FROM THE GAS ATTACK TO ST. HILAIRE--PASSCHENDAELE (FIRST TIME)--LOUCHES
The disorganization in the Brigade resulting from the gas bombardment
was naturally very great. The 2/5th K.L.R. and ourselves were reduced
by 50 per cent, not including Battalion Headquarters, and the relief of
the battalion for reorganization was therefore imperative. Accordingly,
on the evening of July 31st Captain Bowring, the Acting Commanding
Officer, was instructed to move out to Bac St. Maur, the 2/5th King's
Own Royal Lancaster Regiment taking the place of "A" and "B" Companies
in the subsidiary line. The move was made by sections, owing to the
continued shelling and the state of the roads, which had not yet been
cleared of débris. It was effected without incident beyond a drenching
from the heavy rain which came steadily down.
The work of tracing the casualties now began. Most of the battalion
records were half buried in Armentières. These were unearthed, and
Lance-Corporal Longridge tackled his new duties as Orderly-Room
Sergeant with the greatest determination and ability. Salvage work
was also carried out, and such remnants of the battalion's equipment
as were left from the fires and the subsequent looting were collected
at Bac St. Maur. Little time was allowed, however, at the moment for
reorganization. On August 2nd "D" Company and one platoon of "A"
Company were ordered into the subsidiary line of La Boutillerie to
relieve a similar force of 4/5th Loyal North Lancashires. On August
4th "the Battalion (less garrison of subsidiary line)"--so reads
Operation Order No. 33--relieved the 2/7th K.L.R. The "Battalion," in
fact, consisted only of three platoons of "A" Company and a few odd men
who formed Battalion Headquarters. This same force was inspected next
day by General Barnes, the Divisional Commander, who paid a very warm
tribute to the work that the battalion had done during the past two
months.
By the time Major H. K. Wilson returned from hospital, August 6th,
Captain Bowring, in spite of the enormous difficulty of the task, had
got the reorganization of the battalion well under way, for which
he deserved the very greatest credit, and for which, in fact, he
eventually received a "Mention." In this work he had been greatly
assisted by the remaining officers of the battalion, who discharged
their various new duties with great zeal and ability.
About this time Lieutenant Freeman joined us as Transport Officer. For
many years he had been with the A.S.C., and we were lucky to secure an
officer with so much experience in the management of horse transport.
On August 7th the 2/7th K.L.R. relieved our small garrisons in Croix
Marèchal, Elbow Farm, Chapel Farm, Smith's Villa, and Command Post; and
the battalion went into billets at Fleurbaix, where Captain Plumley,
R.A.M.C., reported as Medical Officer.
About this time Captain Alexander, London Regiment, who had been
Brigade Major for about a month, relieving Major Geddes, was
unfortunately killed by a bomb splinter while sitting in the Brigade
Headquarters at Fleurbaix. He had been badly gassed in Armentières,
but refused to leave. His death was greatly lamented. Captain P. H.
Hansen, V.C., M.C., acted as Brigade Major for a time, being in a short
while relieved by Captain R. W. Patteson, M.C., Norfolk Regiment, who
remained with us to the very end, and whose ability outrivalled, if
possible, even his great personal popularity.
On the evening of August 8th "A" and "D" Companies were attached to
the 2/5th K.L.R., and took over the Cordonnerie sector on the right
of La Boutillerie, probably the most peaceful sector in all France.
The trenches were well constructed and dry, and hostile activity was
normally of a very mild description.
But the fear that the enemy might intend a limited offensive on this
front had not yet subsided, and elaborate orders dealing with this
situation were still being issued. Meanwhile Battalion Headquarters, on
August 15th, returned to Bac St. Maur, where they had more than enough
to keep them occupied, as the first draft, consisting of 111 men, had
arrived the previous day. On August 16th Lieutenant-General Sir R. C.
B. Haking, commanding XI. Corps, presented Riflemen Bailey and Mills
with the Military Medal which they had been awarded in Armentières.
On August 18th "A" and "D" Companies rejoined at Bac St. Maur; and the
Company of the 2/5th K.L.R., who had been attached to us to strengthen
the "battalion on Divisional Reserve," returned to their own unit.
Drafts now came in apace. On August 18th drafts of 192, 61, and 131 men
arrived. After these had been posted, the draft of 61 men proved to
have been intended for the 2/8th K.L.R., and had to be given up. All
these parties were inspected on August 21st by Brigadier-General Bray.
On the 24th the battalion moved into Fleurbaix, finding posts for the
subsidiary line; and during this period two more drafts, of 79 and 45
men respectively, joined the battalion. The end of August found our
effective strength 756 men, the highest figure that we had achieved
since the end of February.
[Illustration: HOUPLINES ROAD, LOOKING TOWARDS ARMENTIÈRES.]
[Illustration: BOCHE FRONT LINE OPPOSITE LEFT SECTOR, HOUPLINES.
FRELINGHIEN IN BACKGROUND AND RIVER LYS IN FLOOD.]
On September 2nd the battalion--and it was a complete battalion
now--relieved the 2/7th K.L.R. in La Boutillerie: "A" Company on the
right, "B" in the centre, "D" on the left, and "C" in the subsidiary
line. Headquarters were situated at Foray House. This latter spot
had been heavily shelled on August 21st when the Portuguese held
the line, the intention of the Germans, according to the Portuguese
official report, being "to disorganize the Battalion Staff for future
operations"; which laudable object, the report naively added, "was
attained by 10 a.m., at which time the orderly-room, kitchen mess,
and orderlies' dug-outs were damaged." However, as far as we were
concerned, the enemy took very little interest in us, and the time was
exceptionally quiet. Moreover, the weather had turned fine and warm
again, which made life pleasant as well as peaceful. The left sector
occasionally received attention in the form of trench mortar shooting,
which, we remembered, was characteristic of that corner of France, but
it was not sufficient to cause any serious results.
On September 5th, to the great delight of the overworked remnant
of officers, a draft of thirteen fresh ones arrived--Carr, Eupen,
Harper, T. W. Jones, Lever, Novelle, Profit, Broad, Roberts, Robinson,
Rycroft, Upward, and T. L. Williams. This was a great accession of
power, as in the matter of men the battalion was already up to a good
fighting strength. But there was still much to be done. Specialists
had to be trained, N.C.Os. to be selected, and the general process
of amalgamating and consolidating the new material so recently come
together to be perfected. A new Quartermaster, Lieutenant Jackson, also
reported for duty at this time.
The tour in the line ended on September 10th, when the 2/7th K.L.R.
once more took over from us, and one platoon per company took charge of
the four strong points in the subsidiary line. The only incident in the
latter part of the tour was the attempt of a strong patrol of the enemy
to round up a patrol of four men from our battalion. The effort was
made with determination, and eventually our patrol had to scatter. All
reached our line safely, but three of them were wounded in the fight.
On September 11th Colonel Fletcher returned from hospital, and the work
of organizing and training the battalion was renewed with the greatest
energy. Specialist classes both for officers and N.C.Os. were soon
hard at work; while for the companies, now so very much changed in
their personnel, general training, inspections, close order drill, and
all other approved methods for increasing knowledge and morale were in
full swing.
Meanwhile rumours of a move to a rest area had long been rife. The
Division had now been doing trench duty continuously for seven months,
and it was quite time that it was taken away for a general overhaul.
During all those months we had been kept more or less continuously in
the trenches, with no opportunity to improve on the lessons learnt,
and nothing to inspire our men to increase their efficiency, beyond
the regular round of eight days in reserve and eight days in the line.
Already the ordinary wastage of trench warfare, not to mention the
disaster of Armentières, had deprived us of many of our best N.C.Os.
and men. We had, in fact, lost as many men as if we had been in a
battle, but there was not that feeling of satisfaction, such as results
from a successful push, to animate the remainder. However that may be,
the theory that we were going out to rest grew steadily, and for once
proved correct. The idea of a "rest" was not in itself particularly
attractive, except that it meant freedom from shell fire, permission
to give up wearing the box-respirator, and other little relaxations of
that description. As a "rest" in the ordinarily accepted sense of the
word, it had long since been discovered to be a fraud, being, in fact,
a period of intense activity. Still, it was a change, and possibly
meant that the Division would thereafter be required for work a little
more stimulating than trench warfare.
On September 16th we were relieved by the 15th Welch, and proceeded to
Neuf Berquin viâ Estaires, a distance of seven or eight miles, under
a very hot sun. After a day's quiet training here, we handed over our
billets to the 4/5th Loyal North Lancashire Regiment, and set off to
L'Ecleme on September 18th. The Brigade marched as such, the battalion
starting at 8.20 a.m., and passing the Brigade starting-point at 10
a.m. The route led round the southern outskirts of Merville, and
thence viâ Calonne and Robecq. Our billets were in L'Ecleme, a little
hamlet about a mile south-east of Busnes. The morning proved cloudy,
which made marching pleasant; and, thanks to our early start, we were
in by midday.
Next day we were on the move again for our final destination, St.
Hilaire. On the way we passed through the comparatively large town of
Lillers, and then the village of Bourecq. The country, from being as
flat as could be conceived, now became pleasantly undulating and very
pretty, especially to eyes tired of the lifeless monotony of Northern
France. St. Hilaire itself is a delightful little village, consisting
of one long winding street with several little side streets running
off it. Billets were, on the whole, good, and you felt at once the
relief of being able to move without a box-respirator and steel helmet.
Thoughts of war vanished for the moment; the mind was occupied with the
pleasant rural scenes and the air of quiet industry that pervaded the
spot, so different from the wear and tear of war, and so infinitely
refreshing.
At St. Hilaire the battalion spent a month, and from the first it
became apparent that the "rest" was only a preparation for a "push."
The first day was spent by the Commanding Officer in inspecting the
battalion. This is a far more lengthy process than might be supposed,
and it is surprising what a length of time can be spent on it without
the inspector realizing that he has taken more than a few minutes.
The next day training areas, which had been duly allotted, were covered
with the men performing various mysterious evolutions. Here you would
see a whole company endeavouring to perform a wheel in close column,
with the Company Sergeant-Major and Platoon Officers now urging on,
now checking, the onrush of what from a distance is apt to look like a
race crowd breaking on to the course. From another part of the field
a sudden series of unearthly shouts betokens the efforts of a final
assault party to inspire terror in the hearts of rows of disinterested
sacks. Here, again, stand a group of men solemnly waving their arms in
a slow and stately movement. There comes a sudden order, and in a trice
the whole crowd are off, like a pack of hounds, to some neighbouring
object and back again. "Physical jerks," if properly carried out, are
full of variety.
In an adjoining field two rows of men are standing opposite each
other, roaring orders to the full extent of their lungs. This is a
rough and ready form of instruction in voice production, technically
called "Communication" or "Shouting Drill." In retired corners little
groups of men may be seen examining the intricacies of a Lewis gun or
a field telephone. Theirs is a more peaceful form of existence during
training, and one that is apt to lapse into story-telling, or even
solo whist, if opportunity permits. But all the while the Commanding
Officer and Adjutant (Captain Wilson, recently returned from his course
in England), the Regimental Sergeant-Major, the Company Commanders,
the Specialist Officers, and frequently the Brigadier and the Brigade
Major, are hovering about, asking questions, correcting, suggesting,
and generally supervising. Their assistance, it must be confessed, is
often more readily given than desired; but still that is part of the
business. "Red hats" have little terror for us. We are not worried with
that type of Staff Officer so frequently upbraided. Our Brigadier and
Brigade Major, our Divisional Commander and General Staff, are in the
main helpful and sympathetic.
In the midst of all this activity markers are called for, and a general
sigh of relief goes up. Training continues, and everyone has an eye
for the four men facing the Regimental Sergeant-Major. Here comes the
Adjutant at last. "Get your company together, Captain X., and fall in
on your marker as soon as you are ready." Work may have been proceeding
languidly till now, and you might have thought the men were tired.
Perhaps they were, but there is little sign of it now. Everyone is
suddenly galvanized into intense activity. In a remarkably short time
the battalion is formed up in mass, a few short orders are given, and
the column winds its way back to St. Hilaire for dinner. The day's
work is over. The afternoon is devoted to football matches and other
forms of amusement; the evening to the estaminet. On Sundays the full
ceremonial of Church Parade would be gone through, the band of the 6th
(now the Divisional Band) supplying the music.
On September 21st a further draft of 130 men arrived, and the battalion
was now stronger than it had ever been previously in France. This last
draft came from the East Surreys, and a very fine lot of men they were.
About this time General Bray met with an accident while riding, and
Brigadier-General F. C. Longbourne, D.S.O., arrived to take over the
Brigade. He was somewhat younger than General Bray, and of the very
best type of officer--considerate, courteous, and capable. He was as
popular as he was respected.
Training now became of a more specialized type, and it was obvious
that we were destined in due course to take part in the Third Battle
of Ypres, which was still raging with great fierceness, in spite of
the almost insuperable difficulties of the ground and the weather.
Attacks on strong posts by platoons and companies figured prominently
in our training, and the general formations for attack by a battalion
were the subject of continual study. Unfortunately, which is the best
form of attack was (and probably still is) a matter of warm dispute on
the part of the Higher Command. Some advocated two companies in front
and two in support; others three in front and one behind. Others,
again, supported "blobs," and another school "worms"; while a third
body of opinion pronounced "leap-frogging" the only feasible scheme.
The training in the attack, therefore, if lacking in continuity, was
certainly not lacking in variety. Sheets of instructions poured in upon
us in the most bewildering fashion, till even the most careful student
was muddled beyond hope of recovery. Eventually all officers more or
less abandoned any hope that they may have cherished of solving the
higher mysteries of the attack, and devoted their whole attention to
musketry, bayonet fighting, bombing, and so forth, trusting to the
general efficiency obtained to solve the final problem as set by the
enemy.
The commands of companies had now been arranged as follows: "A"
Company, Captain McWilliam; "B" Company, Lieutenant Penrice; "C"
Company, Captain Ormrod; "D" Company, Captain Fell. Regimental
Sergeant-Major Smith had returned from hospital, and Company
Sergeant-Major Heyworth, who had been acting in his place, became
Regimental Quartermaster-Sergeant.
On October 8th the Division had the honour of being inspected by the
Commander-in-Chief, Sir Douglas Haig. Great preparations were made
for this important event, but, unfortunately, the day proved of the
wettest. We started at 8 a.m. and marched for about two hours in
pouring rain along bad roads and worse field-tracks to some exposed
ground above Estrée Blanche, where the whole Division was assembled.
The position was swept by a biting wind, and there we stood for nearly
two hours waiting for the Field-Marshal to arrive. After a general
salute, he rode round the ranks, and then the usual march past took
place. Everyone was soaked to the skin and half frozen, and right glad
they were to get on the move again.
Field operations on a large scale now took place several times a week.
They were conducted with such realism as modern resources can provide,
and under the eyes of General Maxse, the Corps Commander, and other
important personages. The former had a bright and breezy manner in
dealing with the problems of training, and his presence generally
produced considerable animation among those participating in the
operations. From the point of view of the ordinary man in the ranks,
these "stunts" are apt to be laborious and tiresome; but at the same
time there is no doubt that only under these more or less realistic
conditions can officers and N.C.Os. appreciate the value of the lessons
learnt in theoretical training.
The scene of operations on October 7th for the Divisional attack
was the practice trenches behind Estrée Blanche, near Enguingatte.
The march to the assembly positions through very pretty country was
pleasant enough, although the weather was cold and dull. After forming
up, the attack proceeded by waves, one of the orthodox methods at the
time, preceded by a real trench mortar bombardment, and accompanied by
a real contact aeroplane, for which flares had to be lit at various
intervals. The operations ceased at four o'clock, and as the battle
ended the rain began. From then till we got home it poured in torrents.
We splashed along field-tracks and muddy lanes as darkness fell, and
still it came down. As we entered our billets, about 8 p.m., we most of
us felt that field days were a luxury we would willingly forego.
The period in rest was now fast drawing to a close. It had at its
commencement seen the battalion strong indeed in numbers, but lacking
in cohesion and unprepared for any continued action. The pleasant
weeks at St. Hilaire, in spite of the vigorous training that had taken
place, had proved restful to the old members of the battalion, and had
given the new-comers a full opportunity of acclimatizing themselves to
their new surroundings. Everyone was fit, and ready for anything that
might come. Equipment was complete, specialists were replaced, and all
gaps filled. It was well that it was so, as the change in store for
the battalion was to be severe. Real hardships and real danger were
ahead, which the battalion, as expected, proved itself fully capable of
enduring.
The move commenced on October 19th, the battalion leaving the village
about 8 a.m. to join the Brigade column. At St. Hilaire, as elsewhere
in France, as well as in England, the battalion had become very
popular with their hosts, and many a tear was shed and many a kindly
"God-speed" uttered as we moved off. It was a good long march, about
fifteen miles in all, and though the day was cool a few fell out. The
new drafts, good men though they were, had not all yet appreciated
the Commanding Officer's inflexible rules in the matter of march
discipline. Our destination was the Renescure area, east-south-east of
St. Omer, and the road lay through Wittes and Racquinghem. Lieutenant
Goulding and a billeting party went on ahead to the Proven area; but
the battalion halted for the night in a series of small farms standing
in a piece of country not unlike the ground round Inkerman Barracks
at Woking. The morning of the 20th saw us early afoot. At 8 a.m. we
were formed up on the Arques--Eblinghem--Hazebrouck road, ready to
embus. There is always a certain amount of amusement at embussing.
To begin with, the buses almost invariably face in the opposite
direction to what is expected. Moreover, they are frequently of all
sizes and shapes, and thereby upset your most careful calculations.
For a man wearing full marching order, plus a blanket wound round his
pack, it is no easy matter to scale a lorry. A bus--that is, a real
bus--presents less difficulty; but the stairs are awkward, and the
constructional expert of the General Omnibus Company did not design
his seats to accommodate people requiring at least twelve inches of
spare seat behind the traveller before he can hope to sit down. The
scene to the uninitiated would appear to be sheer chaos. Each vehicle
is surrounded by a heaving and struggling mass; and when this has been
dissipated, there are still men who have to be almost literally forced
into vehicles which look hopelessly overcrowded already. The operation
takes time, but eventually the long column moves off. With the violent
motion caused by the lack of springs and bad _pavé_ the human mass is
gradually shaken into a more or less solid condition; and it is really
rather remarkable that at the end of the journey anyone is sufficiently
mobile to begin the process of debussing.
The trip was quite a long one, and it was after two o'clock when
Poperinghe was passed and the column came to a final stop. Everywhere
the "push" in progress was very evident. Poperinghe itself was seething
with troops of all arms, and the general air of activity so conspicuous
behind an "active" front was very marked. After the whole battalion
had been extracted, like sardines from a tin, a march of two or three
miles--a very trying performance with cramped limbs--brought us to
Plurendon Camp, in the Proven area, recently vacated by the Welsh
Guards; and a cheerless and bleak-looking spot it was, covered with
old canvas tents. After the pleasant billets of St. Hilaire, we felt
already a bit discouraged, but it was a perfect paradise compared with
some of the places to which we were about to be introduced. The weather
was also very unsettled, and the mud that the rain produced was quite
up to the best traditions of Flanders. To add to our discomfort, the
tea ration, which had been put on the mechanical transport, arrived
very late owing to a breakdown. We did not move the next day, as we
had expected, but on October 23rd proceeded in the morning to Proven
Station. After despatching the "Life-boat Party," the nucleus of 33⅓
per cent. of officers and men always left out by a battalion going
into action, with a view to subsequent reorganization, and after
about an hour in the train, we arrived at Elverdinghe about 1.30 p.m.
A march of two miles followed, and then we entered Wolff Camp, in
the Malakoff area. A more wretched and inhospitable spot it would be
hard to find. Pitched in what had once been No Man's Land, it was an
admirable representation of the tangled and disreputable desolation
that one's imagination connects with such a place. The 2/5th Loyal
North Lancashire Regiment had, moreover, failed to vacate the camp, and
we had consequently to remain in the adjacent field for the time being,
though the difference was little enough. The ground was broken and
muddy beyond description. The only accommodation to be found consisted
of tattered tents, through which the rain and wind drove at will--and
there was no lack of either. A Y.M.C.A. tent, the sole refuge of the
area, struggled manfully all day with a queue, often fifty yards long,
of men waiting for tea and biscuits. Apart from this oasis, we were
surrounded by a desert of hideous misery, but in spite of it all our
spirits were high. Even for those not in the secret it was by now clear
that we were moving up to take our turn in the grim struggle in the
morass, into which a continual barrage had long since converted the
Passchendaele Ridge. At least we felt we had come for a purpose; and
if the usual routine were followed, we should be back in rest before
long--those of us, at least, who had not "collected a Blighty," or a
more permanent separation from the troubles of this world.
We were not allowed to be idle for very long. At 4.30 and 5 p.m.
respectively working parties, 100 strong, moved up to the line, and the
next morning a party of forty men went up to be similarly employed.
Other parties were detailed to reconnoitre routes, a most necessary but
difficult operation under the conditions. At 4 p.m. that day (October
26th) the battalion was suddenly ordered to move to Marsouin Farm, a
camp nearer the line. As so often happens, the order synchronized with
the approach of tea. The usual rush attended this sudden move, and
resulted in the majority of the men missing their tea, a regrettable
thing at ordinary times, but in view of the mental and physical strain
about to be encountered particularly unfortunate.
Our Quartermaster left us at this point, his work being efficiently
continued by Captain Bowring, summoned from the "nucleus party" for
the purpose. Marsouin Farm proved to be the lowest form of habitation
that can possibly be classified as a camp. "Bivvies" of the rudest
description, "leans-to" of ground sheets or odd bits of corrugated
iron, formed our quarters, all half immersed in mud of the thickest and
vilest consistency. The biting air and heavy rainstorms combined to
give the finishing touch to this execrable spot, which was calculated
to inspire all ranks with as profound a contempt for death as was ever
entertained by the most ardent believer in Valhalla. Similar "camps"
were dotted about in the vicinity; and an unending stream of guns,
men, pack transport, and so forth, poured by continually, struggling
and slipping on the crude roads or corduroy tracks which led up to the
battle zone. Trolley trams and light trains wound their way forward,
grunting and creaking under loads consisting of all the multifarious
stores required in modern warfare. The surrounding country, if
difficult to describe, was certainly of a uniform appearance. It
consisted simply of endless mud and water. As far as the eye could
reach there was the same yellowish waste of muddy misery, shell-hole
touching shell-hole with never a break, save where a splintered and
winding duck-board track, a primitive road of half-buried logs, or
the spidery lines of a light railway, relieved the hopeless monotony.
Across this wilderness of squalor and filth every fighting man had to
pass to reach the enemy. Ammunition, rations, R.E. material, Red Cross
stores, everything, in fact, had to be transported over this quagmire,
and woe betide the luckless man who fell from the slippery safety of
the duck-boards into its clutches! All the while the guns on either
side kept up their steady bombardment, now fierce and concentrated, now
desultory and scattered.
On the evening of the 27th, at the usual short notice, the battalion
was ordered forward to the reserve trenches. As has already been
remarked, these sudden moves are very trying, and this one proved to
be particularly so. The battalion was now leaving the last limits
of what in such an area might be called civilization. Consequently
rations, equipment, and ammunition had to be completed for the whole
period in the desolate country into which we were now to penetrate.
The scene that followed will not easily be forgotten. The march to
Eagle Trench, which brought us into close proximity with the trench
area, was made under considerable difficulties, owing to the large
number of gas shells which were falling in the area. At one point on
the duck-board track along which the battalion was winding its way in
single file, Colonel Fletcher at its head, a large working party of
another battalion was halted and blocking the way. This working party
was held up in front by heavy enemy shell fire, which was falling on a
road across which the track ran. After waiting some forty minutes, it
was observed that the shell fire, which covered about 200 yards of the
road, was being lifted at regular intervals of about fifteen minutes on
to a different sector of the road, and after another fifteen minutes
brought back to the former objective. Time was getting on, so Colonel
Fletcher decided to try to rush his battalion through next time the
bombardment lifted from the immediate neighbourhood of the track; and
with this end in view arranged with the officer commanding the working
party in front to get his men off the track to give the 2/6th K.L.R. a
clear run through. It was known from a reconnaissance made the previous
day that the track crossed the road and then the stream called the
Steenbeck on the far side of it. The Commanding Officer calculated that
he would just have time to get his battalion across the road and over
the Steenbeck before the barrage returned to the track. Word was passed
down the battalion from front to rear to be prepared to travel at the
fastest possible speed, and at a correctly judged moment a move forward
was ordered. The working party in front had meanwhile got off the
track, so good progress could be made over the 200 yards which remained
to be covered before the road was reached. When the head of the
battalion arrived at the road, the unpleasant discovery was made that
the bridge over the Steenbeck had been destroyed by the bombardment.
An officer succeeded in crossing the stream by the trunk of a fallen
tree, but on his return reported that the track on the other side had
also been destroyed for a considerable distance, and that the place
where it recommenced again could not be found in the darkness. The
Commanding Officer came to an instant decision and ordered the column
to turn to the left along the road in a north-easterly direction, with
the intention of reaching another road which ran north-west through the
village of Langemarck, from which place he expected to be able again
to pick up the track which had to be followed. Unfortunately, the road
on the side of the Steenbeck had been so churned up by shell fire that
only very slow progress was possible; in fact, one stretch of twenty
yards was thigh deep in a stiff porridge-like mud, which, for men
loaded with Lewis guns and large supplies of ammunition, was extremely
difficult to negotiate. It was a time of considerable anxiety, because
the barrage was still proceeding about 300 yards south-east, and might
come back at any moment, in which case the casualties could not fail
to be heavy. However, good luck prevailed, and the tail end of the
battalion had just got clear of the road before the bombardment lifted
back on the section we had quitted.
[Illustration: In front of Langemarck.
2/6th The King's (Liverpool Regiment)
_To face Page 140._]
Eagle Trench was reached and found to contain a good deal of gas,
so all ranks had to be continually on the alert to adjust their
box-respirators during the remainder of the night. Battalion
Headquarters was established in an old German concrete pill-box,
called "Double Cotts," in which the stench was almost unbearable. On
the following night (November 28th-29th), we relieved the battalion
in the front line and took over their positions, which consisted of
a series of shell-holes, order of companies from right to left being
as follows: "A" Company (Captain McWilliam), "B" Company less one
platoon (Lieutenant Penrice), "C" Company plus one platoon of "B"
Company (Captain Ormrod); support company, "D" Company (Captain Fell).
Battalion Headquarters in a German pill-box called Louis Farm. About
half-way between front line companies and Battalion Headquarters, on
an almost imperceptible rise of ground, called "19 Metre Hill," a
transmitting station for lamp signals and also a relay post for runners
were established.
The Higher Command had observed from aeroplane photographs that there
were some new erections, which they thought were concrete pill-boxes,
about 600 yards behind the enemy's front line; and the battalion was
instructed to send a patrol out as soon as the front line had been
taken over in order, if possible, to ascertain their nature. This
reconnoitring patrol, detailed from "A" Company, under command of
Lieutenant C. W. Clarke, and consisting of Sergeant Powell, Corporal
Stubbs, and three riflemen (C. C. Smith, P. McGinn, and W. McGrath),
succeeded in penetrating the enemy line as far as the objective they
had been ordered to examine. Valuable information was obtained, but,
unfortunately, on the return journey the patrol was observed by the
enemy, who opened machine-gun fire, and both Lieutenant Clarke and
Sergeant Powell were severely wounded, the former having his thigh
broken. The remainder of the patrol displayed great gallantry in
bringing in their wounded under heavy fire, for which act they were
each subsequently awarded the Military Medal. Lieutenant Clarke was
complimented by the Brigadier-General on his fine work, which was
later on rewarded with the Military Cross. Among other gallant deeds
performed this night was the recovery from No Man's Land of several
British wounded who had fallen in an abortive attack on this front five
days previously, and who had lain out in the shell-holes untended ever
since. 2nd-Lieutenant T. Lever, of "C" Company, was particularly active
in this good work, for which he also received the Military Cross.
At dawn on November 29th O.C. "B" Company despatched a message by
runner to Battalion Headquarters, with advice to the effect that with
daylight he had discovered that the company which he had relieved
during the night had not handed over to him the positions of which
they alleged they had been in occupation, but had in fact handed
over positions some 300 yards farther back, and called these rear
positions by the names of positions farther forward. The positions in
question went by the names of Memling Farm and Rubens Farm, but the
farm buildings had long since been utterly destroyed, and their places
had been taken by a few scattered pill-boxes. Immediately on receipt
of this message at Battalion Headquarters, Colonel Fletcher himself
hurried up to the front line, and after a careful reconnaissance on
the ground and study of the map confirmed the conclusions arrived at
by O.C. "B" Company. He accordingly ordered O.C. "B" Company to have
Memling and Rubens Farm reconnoitred, with the intention of occupying
them, if so desired by the Higher Command, as soon as darkness fell;
and then himself returned to Battalion Headquarters to report fully
by runner to Brigade Headquarters. The latter ordered that the
positions be captured without loss of time; but, owing to difficulties
of communication, this order did not reach Battalion Headquarters
until night, when O.C. "B" Company was ordered to take the farms with
two platoons. Meantime the reconnoitring party which had gone out by
daylight had found the positions unoccupied; and it is a matter of
opinion whether the enemy observed them and jumped to the conclusion
that the position might later be occupied, or whether they were held
by the enemy as defensive positions at night only. The latter seems
the most likely solution. Gallant attempts were immediately made by
the platoons detailed (Nos. 7 and 8 Platoons), but they were met by
heavy machine-gun fire, and found the pill-boxes were occupied in
strength by the enemy. No. 7 Platoon, under Lieutenant Vaughan, made
repeated attempts to reach the more distant objective (Rubens Farm),
but after suffering heavy casualties was compelled to desist. Dawn
was now approaching, and at 5.40 a.m. our artillery opened a barrage
along the front, preliminary to an attack by the 58th Division on
the immediate right of the battalion. This brought heavy retaliating
artillery fire on our front, and No. 7 Platoon, which was still in
the open attacking Rubens Farm, was practically wiped out, including
Lieutenant Vaughan. It is evident the enemy were expecting the 57th
Division also to attack, inasmuch as they maintained a heavy artillery
bombardment for several hours, causing many casualties to the companies
in the front line. The casualties, indeed, were so extensive that after
a reconnaissance of the front by Captain Wilson under heavy fire, two
platoons from the support company ("D" Company) were ordered up to
strengthen the much-thinned front line. As soon as the bombardment
had somewhat subsided, Lieutenant Penrice and Lieutenant Hodgkinson
attempted to reach Memling Farm to see if it was still occupied, but
they found that it was, and were very lucky to get back to our lines
unscathed.
Apart from these particular incidents, the situation of the remainder
of the battalion was far from comfortable. Sitting all day in a
shell-hole half filled with water, surrounded by all the most ghastly
features of war, and being shelled intensely the greater part of the
time, was an experience that few would wish to repeat. The men bore it
splendidly, and officers and N.C.Os. carried on their various duties
with the greatest coolness. Captain McWilliam was, as always under
trying conditions, most conspicuous, and, unfortunately, was very
seriously wounded. For his general gallantry on this and many previous
occasions he was awarded the Military Cross, which he had richly
deserved.
On the night of October 30th-31st the battalion was relieved by the
2/7th K.L.R., and made its way back to Huddlestone Camp, near the
canal, having suffered casualties to the extent of five officers and
122 other ranks.
Although our battalion did not actually participate in an attack
(another Brigade of our Division carried out the first part of the
projected operation; the rest was cancelled owing to the condition of
the ground), we had our share of the horrors of the Third Battle of
Ypres, confined though it was to an experience not new to us of taking
the gruelling while someone else did the fighting. As an experience
of the realities of war it was not without value, though it cost us
dear. The misery of the countryside has already been indicated, and
this was enhanced by the spectacle of the countless dead that littered
the ground. So many were they that in places it was almost impossible
to move without treading on them. Indeed, all that has been said and
written elsewhere as to the conditions of this battle does not appear
to have been exaggerated. The importance or necessity of the action in
the main scheme of operations does not concern us here.
[Illustration: HOUPLINES. BRITISH AND GERMAN TRENCHES ON LEFT COMPANY'S
FRONT. RIVER LYS, HOBBS AND EDMEADS FARMS.
Aeroplane Photograph dated 1st January, 1918.]
[Illustration: THE PONT BALLOT SALIENT, HOUPLINES. BRITISH AND GERMAN
TRENCH ON RIGHT AND RIGHT-CENTRE COMPANIES' FRONT.
Aeroplane Photograph dated 28th December, 1917.]
Those who took part in it will never erase from their minds its
many ghastly features, among which the mud and the multitude of the
dead will stand out pre-eminent. Of the former it must be said that
the sodden condition of the ground, though it stopped our advance,
certainly prevented many casualties from shell fire; but at the same
time many a wounded man was sucked down into the horrible quagmire, and
stretcher-bearers found their tasks in many cases quite beyond their
powers. The enemy, too, seemed to take a fiendish delight in adding
extra terrors to the work by sniping them with "whizz-bangs"; and
Lieutenant Clarke had several of his bearers hit before his journey to
the regimental aid post, which took some sixteen hours, was completed.
His great patrol and Lieutenant Vaughan's gallant attempt which cost
him his life are glorious memories of that grim period. If nothing else
was learnt, the value of personal bravery, for the display of which the
quiet routine of trench warfare had afforded but little scope, was now
made clear to all; and not only by the performances of Clarke, Vaughan,
and Lever and the gallant members of their parties, but also by the
steady bearing of the battalion generally during those trying times.
The courage and initiative displayed by the transport, and particularly
by the specially organized pack-mule section, were worthy of the
highest commendation.
Huddlestone Camp was just the ordinary collection of Nissen huts, but
it represented to the tired and weary all the comforts of civilization.
How long it seemed since we were last in any place that could be
remotely described as civilized! In point of fact it was four days,
but the battalion during that time had achieved another stage in its
education--and a big stage, too. We knew a good deal about trench
warfare, and we knew something about being shelled, but we had never
previously been at quite such close quarters with war in its fiercest
aspect as we were in front of Langemarck.
The next morning (November 1st, 1917) we moved back still farther to
Bridge Camp, arriving there at 11 a.m. We remained there till November
6th, cleaning up and making good deficiencies--of no inconsiderable
nature after such experiences--and generally restoring mind and body
by the normal routine of a soldier's training. The same day we left
our camp and marched to Boesinghe, where we entrained about 1 p.m. for
Audruicq, not far from Calais, arriving about 10 p.m. Thence we marched
to Nordasques, which was understood to be our area; but some confusion
was abroad--our billeting party had gone one way, we another, and so
on. However, the hour was late, so we made the best of it in Nordasques
for the night, and moved to our proper area, Louches, the following day
(November 7th), which we reached about 2.30 p.m.
This place proved a real "rest" area, and here we remained for a very
pleasant month reorganizing, refitting, and, above all, resting. The
day after our arrival the party in the "lifeboat," consisting of five
officers and 71 men, rejoined, and on November 13th a draft of 76 men
reported. At the end of November our "effective strength" was up to 38
officers and 867 other ranks.
This period at Louches requires little description, though it was
probably the most real "rest" the battalion ever enjoyed. Training
was of the more practical kind--"leap-frogging," counter-attack,
consolidation, intensive digging, attack on strong posts, and so forth.
Among these were judiciously inserted the usual drill, rifle exercises,
physical training, and the like. Musketry was practised on a large
scale at the Zouafques ranges. Baths at Nielles also played a salutary
if uninteresting part in the life of the battalion; while trips to
Calais proved a great attraction to officers and N.C.Os., that place
being within easy reach by means of a light railway. A Sergeants' Rest
Billet was instituted, and thither for short periods the sergeants
in turn betook themselves, free for the time being from all military
cares. It was a sign of the Commanding Officer's constant care for his
men, and the arrangement was strongly approved.
It was odd to find oneself once more living what was after all the old
life of home training areas. Here were no sudden alarms, but just the
ordinary regulation routine. Afternoons were free, and football and
musketry competitions soon blossomed into being.
While we were here Major H. K. Wilson, who had been long suffering
from an injury to his ankle, the result of a collision with a lorry,
proceeded to England on leave, and was there admitted to hospital. To
our great regret, we saw him no more; he had been with us since the
formation of the battalion. Another officer who left us at this time
was Lieutenant Hodgkinson, a most gallant and popular officer, whom we
were extremely sorry to lose. His venturous spirit led him to transfer
to the R.F.C., where his career, we may be sure, was, if short, full of
incident. He was, we understood, shot down near Valenciennes, and must
have been a great loss to his Corps.
All good things come to an end in time--a law which fortunately applies
also to their opposites--and 7.30 a.m. on December 8th found the
battalion climbing once more into buses on the Crezeques--Autingues
road to visit the area north of Ypres once more. After debussing we
proceeded, two companies each, to two adjacent camps in the Proven area
which rejoiced in the names of Privett and Portsdown, the latter being
also the home of Battalion Headquarters. They were the usual camps
of the area, no worse--possibly a little better--than the average.
They consisted of Nissen huts. Training continued here for a few days
prior to going into the line, which was visited by the Commanding
Officer, accompanied by five officers, on December 12th for two days'
instruction, from which they returned on December 14th.
The Adjutant, Captain Wurtzburg, reported from England for duty just
before the battalion went into the line, and Captain C. W. Wilson
in consequence gave up his duties as Adjutant and took over the
appointment of Second-in-Command, with the subsequent acting rank of
Major.