Dear friend, if perchance you would fain know who was the

producer and master of this volume of the printing art, learn

that the craftsman’s name is Master Jan Veldener. Your eyes

will tell you what industry he possesses, how sure his hand

in cutting, engraving, pressing and stamping, add also in

designing and fashioning and whatever secret in the art is more

closely hid; how keen-eyed, again, is the diligence of his

trusty comrades, so that the shapes of all the letters are

pleasantly clear and harmonious, hanging together, with all

faults corrected, in a delightful mass, and with such skilful

arrangement that the parts are in agreement both with each

other and with their whole, so that both by choice of material

and splendor of form everything is strikingly distinct, while

by his method of inking and joining the letters there is a

great increase in the charm of beautiful polish and shining

clearness. All this the appearance of the book sufficiently

shows, and the multiplying of this in a mass of great number

by the gentle spreading of ink, leaving the pen despised, the

first day of April, 1476, began, and the last completed. Should

you have been anxious to find this master of the commemorated

art in this aforesaid month of April, you could easily have

found him at Louvain, with leisure for printing, on Flint-hill.

This I am anxious to say lest, if haply you are in doubt, you

should remain ignorant of the fact. “Where he works there will

be his wealth,” says Ovid. There also he lives so content with

his lot and craft, under such happy auspices, and with so much

favor of fortune, that I cannot be induced to believe that any

impulse to depart, or even to think about it, can have come

to him. I would also add that by which you may recognize what

you will be able to do as well as what you could have done.

Farewell.

As Veldener’s device is here added, the meaning of the last cryptic

sentence appears to be either that authors with books to print who had

not found his shop in April might find it by its sign in May, or that

readers would be able to recognize the printer’s handiwork in the future

books they would have a chance of purchasing, as well as in those already

sold out. What Conrad of Westphalia made of it is doubtful, since,

without affixing his own mark, he cribbed this sentence with all the rest

of the colophon, only substituting his own name and address (“in platea

Sancti Quintini”—“in St. Quentin’s Street”) for Veldener’s, altering the

date of the inception of the book from April to December, and saying

nothing as to when it was completed. A more disgraceful trick for one

printer to play another living in the same town can hardly be imagined,

and Holtrop may be right in considering it a deliberate attempt to annoy

Veldener and the cause of his leaving Louvain the next year. Strange to

say, however, the history of the colophon does not stop here. M. Claudin

has shown, in the first volume of his “Histoire de l’imprimerie en

France,” that a copy of Maneken’s “Formulae” exists printed in the types

of Guillaume Balsarin of Lyons, but with the name of the Paris printer

Caesaris substituted for that of Veldener in the colophon. It is clear,

therefore, that in an edition now lost to us Caesaris must have played

Veldener the same trick as Conrad of Westphalia had already played him,

and that this Paris edition must have been reprinted by Balsarin at Lyons

without troubling to alter the colophon. Truly there are pitfalls for the

unwary in dealing with early books!

Perhaps one reason why colophons were sometimes reprinted as they stood

was that a printer without a scholarly “corrector” to aid him had a

wholesome dread of plunging into the middle of a Latin sentence. Those

who rushed in hastily sometimes left very obvious footprints in the wrong

places. Thus Ulrich Han, in printing from one of Schoeffer’s editions

of the “Liber sextus decretalium,” changed his well-known “Alma in

urbe Maguntina inclyte nacionis germanice quam dei clemencia tam alti

ingenii lumine donoque gratuito ceteris terrarum nacionibus preferre

illustrareque dignatus est” (see Chapter II), into “Alma in urbe Roma

Totius mundi regina et dignissima Imperatrix [_sic_] que sicut pre

ceteris urbibus dignitate preest ita ingeniosis uiris est referta.”

To call Rome “the Queen and most worthy Empress of all the world, which,

as it takes precedence of all other cities in dignity, so is it filled

with men of wit,” was quite a pleasing variation on Schoeffer’s tune.

Unluckily Han did not note that his Queen and Empress ought to be in

the ablative, and thus printed “Imperatrix” instead of “Imperatrice.”

So again, when we look at the colophon to the third and fourth parts of

the “Speculum” of Durandus printed at Venice in 1488, we find reason for

suspicion:

Explicit tertia et quarta pars Speculi Guilhelmi Duranti

cum additionibus Ioannis Andree et Baldi suis in locis

ubique positis. Impressa Venetiis per Magistrum Paganinum de

Paganinis Brixiensis, ac Georgium de Arriuabene de Caneto qui

salua omnium pace est inter ceteros amandus ac uenerandus

propter ipsius in hac arte curam in corrigendis operibus ac

in imprimendo charactere. Anno domini M.cccc.lxxxviii. vi die

Septembris.

Here ends the third and fourth part of the Speculum of

Gulielmus Durandus, with the additions of Joannes Andreae and

Baldus inserted everywhere in their proper places. Printed

at Venice by Master Paganinus de Paganinis of Brescia, and

Georgius de Arrivabene de Caneto, who, with due respect to

every one, is, among all others, to be loved and revered for

his care in this art both in correcting works and in printing

them in type. In the year of our Lord 1488, on September 6th.

The slip of “Brixiensis” for “Brixiensem” is not reproducible in English,

but the reader who notes how the two partners are treated as singular

instead of plural will easily see that this colophon could not have

been written for them. It appears, indeed, to have been borrowed from

Bernardinus de Tridino.

Sometimes the inaccuracies introduced are not of a merely verbal kind.

Thus at the end of an edition of the “Fasciculus Temporum” printed by

Heinrich Wirzburg at the Cluniac monastery at Rougemont in 1481 we have

the following colophon:

Chronica que dicitur fasciculus temporum edita in alma

Universitate Colonie Agrippinae super Renum, a quodam deuoto

Cartusiensi finit feliciter. Sepius quidem iam impressa sed

negligentia Correctorum in diuersis locis a uero originali

minus iuste emendata. Nunc uero non sine magno labore ad

pristinum statum reducta cum quibusdam additionibus per humilem

uirum fratrem Heinricum Wirczburg de Vach, monachum in prioratu

Rubei Montis, ordinis cluniacensis, sub Lodouico Gruerie comite

magnifico anno domini M.cccc.lxxxi. Et anno precedenti fuerunt

aquarum inundationes maxime, ventusque [_sic_] horribiles multa

edificia subuertentes.

The Chronicle which is called Fasciculus Temporum, set forth

in the bountiful University of Cologne on the Rhine by a

certain devout Carthusian, ends happily. Often enough has it

been printed already, but by the carelessness of correctors

in various places it has not been amended as justly as it

ought from the true original. Now, however, not without great

labor, it has been restored to its pristine state, with certain

additions, by a humble brother, Heinrich Wirzburg of Vach, a

monk in the priory of Rougemont, of the Cluniac order, under

Count Lodovico Gruerie the Magnificent, in the year of the Lord

1481. And in the preceding year there were the greatest floods

and horrible winds, overthrowing many buildings.

Save that he substituted the address, “by the humble Bernhard Richel,

citizen of Basel, in the year of the Lord 1482, on February 20,” this

colophon was taken over in its entirety the following year by Richel. To

us, until we compare it with the Rougemont version, there may seem no

reason for suspicion. But if any one in those days remembered that the

year of the great floods was 1480, and not 1481, his doubts may easily

have been awakened. A Genevese printer was much more wise, for, while he

doubtless kept the Rougemont colophon in his mind, he adapted its local

coloring very skilfully, informing us that the book was:

Imprime a Genesue lan mille cccc.xcv auquel an fist si tres

grand vent le ix iour de ianuier qu’il fit remonter le Rosne

dedans le lac bien ung quart de lieue au-dedans de Geneue.

Printed at Geneva the year 1495, in which year there was so

great wind on January 9th that it made the Rhone mount back

into the lake a full quarter of a league above Geneva.

Even when a colophon was in verse it was not safe from emendation,

for when Giovanni da Reno of Vicenza in 1478 reprinted the Valdarfer

Boccaccio we find him substituting for the line and a half, “Christofal

Valdarfer Indi minprese Che naque in Ratispona,” the variant, “Giovanne

da Reno quindi minprese Cum mirabile stampa.”

For other instances of more than one printer following the same leader we

may note how Koberger in 1496, and Pierre Levet in 1497, both adopt the

colophon[11] of the 1485 Cologne edition of the “Destructorium Vitiorum,”

with its curious phrase “ad laudem summe Monadis”; how Han in his

editions of the Clementine Constitutions in 1473 and 1476, and Wenssler

in those of 1476 and 1478, copy the colophon of Schoeffer’s editions,

substituting the praises of Rome and Basel for those of Mainz; and how in

editions of the Gregorian Decretals Paganinus de Paganinis in 1489, and

Johann Hamann de Landoia in 1491, adopted the favorite tag of Jenson and

John of Cologne:

Qui non tantum summam curam adhibuere ut sint hec et sua queque

sine uicio et menda, uerum etiam ut bene sint elaborata atque

iucundissimo litterarum caractere confecta: ut unicuique et

prodesse et oblectare possint.

Who not only have taken the greatest pains that these and all

their works may be free from fault and blot, but also that they

may be well finished off and composed with the most pleasing

type, so that they may at once profit and delight every one.

Not to be able to boast with originality is sad indeed, but to the

students of early types and of the manners of the men who used them these

traces of borrowing may at any point of an investigation prove useful.

A printer who borrowed the wording of a colophon probably borrowed

something else as well. In most cases this was the text, with which

students of early printing seldom concern themselves as much as they

should, but sometimes also typographical peculiarities which may be worth

some attention.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]

VIII

DATES IN COLOPHONS

Dates form such an important feature in colophons that this essay cannot

be brought to a close without some attempt to explain the difficulties

which arise in connection with them. As regards the method of expressing

the year there is very little to say. Theodoric Rood (see page 61)

preferred to speak of 1485 as the 297th Olympiad from the birth of

Christ, being under the impression that Olympiads consisted of five

years instead of four. Other printers showed great ingenuity in finding

elaborate synonyms for what we are now content to express in the two

words “Anno Domini,” and among other phrases employed “Olympiades

Dominicae” (see page 79), but without any attempt to introduce the

intervals between the Olympic Games into the Christian reckoning.

As an additional method of dating we occasionally find a reference to

the year of the indiction, a method of dating by cycles of fifteen years,

instituted by the Emperor Constantine in 312. To find the indictional

year, 312 must be subtracted from the year of the Lord (the same

results will be obtained by adding 3), and then after dividing by 15,

the remainder will give the number of the year in the indiction. Thus

(1488-312)/15 or (1488+3)/15 in each case leaves a remainder of six, and

A.D. 1488 was thus the sixth indiction.

According to different methods of reckoning, indictions began in

September or October, at Christmas or on January 1st. In colophons,

I believe, they are always used in conjunction with years of the

Lord reckoned from January 1st, and they have only the effect of a

chronological flourish.

A much more important supplementary method of dating is that by the

names of ruling popes, emperors, sovereigns, or princes, or still better

by their regnal years. I have long cherished an ambition to compile

a kind of “Bibliographer’s Vade-mecum,” one section of which would

be devoted to exhaustive lists of the smaller as well as the greater

sovereigns of Europe during the period when their names in old books are

of chronological value. Here, however, it must suffice to offer lists of

popes, kings of England and France, and doges of Venice, for the periods

which concern us, and to use these as illustrations of the way in which

such information can be brought to bear on the dating of early books.

POPES

Pius II. 19 Aug. 1458 - 15 Aug. 1464.

Paul II. 31 Aug. 1464 - 28 July 1471.

Sixtus IV. 9 Aug. 1471 - 13 Aug. 1484.

Innocent VIII. 29 Aug. 1484 - 25 July 1492.

Alexander VI. 11 Aug. 1492 - 18 Aug. 1503.

Pius III. 22 Sept. 1503 - 18 Oct. 1503.

Julius II. 1 Nov. 1503 - 21 Feb. 1513.

Leo X. 11 March 1513 - 1 Dec. 1521.

Adrian VI. 2 Jan. 1522 - 24 Sept. 1523.

Clement VII. 19 Nov. 1523 - 26 Sept. 1534.

KINGS OF ENGLAND

Edward IV. 4 March 1461 - 9 April 1483.

Edward V. 9 April 1483 - 22 June 1483.

Richard III. 26 June 1483 - 22 Aug. 1485.

Henry VII. 22 Aug. 1485 - 21 April 1509.

Henry VIII. 22 April 1509 - 28 Jan. 1547.

Edward VI. 28 Jan. 1547 - 6 July 1553.

Mary, 6 July 1553 - 24 July 1554.

Philip and Mary,[12] 25 July 1554 - 17 Nov. 1558.

Elizabeth, 17 Nov. 1558 - 24 March 1603.

KINGS OF FRANCE

Louis XI. 22 July 1461 - 30 Aug. 1483.

Charles VIII. 30 Aug. 1483 - 7 April 1498.

Louis XII. 7 April 1498 - 1 Jan. 1515.

François I. 1 Jan. 1515 - 31 March 1547.

Henri II. 31 March 1547 - 10 July 1559.

François II. 10 July 1559 - 5 Dec. 1560.

Charles IX. 5 Dec. 1560 - 30 May 1574.

Henri III. 30 May 1574 - 2 Aug. 1589.

Henri IV. 2 Aug. 1589 - 14 May 1610.

DOGES OF VENICE

Cristoforo Moro, 12 May 1462 - 9 Nov. 1471.

Nicolò Tron, 23 Nov. 1471 - 28 July 1473.

Nicolò Marcello, 13 Aug. 1473 - 1 Dec. 1474.

Pietro Mocenigo, 14 Dec. 1474 - 23 Feb. 1476.

Andrea Vendramino, 6 March 1476 - 6 May 1478.

Giovanni Mocenigo, 18 May 1478 - 4 Nov. 1485.

Marco Barbarigo, 19 Nov. 1485 - 14 Aug. 1486.

Agostino Barbarigo, 30 Aug. 1486 - 24 Sept. 1501.

Leonardo Loredano, 2 Oct. 1501 - 26 June 1521.

Antonio Grimani, 6 July 1521 - 7 May 1523.

Andrea Gritti, 20 May 1523 - 28 Dec. 1538.

As our first example of how these tables may be used we will take a

colophon where no year of the Lord is given, and sovereigns are mentioned

without their regnal years. We shall find that even the mere names may

help us to a close approximate date. Our instance shall be Wendelin

of Speier’s edition of the “Supplementum” of Nicolaus de Auximo, the

colophon to which ends:

Vendelinus opus pressit Spireus utrunque:

Labe repurgatum (crede) uolumen emis.

Impressum est Sixto sacrorum antistite quarto,

Et Veneto Troni principis imperio.

Sixtus IV became pope early in August, 1471, Nicolò Tron was elected doge

on November 23d of the same year, and died in July, 1473. We can thus

date the book as “about 1472” with absolute confidence.

Writers of poetical colophons are naturally more inclined to use regnal

dates than the year of the Lord, which it is seldom easy to get into a

verse. In the “Moral Prouerbes of Cristyne” Caxton gives us the month,

the day, and the regnal year, together making a precise date. This

colophon runs:

Of these sayynges Cristyne was the aucturesse,

Whiche in makyn[g] hadde suche intelligence,

That thereof she was mireur and maistresse;

Hire werkes testifie thexperience;

In Frenssh languaige was writen this sentence,

And thus englished doth hit reherse

Antoin Wideuylle, therle Ryuers.

Go thou litil quayer and recommaund me

Unto the good grace of my special lorde

Therle Ryueris, for I haue emprinted the

At his commandement, following eury worde

His copye, as his secretarie can recorde,

At Westmestre, of Feuerer the xx daye

And of Kyng Edward the xvij yere veraye.

Emprinted by Caxton

In Feuerer the colde season.

The seventeenth year of Edward IV ran from 4th March, 1477, to 3d March,

1478, so that the “Moral Proverbs” were finished on February 20th of the

latter year.

When a change of sovereigns occurred in the year in which a book was

printed, the mere name of the earlier or the later of the two shows in

which part of the year the colophon was written, and regnal dates supply

the same information for years in which no change of sovereigns took

place. Thus the colophon to Wynkyn de Worde’s edition of the “Vitas

Patrum” ends: “Enprynted in the sayd towne of Westmynstre by me Wynken de

Worde, the yere of our lorde M.cccc.lxxxxv. and the tenthe yere of our

souerayne lorde Kyng Henry the seuenth.” As Henry VII’s reign began 22d

August, 1485, its tenth year would cover the twelvemonth, August, 1494,

to August, 1495, and we are thus told not only that the book was issued

in 1495, but that it was printed before August 21st of that year.

A subsidiary date, of course, as a rule loses its usefulness when the

printer explicitly mentions also the month and day on which the book was

completed. It may, however, have a special value as furnishing a means of

fixing the day from which the printer reckoned his year. In the fifteenth

century the year could be reckoned as beginning on Christmas day, on

January 1st, on March 1st, on March 25th, or at Easter. In arranging

the books issued from any press in chronological order, it is of vital

importance to know which reckoning the printer followed, and we may now

give some examples to show how regnal years can be used to settle this.

Finiunt Petri de Abano remedia uenenorum. Rome in domo nobilis

uiri Iohannis Philippi de Lignamine Messanensis, S. D. N.

familiaris, hic tractatus impressus est. Anno domini Mcccclxxv.

die xxvii Mensis Ianuarii, Pontificatu Syxti IIII, Anno eius

quarto.

End the remedies of Petrus de Abano against poisons. At Rome in

the house of the noble gentleman Ioannes Philippus de Lignamine

of Messina, servant of our holy Lord, this tract was printed.

In the year of the Lord 1475, on the 27th day of the month

January, in the pontificate of Sixtus IV, in his fourth year.

The fourth year of Sixtus IV began on 9th August, 1474, and ended

8th August, 1475; therefore January, 1475, in his fourth year must

be January, 1475, according to our modern reckoning, not January,

1476, as it would be had the year been calculated from March 25th or

Easter day—two similar examples will be found in Hain’s “Repertorium

Bibliographicum” under the numbers 255* and 2050*.

On the other hand, Caxton’s colophon to the “Mirrour of the World” ends:

whiche book I began first to translate the second day of

Ianyuer the yer of our lord M.cccc.lxxx. And fynysshed the viij

day of Marche the same yere, and the xxj yere of the Regne

of the most Crysten kyng, Kynge Edward the fourth. Vnder the

shadowe of whos noble proteccion I have emprysed and fynysshed

this sayd lytyl werke and boke. Besechynge Almyghty god to be

his protectour and defender agayn alle his enemyes and gyue

hym grace to subdue them, And inespeciall them that haue late

enterpraysed agayn ryght & reson to make warre wythin his

Royamme. And also to preserue and mayntene hym in longe lyf and

prosperous helthe. And after this short and transytorye lyf he

brynge hym and vs in to his celestyal blysse in heuene. Amen.

Caxton me fieri fecit.

As the twenty-first year of Edward IV ran from 4th March, 1481, to 3d

March, 1482, Caxton’s 8th March, 1480, must clearly be 1480, old style,

or 1481 of our reckoning, and Caxton is thus shown to have begun his year

on March 25th.

So again the long colophon or epilogue to the “Cordyale” tells us that

the book “was deliuered to me William Caxton by my saide noble lorde

Ryuiers on the day of purificacion of our blissid lady, fallyng the

tewsday the secund day of the moneth of feuerer. In the yere of our lord

M. cccc. lxxviij for to be enprinted.… Whiche werke present I begann the

morn after the saide Purification of our blissid Lady, whiche was the

daye of Seint Blase Bisshop and Martir, And finisshed on the euen of

thannunciacion of our said blissid Lady, fallyng on the Wednesday the

xxiiij. daye of Marche in the xix yere of Kyng Edwarde the fourthe.”

Earlier bibliographers got very confused over this book and made absurd

mistakes as to the time which Caxton took to print it. But Mr. Blades

had no difficulty in showing that the different dates follow closely on

each other. Caxton received the book on February 2d, began printing it on

February 3d, and finished it on March 24th, all in the same year 1479. We

have a double method of proving this, by the two week-days mentioned and

by the regnal year, which covered the period March 4, 1479, to March 3,

1480. The only March 24th in this twelvemonth was that in 1479, and in

1479 March 24th, as Caxton says, fell on a Wednesday. In 1479, moreover,

February 2d fell on a Tuesday, in 1478 on a Sunday. It is thus clear that

the Tuesday, February 2, 1478, of the colophon must be an old-style date,

answering to 1479 of our reckoning.

The occasional mention of the day both of the week and the month in

German colophons offers us, in the absence of regnal years, almost the

only proof we can obtain that German printers began their year either

at Christmas or on January 1st,—I am not prepared to say which. Thus

the colophon of an edition of the “De remediis utriusque fortunae” of

Adrianus Carthusiensis reads:

Explicit liber de remediis fortuitorum casuum nouiter

compilatus et impressus Colonie per Arnoldum therhoernen,

finitus Anno domini Mºccccºlxxiº die veneris octaua mensis

Februarii. Deo Gracias.

Ends the book of the remedies of casual haps, lately compiled

and printed at Cologne by Arnold therhoernen. Finished in the

year of the Lord 1471, on Friday, February 8th. Thanks be to

God.

In 1471 February 8th fell on a Friday, in 1472 on a Saturday. Therefore

it is clear that in therhoernen’s reckoning January and February were

the first months of the year, as they are with us.

Before inquiring as to what printers reckoned the year as beginning at

Easter, we must give the following table:

EASTER DAY, 1470-1521

1470 April 22

1471 April 14

1472 March 29

1473 April 18

1474 April 10

1475 March 26

1476 April 14

1477 April 6

1478 March 22

1479 April 11

1480 April 2

1481 April 22

1482 April 7

1483 March 30

1484 April 18

1485 April 3

1486 March 26

1487 April 15

1488 April 6

1489 April 19

1490 April 11

1491 April 3

1492 April 22

1493 April 7

1494 March 30

1495 April 19

1496 April 3

1497 March 26

1498 April 15

1499 March 31

1500 April 19

1501 April 11

1502 March 27

1503 April 16

1504 April 7

1505 March 23

1506 April 12

1507 April 4

1508 April 23

1509 April 8

1510 March 31

1511 April 20

1512 April 11

1513 March 27

1514 April 16

1515 April 8

1516 March 23

1517 April 12

1518 April 4

1519 April 24

1520 April 8

1521 March 31

That Pierre Gerard and Jean Dupré at Abbeville reckoned the year

from Easter to Easter, we get a broad hint in the colophon to their

magnificent edition of Augustine’s “De Ciuitate Dei” in French. This is

in two volumes, the colophon to the first of which is dated “le xxiiii

jour de Nouembre l’an mil quatre cens quatre vingt et six,” while the

second runs:

Cy fine le second volume contenant les xii derreniers liures de

monseigneur saint augustin de la cité de dieu. Imprime en la

ville dabbeuille, par Iehan du pre et pierre gerard marchans

libraires: Et icelluy acheue le xii iour dauril lan mil quatre

cens quatre vingtz et six auant pasques.

Here ends the second volume containing the last twelve books of

my lord Saint Augustin of the City of God. Printed in the town

of Abbeville by Jean Dupré and Pierre Gerard, booksellers: and

it was finished the twelfth day of April, the year 1486, before

Easter.

That the second volume of so large a work must have been printed after

the first is so nearly certain that this alone might have caused us to

look out for a means of making April 12, 1486, later than November 24th

of the same year. The words “auant pasques” put the matter beyond doubt,

for Easter in 1486 of our reckoning fell on March 26th, but in 1487 on

April 15th. Clearly, therefore, the book was finished on Holy Thursday,

1487, and Easter was the date from which Dupré and Gerard reckoned their

year.

We can obtain an equally neat proof of the French year beginning at

Easter from a copy of Pierre Gringore’s “Chasteau de Labour,” in which,

underneath the name of Philippe Pigouchet, appears the colophon:

Le chasteau de labour auec aucunes balades et addicions

nouuellement composees a este acheue le dernier iour de Mars

Lan Mil Cinq cens. Pour Simon Vostre libraire demourant a

Paris en la rue neuue nostre dame a lenseigne sainct iehan

leuangeliste.

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