe, "Les dernières Années du duc d'Enghien," p. 299. An
intriguing royalist of Neufchâtel, Fauche-Borel, had been to England
in 1802 to get the help of the Addington Ministry, but failed. See
Caudrillier's articles in the "Revue Historique," Nov., 1900--March,
1901.]
[Footnote 282: Madelin's "Fouché," vol. i., p. 368, minimizes Fouché's
_rôle_ here.]
[Footnote 283: Desmarest, "Témoignages historiques," pp. 78-82.]
[Footnote 284: "Alliance des Jacobins de France avec le Ministère
Anglais."]
[Footnote 285: Brit. Mus., "Add. MSS.," Nos. 7976 _et seq_.]
[Footnote 286: In our Records (France, No. 71) is a letter of Count
Descars, dated London, March 25th, 1805, to Lord Mulgrave, Minister
for War, rendering an account for various sums advanced by our
Government for the royalist "army."]
[Footnote 287: "Paget Papers," vol. ii., p. 96.]
[Footnote 288: "Parl. Debates," April, 1804 (esp. April 16th). The
official denial is, of course, accepted by Alison, ch. xxxviii.]
[Footnote 289: The expression is that of George III., who further
remarked that all the ambassadors despised Hawkesbury. (Rose,
"Diaries," vol. ii., p. 157.) Windham's letter, dated Beaconsfield,
August 16th, 1803, in the Puisaye Papers, warned the French _émigrés_
that they must not count on any aid from Ministers, who had "at all
times shown such feebleness of spirit, that they can scarcely dare to
lift their eyes to such aims as you indicate. ("Add. MSS.," No.
7976.)]
[Footnote 290: See in chapter xxi., p. 488. Our envoy, Spencer Smith,
at Stuttgart, was also taken in by a French spy, Captain Rosey, whose
actions were directed by Napoleon. See his letter (No. 7669).]
[Footnote 291: "F.O.," Austria, No. 68 (October 31st, 1803).]
[Footnote 292: Lavalette, "Mems.," ch. xxiii.; "Georges Cadoudal," by
Georges de Cadoudal (Paris, 1887).]
[Footnote 293: See his letter of January 24th, 1804, to Réal,
instructing him to tell Méhée what falsehoods are to find a place in
Méhée's next bulletin to Drake! "Keep on continually with the affair
of my portfolio."]
[Footnote 294: Miot de Melito, vol. i., ch. xvi.; Pasquier, vol. i.,
ch. vii. See also Desmarest, "Quinze ans de la haute police": his
claim that the police previously knew nothing of the plot is refuted
by Napoleon's letters (e.g., that of November 1st, 1803); as also by
Guilhermy, "Papiers d'un Emigré," p. 122.]
[Footnote 295: Ségur, "Mems.," ch. x. Bonaparte to Murat and Harel,
March 20th.]
[Footnote 296: Letter to Réal, "Corresp.," No. 7639.]
[Footnote 297: The original is in "F.O." (Austria, No. 68).]
[Footnote 298: Pasquier, "Mémoires," vol. i., p. 187.]
[Footnote 299: The Comte de Mosbourg's notes in Count Murat's "Murat"
(Paris, 1897), pp. 437-445, prove that Savary did not draw his
instructions for the execution of the duke merely from Murat, but from
Bonaparte himself, who must therefore be held solely responsible for
the composition and conduct of that court. Masson's attempt ("Nap. et
sa Famille," ch. xiv.) to inculpate Murat is very weak.]
[Footnote 300: Hulin in "Catastrophe du duc d'Enghien," p. 118.]
[Footnote 301: Dupin in "Catastrophe du duc d'Enghien," pp. 101, 123.]
[Footnote 302: The only excuse which calls for notice here is that
Napoleon at the last moment, when urged by Joseph to be merciful, gave
way, and despatched orders late at night to Réal to repair to
Vincennes. Réal received some order, the exact purport of which is
unknown: it was late at night and he postponed going till the morrow.
On his way he met Savary, who came towards Paris bringing the news of
the duke's execution. Réal's first words, on hearing this unexpected
news, were: "How is that possible? I had so many questions to put to
the duke: his examination might disclose so much. Another thing gone
wrong; the First Consul will be furious." These words were afterwards
repeated to Pasquier both by Savary and by Real: and, unless Pasquier
lied, the belated order sent to Réal was not a pardon (and Napoleon on
his last voyage said to Cockburn it was not), but merely an order to
extract such information from the duke as would compromise other
Frenchmen. Besides, if Napoleon had despatched an order for the duke's
_pardon_, why was not that order produced as a sign of his innocence
and Réal's blundering? Why did he shut himself up in his private room
on March 20th, so that even Josephine had difficulty in gaining
entrance? And if he really desired to pardon the duke, how came it
that when, at noon of March 21st, Réal explained that he arrived at
Vincennes too late, the only words that escaped Napoleon's lips were
"C'est bien"? (See Méneval, vol. i, p. 296.) Why also was his
countenance the only one that afterwards showed no remorse or grief?
Caulaincourt, when he heard the results of his raid into Baden,
fainted with horror, and when brought to by Bonaparte, overwhelmed him
with reproaches. Why also had the grave been dug beforehand? Why,
finally, were Savary and Réal not disgraced? No satisfactory answer to
these questions has ever been given. The "Catastrophe du duc
d'Enghien" and Count Boulay de la Meurthe's "Les dernières Années du
duc d'Enghien" and Napoleon's "Correspondance" give all the documents
needed for forming a judgment on this case. The evidence is examined
by Mr. Fay in "The American Hist. Rev.," July and Oct., 1898. For the
rewards to the murderers see Masson, "Nap. et sa Famille," chap.
xiii.]
[Footnote 303: Ducasse, "Les Rois Frères de Nap.," p. 9.]
[Footnote 304: Miot de Melito; vol. ii., ch. i.; Pasquier, vol. i.,
ch. ix.]
[Footnote 305: I cannot agree with M. Lanfrey, vol. ii., ch. xi., that
the Empire was not desired by the nation. It seems to me that this
writer here attributes to the apathetic masses his own unrivalled
acuteness of vision and enthusiasm for democracy. Lafayette well sums
up the situation in the remark that he was more shocked at the
submission of all than at the usurpation of one man ("Mems.," vol. v.,
p. 239).]
[Footnote 306: See Aulard, "Rév. Française," p. 772, for the
opposition.]
[Footnote 307: Roederer, "uvres," vol. iii., p. 513.]
[Footnote 308: Macdonald, "Souvenirs," ch. xii.; Ségur, "Mems.," ch.
vii. When Thiébault congratulated Masséna on his new title, the
veteran scoffingly replied: "Oh, there are fourteen of us."
(Thiébault, "Mems.," ch. vii., Eng. edit.) See too Marmont ("Mems.,"
vol. ii., p. 227) on his own exclusion and the inclusion of
Bessières.]
[Footnote 309: Chaptal, "Souvenirs," p. 262. For Moreau's popularity
see Madelin's "Fouché," vol. i., p. 422.]
[Footnote 310: At the next public audience Napoleon upbraided one of
the judges, Lecourbe, who had maintained that Moreau was innocent, and
thereafter deprived him of his judgeship. He also disgraced his
brother, General Lecourbe, and forbade his coming within forty leagues
of Paris. ("Lettres inédites de Napoléon," August 22nd and 29th,
1805.)]
[Footnote 311: Miot de Melito, vol ii., ch. i.]
[Footnote 312: Napoleon to Roederer, "uvres," vol. iii., p. 514.]
[Footnote 313: Lafayette, "Mems.," vol. v., p. 182.]
[Footnote 314: "Mémoires de Savary, Duc de Rovigo." So Bourrienne, who
was informed by Rapp, who was present (vol. ii., ch. xxxiii.). The
"Moniteur" (4th Frimaire, Year XIII.) asserted that the Pope took the
right-hand seat; but I distrust its version.]
[Footnote 315: Mme. de Rémusat, vol. i., ch. x. As the _curé_ of the
parish was not present, even as witness, this new contract was held by
the Bonapartes to lack full validity. It is certain, however, that
Fesch always maintained that the marriage could only be annulled by an
act of arbitrary authority. For Napoleon's refusal to receive the
communion on the morning of the coronation, lest he, being what he
was, should be guilty of sacrilege and hypocrisy, see Ségur.]
[Footnote 316: Ségur, ch. xi.]
[Footnote 317: F. Masson's "Joséphine, Impératrice et Reine," p. 229.
For the Pitt diamond, see Yule's pamphlet and Sir M. Grant Duff's
"Diary," June 30, 1888.]
[Footnote 318: De Bausset, "Court de Napoléon," ch. ii.]
[Footnote 319: "Foreign Office Records," Intelligences, No. 426.]
[Footnote 320: "Life of Fulton," by Colden(1817); also one by Reigart
(1856).]
[Footnote 321: Jurien de la Gravière, "Guerres Maritimes," vol. ii.,
p. 75; Chevalier, "Hist. de la Marine Française," p. 105; Capt.
Desbrière's "Projets de Débarquement aux Iles Britanniques," vol. i.
The accompanying engraving shows how fantastic were some of the
earlier French schemes of invasion.]
[Footnote 322: "Mémoires du Maréchal Ney," bk. vii., ch. i.; so too
Marmont, vol. ii., p. 213; Mahan, "Sea Power," ch. xv.]
[Footnote 323: Roederer, "OEuvres," vol. iii., p. 494.]
[Footnote 324: Colonel Campbell, our Commissioner at Elba, noted in
his diary (December 5th, 1814): "As I have perceived in many
conversations, Napoleon has no idea of the difficulties occasioned by
winds and tides, but judges of changes of position in the case of
ships as he would with regard to troops on land."]
[Footnote 325: Jurien de la Gravière, vol. ii., p. 88, who says: "His
mild and melancholy disposition, his sad and modest behaviour, ill
suited the Emperor's ambitious plans."]
[Footnote 326: "Corresp.," No. 8063. See too No. 7996 for Napoleon's
plan of carrying a howitzer in the bows of his gun vessels so that his
projectiles might _burst in the wood_. Already at Boulogne he had
uttered the prophetic words: "We must have shells that will shiver the
wooden sides of ships."]
[Footnote 327: James, "Naval History," vol. iii., p. 213, and
Chevalier, p. 115, imply that Villeneuve's fleet from Toulon, after
scouring the West Indies, was to rally the Rochefort force and cover
the Boulogne flotilla: but this finds no place in Napoleon's September
plan, which required Gantheaume first to land troops in Ireland and
then convoy the flotilla across if the weather were favourable, or if
it were stormy to beat down the Channel with the troops from Holland.
See O'Connor Morris, "Campaigns of Nelson," p. 121.]
[Footnote 328: Colomb, "Naval Warfare," p. 18.]
[Footnote 329: Jurien de la Gravière, vol. ii., p. 100. Nelson was
aware of the fallacies that crowded Napoleon's brain: "Bonaparte has
often made his boast that our fleet would be worn out by keeping the
sea, and that his was kept in order and increasing by staying in port;
but he now finds, I fancy, if emperors hear truth, that his fleet
suffers more in a night than ours in one year."--Nelson to
Collingwood, March 13th, 1805.]
[Footnote 330: Garden, "Traités," vol. viii., pp. 276-290; also Capt.
Mahan, "Influence of Sea Power, etc.," vol. ii., ch. xv. _ad fin_. He
quotes the opinion of a Spanish historian, Don José de Couto: "If all
the circumstances are properly weighed ... we shall see that all the
charges made against England for the seizure of the frigates may be
reduced to want of proper foresight in the strength of the force
detailed to effect it."--In the Admiralty secret letters (1804-16) I
have found the instructions to Sir J. Orde, with the Swiftsure,
Polyphemus, Agamemnon, Ruby, Defence, Lively, and two sloops, to seize
the treasure-ships. No fight seems to have been expected.]
[Footnote 331: "Corresp.," No. 8379; Mahan, _ibid_., vol. ii., p.
149.]
[Footnote 332: Letter of April 29th, 1805. I cannot agree with Mahan
(p. 155) that this was intended only to distract us.]
[Footnote 333: "Lettres inédites de Talleyrand," p. 121.]
[Footnote 334: Jurien de la Gravière, vol. ii., p. 367.]
[Footnote 335: Thiers writes, most disingenuously, as though
Napoleon's letters of August 13th and 22nd could have influenced
Villeneuve.]
[Footnote 336: Dupin, "Voyages dans la Grande Bretagne" (tome i., p.
244), who had the facts from Daru. But, as Méneval sensibly says
("Mems.," vol. i., ch. v.), it was not Napoleon's habit dramatically
to dictate his plans so far in advance. Certainly, _in military
matters,_ he always kept his imagination subservient to facts. Not
until September 22nd, did he make any written official notes on the
final moves of his chief corps; besides, the Austrians did not cross
the Inn till September 8th.]
[Footnote 337: Diary of General Bingham, in "Blackwood's Magazine,"
October, 1896. The accompanying medal, on the reverse of which are the
words "frappée à Londres, en 1804," affords another proof of his
intentions.]
[Footnote 338: Marbot, "Mems.," ch. xix; Fouché, "Mems.," part 1; Miot
de Melito, "Mems.," vol. ii., ch. i.]
[Footnote 339: See Nelson's letters of August 25th, 1803, and May 1st,
1804; also Collingwood's of July 21st, 1805.]
[Footnote 340: In "F.O.," France, No. 71, is a report of a spy on the
interview of Napoleon with O'Connor, whom he made General of Division.
See Appendix, p. 510.]
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