Washburne appointed Minister.--Declaration of War.--Thiers opposes
it.--The United States asked to protect Germans in France.--Fish's
Instructions.--Assent of French Government given.--Paris
in War-paint.--The Emperor opposed to War.--Not a Free
Agent.--His _Entourage_.--Marshal Le Bœuf.
In the month of May, 1869, Mr. Washburne arrived in France, and
entered upon the duties of his office. In the mean time I had been
promoted, at the request of General Dix, to be secretary of legation.
At Mr. Washburne's request, I was retained in that position. Paris
was uneasy and restless. Conspiracies against the empire were rife.
The Republicans, as they called themselves--Radicals is a better
name for the majority of them--became bold and defiant. France was
jealous, too, of the renown acquired by Prussia at Sadowa. She had
been so accustomed to consider herself, and to be considered, the
first military power in the world, that she could not bear the
semblance of a rival near the throne. The Emperor was suffering from
the disease of which he afterward died, and no longer governed with
"the hand of steel in the glove of silk" always needed in France.
The Church was alarmed at the rise of a great Protestant power, and
the Empress sympathized with her Church. In short, public sentiment
had reached such a pass in France, or rather in Paris, which is
France, that the Emperor was compelled to choose between war and
revolution. He naturally chose war. It was definitely resolved upon
on the 15th July, 1870, but not officially declared until the 19th. I
was _chargé d'affaires_, Mr. Washburne being absent at Carlsbad.
On the 13th of July I went to the sitting of the Corps Législatif
to learn what were the prospects of war. In the tribune of the
diplomatic corps I met the Spanish Embassador. He told me that peace
was assured, as he had persuaded Prince Hohenzollern to decline the
proffered crown of Spain, and that now nothing remained to fight
about. On the 14th, I went again. I found Lord Lyons there, and,
falling into conversation with him, he left the impression upon
my mind that there would be war, for the proffered mediation of
England had failed. Lord Lyons had come to the sitting expecting
to hear an authoritative declaration by the Government, and this
declaration he thought would be warlike. I at once telegraphed to
Mr. Fish that the chances were strongly in favor of war. This, and
all our subsequent telegrams in cipher, were delayed by the French
Government for twenty-four hours, probably with a view to decipher
them. On the 15th I was again at the _séance_, and heard the warlike
declaration made by the Government. It was not the formal declaration
of war, but was equivalent to it. Thereupon Mr. Thiers rose, and
attempted to address the House in a speech deprecating hostilities.
The scene that followed was indescribable and most disgraceful to
any legislative body. The great mass of the members sprung to their
feet, pointed their fingers at the orator, yelled, and shouted
"_Traître, traître! Allez à Berlin!_" The little man stood like a
rock, and when the tumult had somewhat subsided, I could hear his
shrill, piping voice raised in solemn warning against the step they
were about to take. The Government had stated that their embassador
had been insulted by the King of Prussia. Mr. Thiers asked that the
dispatches might be produced, that the Assembly might judge for
itself. This the Government refused; and, on a show of hands, but
twenty members--among whom were Favre, Arago, Simon, Pelletan, and
others, most of them afterward prominent in the Government of the
National Defense--voted with Thiers.
While the debate was proceeding I was called out by the messenger of
the Legation, with word that the German Embassador was very anxious
to see me. As soon as the proceedings in the Corps Législatif were
ended, I went to the German embassy. The embassador told me that
he had been instructed by his Government to ask the United States
Legation at Paris to assume the protection of the North Germans in
France during the coming war. I saw at once the importance of this
step, the compliment paid us by a great power like Germany, and the
advantages to the country. I replied that I felt confident that
my Government would gladly assume the charge; that if there were
no cable across the Atlantic, and it were necessary to say "Yes"
or "No" at once, I should say "Yes;" but as there was telegraphic
communication, and I could receive an answer in forty-eight hours, I
must ask instructions from Mr. Fish. He appeared to be disappointed,
and inquired when I could give him an answer, as he must leave Paris
in two days. He evidently desired the matter to be settled before
he left. I told him that I thought I should receive a reply within
that time. I went at once to the office, and telegraphed Mr. Fish as
follows. This telegram, like the other, was detained for twenty-four
hours by the French Government.
"Paris, July 15th, 1870.
"FISH--_Washington_:--War is certain. Can I take Prussian
subjects in France under our protection? Have promised answer
to-morrow.
"HOFFMAN."
On the 17th I received Mr. Fish's answer, as follows:
"Washington, July 16th, 1870.
"Protection of North Germans in French territory by American
representative can only be given at request of North Germany, and
with assent of France. Examine request of Mr. Moustier of July
16th, 1867, to United States to protect French in Mexico.
"FISH."
On receipt of this instruction, I wrote at once to the Duke de
Gramont, to ask for the assent of the French Government. My note was
as follows:
"Legation of the United States,
Paris, July 17th, 1870.
"SIR,--I was requested by the embassador of the North German
Confederation, before his departure from Paris, to take the
North German subjects residing on French territory under the
protection of this Legation. To-day I am in receipt of a telegram
from my Government authorizing me to do so, provided that it be
done with the assent of his majesty's Government. I have the
honor to apply for this assent.
"I have the honor, etc., etc., etc.,
"WICKHAM HOFFMAN.
"His Excellency the DUKE DE GRAMONT,
Etc., etc., etc."
The Duke de Gramont replied, on the 18th, that the French Government
gave its "entire assent," whereupon I telegraphed to Mr. Fish as
follows:
"FISH--_Washington_:--Consented to take North Germans under
protection on application of embassador, and with assent of
France. * * * * Washburne returns immediately.
"HOFFMAN."
I learned afterward that my note to the Duke de Gramont produced
quite a sensation in the Emperor's cabinet. The French Government
had already requested the good offices of Great Britain to protect
French subjects in North Germany, and it had fully expected that
North Germany would make a similar request. Speculation was therefore
rife in official circles as to what the action of Count Bismarck
meant. It was supposed that he anticipated a general European war,
into which Great Britain would necessarily be drawn; and preferred,
therefore, to ask the good offices of a power which under all
circumstances was likely to remain neutral.
The Duke de Gramont was then Minister of Foreign Affairs, and was
supposed to have had much to do with bringing on the war. The story
was current in Paris that, when he was embassador at Vienna, Bismarck
represented Prussia. They quarreled, and Bismarck remarked of him,
"_C'est l'homme le plus bête d'Europe._" He never forgave it. At
Vienna he naturally associated with the Viennese aristocracy, who
disliked the Prussians. From them he got the idea that Austria would
readily join France in a war against Prussia, and so reported to the
Emperor. He took no note of the all-powerful middle class, which
rules in constitutional countries. This class would not hear of
becoming allies of France in a war against Germany.
Late in the evening of the 18th of July, Mr. Washburne returned
to Paris. He had been at Carlsbad for his health, but on learning
the probability of hostilities, started at once on his return
to his post. We had telegraphed him, but he never received the
telegram. Few private telegrams were forwarded at all, and none with
promptitude, in those days.
Paris now put on its war-paint. The streets were gay with the
_pantalon rouge_, and all day long the French drum rat-a-tapped in
the streets. The Mobiles began to arrive, the National Guard to
parade--everywhere was heard the "Marseillaise." The forbidden air
was delightful to Parisian ears, because it was forbidden. Long
before the end of the siege it was rarely heard. The Parisians could
chant it as they pleased, so it soon lost its attractions.
The war was popular in Paris. The journals clamored for it, and the
violent republican papers, whatever they may now say to the contrary,
were among the most blatant. The Emperor, personally, was opposed to
war. He was suffering from the acute disease which afterward killed
him, and was naturally depressed and despondent. He would gladly have
avoided hostilities, but he was pushed into them. They persuaded him,
too, that the continuance of his dynasty, the succession of his son,
demanded war; and this was the one ruling motive which governed both
his conduct and that of the Empress. The Emperor was by no means
the omnipotent potentate he was popularly supposed to be. He was
scarcely a free agent. It was his misfortune to be surrounded by a
crowd of adventurers--French carpet-baggers. The best men of France,
the gentry of the country, held aloof. The Emperor felt this, and
often tried to reconcile them. Had he reigned ten years longer, I
think that he would have succeeded. There were signs of relenting. He
was consequently thrown, for his high officers of state, upon a class
of clever adventurers. Look at his last cabinet before the Revolution
of September. One member was most unenviably known for the loot of
the Summer Palace at Pekin; another is now in Mazas, convicted of
swindling; and a third, it was currently reported in Paris, received
one hundred thousand francs in the Transcontinental, Memphis, and
El Paso swindle; and I have heard from high Prussian authority that
when the gates of Paris were opened after the siege, and the Germans
sold flour and cattle and sheep to meet the pressing necessities of
the starving Parisians, of a flock of three thousand sheep not one
was permitted to enter the city till this gentleman had received two
francs a head.
I have said that the Emperor was scarcely a free agent. Here is an
anecdote in point. Prince Metternich, the Austrian Embassador,
returning from Vienna, called to pay his respects at the palace.
The Emperor asked him what military news there was in Austria. He
replied that they were arming with the Remington breech-loader. "The
Remington," said the Emperor, "what is that? I thought I knew all
the principal breech-loaders, but I never heard of that." Metternich
explained. "Where is Remington?" said the Emperor. The Prince replied
that he happened to be in Paris. "I wish you would bring him to me,
and do you bring him yourself; this will insure my seeing him."
Metternich brought him. The Emperor examined his piece, and was much
pleased with it. He wrote a note with his own hand to the Minister
of War, Le Bœuf, and told Remington to take it at once: of course he
was received without delay. "So, my good friend, you have seen the
Emperor, have you?" "Yes, sir, I had the honor to see his Majesty."
"Well, you won't see him again:" and he did not. This was the way
the Emperor was served. Le Bœuf was the capable and well-informed
Minister of War who stated in the Assembly that France was thoroughly
prepared for the field--"not a button on a gaiter was wanting." When
the sad truth became known, the French wits said that his statement
was literally correct, for there was not a gaiter in store.
But while the war was popular in Paris, it was not so in the
provinces. After the Revolution broke out, the Provisional Government
found in the Tuileries a number of important historical documents,
and among them reports from the prefects of the different departments
on this subject. They breathed one tone. The people wanted peace; but
if they were attacked, if the honor of France were at stake, they
were ready to fight. Considering the source whence this information
came, from imperial prefects, creatures of the Government, there was
no mistaking the pacific feeling of the country.