5th—8th. During these four days, the Emperor invariably rode out on
horseback about six or seven in the morning, accompanied only by me and
my son.
I am enabled to affirm that I never saw Napoleon swayed either by
passion or prejudice, that is to say, I never knew him to pronounce a
judgment on men and things that was not dictated by reason. Even when he
displays what perhaps may be called anger, it is merely the effect of
transitory feeling, and never influences his actions; but I can truly
say that, during the eighteen years in which I have had the opportunity
of observing his character, I never knew him to act in contradiction to
reason.
Another fact which has come to my knowledge, and which I note down here
because it recurs to my memory at this moment, is that, either from
nature, calculation, or the habit of preserving dignity, he for the most
part represses and conceals the painful sensations which he experiences,
and still more, perhaps, the kind emotions of his heart. I have
frequently observed him repressing feelings of sensibility, as if he
thought that they compromised his character. Of this I shall hereafter
adduce proofs. Meanwhile, the following characteristic trait so
perfectly corresponds with the object of this journal, namely, that of
showing the man as he really is, and seizing nature in the fact, that I
cannot refrain from mentioning it.
For some days past, Napoleon seemed to have something deeply at heart. A
domestic circumstance which had occurred vexed and ruffled him
exceedingly. During the last three days, in our rides about the park, he
several times alluded to this circumstance with considerable warmth,
desiring me to keep close by his side, and ordering my son to ride on
before. On one of these occasions the following observation escaped
him:—"I know I am fallen. But to feel this among you!"... These words,
the gesture, the tone that accompanied them, pierced my very heart. I
was ready to throw myself at his feet, and embrace his knees. “I know,”
continued he, “that man is frequently unreasonable and susceptible.
Thus, when I am mistrustful of myself, I asked, should I have been
treated so at the Tuileries? This is my sure test.”
He then spoke of himself, of us, of our reciprocal relations, of our
situation in the island, and the influence which our individual
circumstances might enable us to exercise. His reflections on these
subjects were numerous, powerful, and just. In the emotion with which
this conversation inspired me, I exclaimed: “Sire, permit me to take
this affair upon myself. It certainly never could have been viewed in
this light. If the matter were explained, I am sure it would excite deep
sorrow and repentance! I only ask permission to say a single word.” The
Emperor replied with dignity:—"No, sir; I forbid it. I have opened my
heart to you. Nature has had her course. I shall forget it; and you must
seem never to have known it."
On our return, we breakfasted all together in the garden, and the
Emperor was more than usually cheerful. In the evening he dined in his
own apartment.
POLITICS.—THE STATE OF EUROPE.—IRRESISTIBLE
ASCENDANCY OF LIBERAL OPINIONS.
9th-10th. On the 9th a ship arrived from England, bringing papers to the
21st of January. The Emperor continued his morning rides on horseback,
and passed the rest of the day in examining the newspapers in his own
chamber. The contents of these late papers were not less interesting
than those which we had already examined. The agitation in France
continued to increase; the King of Prussia had issued proclamations
respecting secret societies; a misunderstanding had arisen between
Austria and Bavaria; in England the persecution of the French
Protestants, and the violence of the party which was gaining the
ascendancy, agitated the public mind, and gave arms to the Opposition.
Europe never presented a more violent fermentation.
On perusing the account of the deluge of evils and sanguinary events
which overwhelmed all the French departments, the Emperor rose from his
couch, and, stamping his foot violently on the ground, he exclaimed!
“How unfortunate was I in not proceeding to America! From the other
hemisphere I might have protected France against re-action! The dread of
my re-appearance would have been a check on their violence and folly. My
name would have sufficed to bridle their excesses, and to fill them with
terror.”
Then, continuing the same subject, he said with a degree of warmth,
bordering on inspiration, "the counter-revolution, even had it been
suffered to proceed, must inevitably have been lost in the grand
revolution. The atmosphere of modern ideas is sufficient to stifle the
old feudalists; for henceforth nothing can destroy or efface the grand
principles of our revolution. Those great and excellent truths can never
cease to exist, so completely are they blended with our fame, our
monuments, and our prodigies. We have washed away their first stains in
the flood of glory, and they will henceforth be immortal. Created in the
French tribune, cemented with the blood of battles, adorned with the
laurels of victory, saluted with the acclamations of the people,
sanctioned by the treaties and alliances of Sovereigns, and having
become familiar to the ears as well as in the mouths of Kings, these
principles can never again retrograde!
“Liberal ideas flourish in Great Britain, they enlighten America, and
they are nationalized in France; and this may be called the tripod
whence issues the light of the world! Liberal opinions will rule the
universe. They will become the faith, the religion, the morality of all
nations; and, in spite of all that may be advanced to the contrary, this
memorable era will be inseparably connected with my name; for, after
all, it cannot be denied that I kindled the torch and consecrated the
principles; and now persecution renders me quite their Messiah. Friends
and foes, all must acknowledge me to be their first soldier, their grand
representative. Thus even when I shall be no more, I shall still
continue to be the leading star of the nations....”
THE EMPEROR’S OPINION OF SEVERAL CELEBRATED MEN.—POZZO DI
BORGO—METTERNICH—BASSANO—CLARKE—CAMBACÉRÈS—LEBRUN—FOUCHÉ, &C.
11th—12th. The Emperor took advantage of every fine morning to ride on
horseback. He breakfasted in the garden; and the conversation was
afterwards maintained with great freedom and interest on the events of
his own private life, on public affairs, on the individuals who
surrounded his person, and those who have played a conspicuous part in
the other Courts of Europe.
The English lessons were no longer thought of; they were continued only
in our rides or walks during the day time. What the Emperor thus lost in
grammatical accuracy he gained in facility of expression.
About five o’clock on the 11th, we took our usual airing in the calash.
In the evening we resumed our ministerial anecdotes and conversations on
celebrated persons. Napoleon gave us the history of M. Pozzo di Borgo,
his countryman, who had been a Member of the Legislative Body. It was
he, it is said, who advised the Emperor Alexander to march upon Paris,
even though Napoleon should have attacked his rear. “And thus,” said the
Emperor, “he decided the fate of France, of European civilization, and
the destinies of the whole world. He had acquired great influence in the
Russian Cabinet."
He also gave us the history of M. Capo d’Istria. He then spoke of M. de
Metternich.
The Emperor next spoke of his own Ministers; of Bassano, whom he
believed to have been sincerely attached to him; Clarke, to whose
character Time, he said, would do ample justice; C.... whom late events
had shewn to have been worth but little. The Emperor had successively
appointed him Ambassador to Vienna, Minister of the interior, and
Minister for foreign affairs. Talleyrand, observed the Emperor,
described his character in a word, when he said of him, with his usual
point and ill-natured spirit, that he was a man who could make himself
fit for any place on the day before his appointment to it.
The conversation next turned on M. Cambacérès, whom Napoleon called the
man of abuses; observing that he had a decided inclination for the old
regime. Lebrun, on the contrary, had a predilection to the opposite
extreme. He, said the Emperor, was the man of idealisms. These two men,
he observed, were the counterpoises between which the First Consul had
placed himself, and he in his turn was humourously called _the
consolidated third_.
Messrs. de T.... and Fouché were next spoken of. After saying a great
deal respecting both, the Emperor proceeded to make some energetic
remarks on the morality of individuals connected with the ministry in
France, and generally of all functionaries or men in office; on their
want of political faith, or national feeling, which led them to serve
indifferently one person to-day, and another to-morrow. “This levity,
this inconsistency,” said he, “has descended to us from antiquity. We
still remain Gauls, and our character will never be complete, until we
learn to substitute principles for turbulence, pride for vanity, and,
above all, the love of institutions for the love of place.”
The Emperor concluded that, at the close of our late events, the
Monarchs of Europe must necessarily have retained a retrospective
feeling of scorn and contempt for the great people who had thus sported
with Sovereignty. “But,” said he, “the excuse may perhaps be found in
the nature of things, and in the power of circumstances. Democracy
raises up Sovereignty, aristocracy preserves it. Mine had neither taken
a root deep enough, nor acquired sufficient spirit. At the moment of the
crisis it was still connected with democracy; and it mingled with the
multitude instead of becoming the sheet-anchor to secure the people from
the fury of the tempest, and to guide them in their blindness.”
The following are some fresh particulars respecting M. de T—— and M.
Fouché, whose names have so frequently been mentioned. I endeavour as
much as possible to avoid repetitions.
“M. de T——” said the Emperor, “waited two days and nights at Vienna for
full powers to treat for peace in my name; but I should have been
ashamed to have thus prostituted my policy; and yet, perhaps, my conduct
in this instance has purchased my exile to St. Helena; for I cannot but
allow that T—— is a man of singular talent, and capable at all times of
throwing great weight into the scale.
“T——” continued he, “was always in a state treason; but it was in
partnership with fortune. His circumspection was extreme; he treated his
friends as if they might in future become his enemies; and he behaved to
his enemies as if they might some time or other become his friends. M.
de T—— had always been, in my opinion, hostile to the Faubourg St.
Germain. In the affair of the divorce, he was for the Empress Josephine.
It was he who urged the war with Spain, though in public he had the art
to appear averse to it.” Thus it was from a kind of spite that Napoleon
made choice of Valencey as the residence of Ferdinand. “In short,” said
the Emperor, “T—— was the principal instrument and the active cause of
the death of the Duke d’Enghien.”
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