CHAPTER XI.

The European Revolution of 1848.

[=Opposition in France to Louis Philippe=]

The revolution of 1830 did not bring peace and quiet to France nor to

Europe. In France the people grew dissatisfied with their new monarch;

in Europe generally they demanded a greater share of liberty. Louis

Philippe delayed to extend the suffrage; he used his high position to

add to his great riches; he failed to win the hearts of the French,

and was widely accused of selfishness and greed. There were risings of

legitimist in favor of the Bourbons, while the republican element was

opposed to monarchy. No less than eight attempts were made to remove

the king by assassination--all of them failures, but they showed the

disturbed state of public feeling. Liberty, equality, fraternity became

the watchwords of the working classes, socialistic ideas arose and

spread, and the industrial element of the various nations became allied

in one great body of revolutionists known as the "Internationalists."

In Germany the demand of the people for political rights grew until

it reached a crisis. The radical writings of the "Young Germans," the

stirring songs of their poets, the bold utterances of the press, the

doctrines of the "Friends of Light" among the Protestants and of the

"German Catholics" among the Catholics, all went to show that the

people were deeply dissatisfied alike with the state and the church.

They were rapidly arousing from their sluggish acceptance of the work

of the Congress of Vienna of 1815, and the spirit of liberty was in the

air.

[=Revolutionary Sentiment in Germany and Italy=]

The King of Prussia, Frederick William IV., saw danger ahead. He became

king in 1840 and lost no time in trying to make his rule popular by

reforms. An edict of toleration was issued, the sittings of the courts

were opened to the public, and the Estates of the provinces were called

to meet in Berlin. In the convening of a Parliament he had given the

people a voice. The Estates demanded freedom of the press and of the

state with such eloquence and energy that the king dared not resist

them. The people had gained a great step in their progress towards

liberty.

In Italy also the persistent demands of the people met with an

encouraging response. The Pope, Pius IX., extended the freedom of

the press, gave a liberal charter to the City of Rome, and began the

formation of an Italian confederacy. In Sicily a revolutionary outbreak

took place, and the King of Naples was compelled to give his people

a constitution and a parliament. His example was followed in Tuscany

and Sardinia. The tyrannical Duke of Modena was forced to fly from the

vengeance of his people, and the throne of Parma became vacant by the

death in 1847 of Maria Louisa, the widow of Napoleon Bonaparte, a woman

little loved and less respected.

The Italians were filled with hope by these events. Freedom and the

unity of Italy loomed up before their eyes. Only two obstacles stood

in their way, the Austrians and the Jesuits, and both of these were

bitterly hated. Gioberti, the enemy of the Jesuits, was greeted with

cheers, under which might be heard harsh cries of "Death to the

Germans."

Such was the state of affairs at the beginning of 1848. The measure of

liberty granted the people only whetted their appetite for more, and

over all Western Europe rose an ominous murmur, the voice of the people

demanding the rights of which they had so long been deprived. In France

this demand was growing dangerously insistant; in Paris, the centre of

European revolution, it threatened an outbreak. Reform banquets were

the order of the day in France, and one was arranged for in Paris to

signalize the meeting of the Chambers.

[=The Outbreak in Paris=]

Guizot, the historian, who was then minister of foreign affairs, had

deeply offended the liberal party of France by his reactionary policy.

The government threw fuel on the fire by forbidding the banquet and

taking steps to suppress it by military force. The people were enraged

by this false step and began to gather in excited groups. Throngs of

them--artisans, students, and tramps--were soon marching through the

streets, with shouts of "Reform! Down with Guizot!" The crowds rapidly

increased and grew more violent. The people were too weak to cope with

them; the soldiers were loath to do so; soon barricades were erected

and fighting began.

[Illustration: THE CONGRESS AT BERLIN, JUNE 13, 1878

After the close of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877, a

Congress of the European Powers was held at Berlin

to decide on the status of Turkey, its purpose being

largely to prevent Russia from taking possession of

Constantinople. One of its results was to give Great

Britain control of the Island of Cyprus.]

[Illustration: THE WOUNDING OF GENERAL BOSQUET--

(FROM THE PAINTING BY YVON)

One of the most successful French Marshals in the

Crimean War was Pierre Francois Joseph Bosquet.

Parliament voted him England's thanks for the part he

played in winning the battle of Inkermann. He also

took a leading part in the capture of the Malakoff,

Siege of Sebastopol September 8, 1855, where he was

seriously wounded.]

For two days this went on. Then the king, alarmed at the situation,

dismissed Guizot and promised reform, and the people, satisfied for the

time and proud of their victory, paraded the streets with cheers and

songs. All now might have gone well but for a hasty and violent act

on the part of the troops. About ten o'clock at night a shouting and

torch-bearing throng marched through the Boulevards, singing and waving

flags. Reaching the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, they halted and called

for its illumination. The troops on duty there interfered, and, on

an insult to their colonel and the firing of a shot from the mob, they

replied with a volley, before which fifty-two of the people fell killed

and wounded.

[=Revolt Becomes Revolution=]

This reckless and sanguinary deed was enough to turn revolt into

revolution. The corpses were carried on biers through the streets by

the infuriated people, the accompanying torch-bearers shouting: "To

arms! they are murdering us!" At midnight the tocsin call rang from the

bells of Notre Dame; the barricades, which had been partly removed,

were restored; and the next morning, February 24, 1848, Paris was in

arms. In the struggle that followed they were quickly victorious, and

the capital was in their hands.

[=The Second French Republic=]

Louis Philippe followed the example of Charles X., abdicated his

throne and fled to England. After the fate of Louis XVI. no monarch

was willing to wait and face a Paris mob. The kingdom was overthrown,

and a republic, the second which France had known, was established,

the aged Dupont de l'Eure being chosen president. The poet Lamartine,

the socialist Louis Blanc, the statesmen Ledru-Rollin and Arago became

members of the Cabinet, and all looked forward to a reign of peace

and prosperity. The socialists tried the experiment of establishing

national workshops in which artisans were to be employed at the expense

of the state, with the idea that this would give work to all.

Yet the expected prosperity did not come. The state was soon deeply

in debt, many of the people remained unemployed, and the condition of

industry grew worse day by day. The treasury proved incapable of paying

the state artisans, and the public workshops were closed. In June the

trouble came to a crisis and a new and sanguinary outbreak began,

instigated by the hungry and disappointed workmen, and led by the

advocates of the "Red Republic," who acted with ferocious brutality.

General Brea and the Archbishop of Paris were murdered, and the work of

slaughter grew so horrible that the National Assembly, to put an end to

it, made General Cavaignac dictator and commissioned him to put down

the revolt. A terrible struggle ensued between the mob and the troops,

ending in the suppression of the revolt and the arrest and banishment

of many of its ringleaders. Ten or twelve thousand people had been

killed. The National Assembly adopted a republican constitution, under

which a single legislative chamber and a president to be elected every

four years were provided for. The assembly wished to make General

Cavaignac president, but the nation, blinded by their faith in the

name of the great conqueror, elected by an almost unanimous vote

his nephew, Louis Napoleon, a man who had suffered a long term of

imprisonment for his several attempts against the reign of the late

king. The revolution, for the time being, was at an end, and France was

a republic again.

[=Effect of the Revolution of 1848 in Europe=]

The effect of this revolution in France spread far and wide through

Europe. Outbreaks occurred in Italy, Poland, Switzerland and Ireland,

and in Germany the revolutionary fever burned hot. Baden was the first

state to yield to the demands of the people for freedom of the press, a

parliament and other reforms, and went so far as to abolish the imposts

still remaining from feudal times. The other minor states followed

its example. In Saxony, Würtemberg and other states class abuses were

abolished, liberals given prominent positions under government, the

suffrage and the legislature reformed, and men of liberal sentiment

summoned to discuss the formation of new constitutions.

[=Metternich and His System=]

But it was in the great despotic states of Germany--Prussia and

Austria--that the liberals gained the most complete and important

victory, and went farthest in overthrowing autocratic rule and

establishing constitutional government. The great Austrian statesman

who had been a leader in the Congress of Vienna and who had suppressed

liberalism in Italy, Prince Metternich, was still, after more than

thirty years, at the head of affairs in Vienna. He controlled the

policy of Austria; his word was law in much of Germany; time had

cemented his authority, and he had done more than any other man in

Europe in maintaining despotism and building a dam against the rising

flood of liberal sentiment.

But the hour of the man who had destroyed the work of Napoleon was at

hand. He had failed to recognize the spirit of the age or to perceive

that liberalism was deeply penetrating Austria. To most of the younger

statesmen of Europe the weakness of his policy and the rottenness of

his system were growing apparent, and it was evident that they must

soon fall before the onslaught of the advocates of freedom.

An incitement was needed, and it came in the news of the Paris

revolution. At once a hot excitement broke out everywhere in Austria.

From Hungary came a vigorous demand for an independent parliament,

reform of the constitution, decrease of taxes, and relief from the

burden of the national debt of Austria. From Bohemia, whose rights and

privileges had been seriously interfered with in the preceding year,

came similar demands. In Vienna itself the popular outcry for increased

privileges grew insistant.

[=The Outbreak in Vienna=]

The excitement of the people was aggravated by their distrust of the

paper money of the realm and by a great depression in commerce and

industry. Daily more workmen were thrown out of employment, and

soon throngs of the hungry and discontented gathered in the streets.

Students, as usual, led away by their boyish love of excitement, were

the first to create a disturbance, but others soon joined in, and the

affair quickly became serious.

The old system was evidently at an end. The policy of Metternich could

restrain the people no longer. Lawlessness became general, excesses

were committed by the mob, the dwellings of those whom the populace

hated were attacked and plundered, the authorities were resisted

with arms, and the danger of an overthrow of the government grew

imminent. The press, which had gained freedom of utterance, added to

the peril of the situation by its inflammatory appeals to the people,

and by its violence checked the progress of the reforms which it

demanded. Metternich, by his system of restraint, had kept the people

in ignorance of the first principles of political affairs, and the

liberties which they now asked for showed them to be unadapted to a

liberal government. The old minister, whose system was falling in ruins

about him, fled from the country and sought a refuge in England, that

haven of political failures.

[=Flight and Return of the Emperor=]

In May, 1848, the emperor, alarmed at the threatening state of

affairs, left his capital and withdrew to Innsbruck. The tidings

of his withdrawal stirred the people to passion, and the outbreak

of mob violence which followed was the fiercest and most dangerous

that had yet occurred. Gradually, however, the tumult was appeased,

a constitutional assembly was called into being and opened by the

Archduke John, and the Emperor Ferdinand re-entered Vienna amid the

warm acclamations of the people. The outbreak was at an end. Austria

had been converted from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy.

[=Revolt in Prussia and the German Union=]

In Berlin the spirit of revolution became as marked as in Vienna.

The King resisted the demands of the people, who soon came into

conflict with the soldiers, a fierce street fight breaking out which

continued with violence for two weeks. The revolutionists demanded the

removal of the troops and the formation of a citizen militia, and the

king, alarmed at the dangerous crisis in affairs, at last assented.

The troops were accordingly withdrawn, the obnoxious ministry was

dismissed, and a citizen-guard was created for the defence of the city.

Three days afterwards the king promised to govern as a constitutional

monarch, an assembly was elected by universal suffrage, and to it

was given the work of preparing a constitution for the Prussian

state. Here, as in Austria, the revolutionists had won the day and

irresponsible government was at an end.

Elsewhere in Germany radical changes were taking place. King Louis

of Bavaria, who had deeply offended his people, resigned in favor

of his son. The Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt did the same. Everywhere

the liberals were in the ascendant, and were gaining freedom of the

press and constitutional government. The formation of Germany into

a federal empire was proposed and adopted, and a National Assembly

met at Frankfort on May 18, 1848. It included many of the ablest

men of Germany. Its principal work was to organize a union under an

irresponsible executive, who was to be surrounded by a responsible

ministry. The Archduke John of Austria was selected to fill this new,

but brief imperial position, and made a solemn entry into Frankfort on

the 11th of July.

[=The Schleswig-Holstein Affair=]

All this was not enough for the ultra radicals. They determined to

found a German republic, and their leaders, Hecker and Struve, called

the people to arms. An outbreak took place in Baden, but it was quickly

suppressed, and the republican movement came to a speedy end. In the

north war broke out between Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein, united

duchies which desired to be freed from Danish rule and annexed to

Germany, and called for German aid. But just then the new German Union

was in no condition to come to their assistance, and Prussia preferred

diplomacy to war, with the result that Denmark came out victorious from

the contest. As will be seen in a later chapter, Prussia, under the

energetic leadership of Bismarck, came, a number of years afterwards,

to the aid of these discontented duchies, and they were finally torn

from Danish control.

[=War in Sicily and Sardinia=]

While these exciting events were taking place in the north, Italy was

swept with a storm of revolution from end to end. Metternich was no

longer at hand to keep it in check, and the whole peninsula seethed

with revolt. Sicily rejected the rule of the Bourbon king of Naples,

chose the Duke of Genoa, son of Charles Albert of Sardinia, for its

king, and during a year fought for liberty. This patriotic effort of

the Sicilians ended in failure. The Swiss mercenaries of the Neapolitan

king captured Syracuse and brought the island into subjection, and

the tyrant hastened to abolish the constitution which he had been

frightened into granting in his hour of extremity.

In the north of Italy war broke out between Austria and Sardinia. Milan

and Venice rose against the Austrians and drove out their garrisons,

throughout Lombardy the people raised the standard of independence,

and Charles Albert of Sardinia called his people to arms and invaded

that country, striving to free it and the neighboring state of Venice

from Austrian rule. For a brief season he was successful, pushing

the Austrian troops to the frontiers, but the old Marshal Radetzky

defeated him at Verona and compelled him to seek safety in flight. The

next year he renewed his attempt, but with no better success. Depressed

by his failure, he resigned the crown to his son Victor Emmanuel, who

made a disadvantageous peace with Austria. Venice held out for several

months, but was finally subdued, and Austrian rule was restored in the

north.

[=The Revolution in Rome=]

Meanwhile the pope, Pius IX., offended his people by his unwillingness

to aid Sardinia against Austria. He promised to grant a constitutional

government and convened an Assembly in Rome, but the Democratic people

of the state were not content with feeble concessions of this kind.

Rossi, prime minister of the state, was assassinated, and the pope,

filled with alarm, fled in disguise, leaving the Papal dominion to the

revolutionists, who at once proclaimed a republic and confiscated the

property of the Church.

Mazzini, the leader of "Young Italy," the ardent revolutionist who had

long worked in exile for Italian independence, entered the Eternal

City, and with him Garibaldi, long a political refugee in America and

a gallant partisan leader in the recent war with Austria. The arrival

of these celebrated revolutionists filled the democratic party in Rome

with the greatest enthusiasm, and it was resolved to defend the States

of the Church to the last extremity, viewing them as the final asylum

of Italian liberty.

[=Capture of Rome by the French Army=]

In this extremity the pope called on France for aid. That country

responded by sending an army, which landed at Civita-Vecchia and

marched upon and surrounded Rome. The new-comers declared that they

came as friends, not as foes; it was not their purpose to overthrow

the republic, but to defend the capital from Austria and Naples. The

leaders of the insurgents in Rome did not trust their professions and

promises and refused them admittance. A fierce struggle followed. The

republicans defended themselves stubbornly. For weeks they defied

the efforts of General Oudinot and his troops. But in the end they

were forced to yield, a conditional submission was made, and the

French soldiers occupied the city. Garibaldi, Mazzini, and others of

the leaders took to flight, and the old conditions were gradually

resumed under the controlling influence of French bayonets. For years

afterwards the French held the city as the allies and guard of the pope.

[=The Outbreak in Hungary=]

The revolutionary spirit, which had given rise to war in Italy, yielded

a still more resolute and sanguinary conflict in Hungary, whose people

were divided against themselves. The Magyars, the descendants of the

old Huns, who demanded governmental institutions of their own, separate

from these of Austria, though under the Austrian monarch, were opposed

by the Slavonic part of the population, and war began between them.

Austrian troops were ordered to the aid of Jellachich, the ruler of the

Slavs of Croatia in South Hungary, but their departure was prevented

by the democratic people of Vienna, who rose in violent insurrection,

induced by their sympathy with the Magyars.

[=Vienna Captured by Storm=]

The whole city was quickly in tumult, an attack was made on the

arsenals, and the violence became so great that the emperor again took

to flight. War in Austria followed. A strong army was sent to subdue

the rebellious city, which was stubbornly defended, the students' club

being the centre of the revolutionary movement. Jellachich led his

Croatians to the aid of the emperor's troops, the city was surrounded

and besieged, sallies and assaults were of daily occurrence, and for

a week and more a bloody conflict continued day and night. Vienna was

finally taken by storm, the troops forcing their way into the streets,

where shocking scenes of murder and violence took place. On November

21, 1848, Jellachich entered the conquered city, martial law was

proclaimed, the houses were searched, the prisons filled with captives,

and the leaders of the insurrection put to death.

Shortly afterwards the Emperor Ferdinand abdicated the throne in

favor of his youthful nephew, Francis Joseph, who at once dissolved

the constitutional assembly and proclaimed a new constitution and a

new code of laws. Hungary was still in arms, and offered a desperate

resistance to the Austrians, who now marched to put down the

insurrection. They found it no easy task. The fiery eloquence of the

orator Kossuth roused the Magyars to a desperate resistance, Polish

leaders came to their support, foreign volunteers strengthened their

ranks, Gorgey, their chief leader, showed great military skill, and the

Austrians were driven out and the fortresses taken. The independence of

Hungary was now proclaimed, and a government established under Kossuth

as provisional president.

[=The Hungarian Revolt and Its Suppression=]

The repulse of the Austrians nerved the young emperor to more strenuous

exertions. The aid of Russia was asked, and the insurgent state invaded

on three sides, by the Croatians from the south, the Russians from the

north, and the Austrians, under the brutal General Haynau, from the

west.

The conflict continued for several months, but quarrels between the

Hungarian leaders weakened their armies, and in August, 1849, Gorgey,

who had been declared dictator, surrendered to the invaders, Kossuth

and the other leaders seeking safety in flight. Haynau made himself

infamous by his cruel treatment of the Hungarian people, particularly

by his use of the lash upon women. His conduct raised such wide-spread

indignation that he was roughly handled by a party of brewers, on his

visit to London in 1850.

With the fall of Hungary the revolutionary movement of 1848 came to

an end. The German Union had already disappeared. There were various

other disturbances, besides those we have recorded, but finally all the

states settled down to peace and quiet. Its results had been great in

increasing the political privileges of the people of Western Europe,

and with it the reign of despotism in that section of the continent

came to an end.

The greatest hero of the war in Hungary was undoubtedly Louis Kossuth,

whose name has remained familiar among those of the patriots of

his century. From Hungary he made his way to Turkey, where he was

imprisoned for two years at Kutaieh, being finally released through the

intervention of the governments of Great Britain and the United States.

He then visited England, where he was received with enthusiastic,

popular demonstrations and made several admirable speeches in the

English language, of which he had excellent command. In the autumn of

1851 he came to the United States, where he had a flattering reception

and spoke on the wrongs of Hungary to enthusiastic audiences in the

principal cities.

Famous Men and Great Events of the Nineteenth Century · 第 11 / 42 章