ARMENTIÈRES UP TO GAS ATTACK
On April 19th we received orders to reconnoitre the Boutillerie sector,
held by the 2/5th King's Own Royal Lancaster Regiment, with a view
to early relief; and the Commanding Officer, Adjutant, and Company
Commanders proceeded the same day to Foray House, the "King's Own"
Headquarters. This sector was a combination of the old Boutillerie
trenches, held by us in February, and the trenches on our immediate
right. There had been several British and enemy raids since then, and
the damage caused had been considerable. The difficulty of maintaining
2,800 yards of front in a decent state of repair throughout its whole
length had further impaired the condition of the trenches, and we were
not surprised to find serious signs of decay on every hand. Our first
experience, moreover, of walking quite considerable distances--_i.e._,
several hundred yards--without finding a trace of the defenders proved
very instructive, and showed us what to expect for the future. The next
day (April 20th, 1917) these orders were cancelled, and we were now
informed that on the 26th we were to take over the Houplines sector in
front of Armentières from the Australians. We set out once more on a
tour of exploration. We rode to the Australian Brigade Headquarters in
the Rue Jesuit, and thence on foot along the Houplines road to Tissage
Dump, where the trenches began.
Those who now saw Armentières for the first time might well be
impressed by the feeling of desolation which prevailed. The silent,
shuttered houses, the empty streets, the ruins and the débris were
familiar from the villages which had been already visited, but nowhere
hitherto had the picture been on so large a scale as here. Armentières
had been a bright and busy town before the war, with a population of
some 30,000 people. Large spinning factories, fine houses and handsome
shops abounded. Many of the streets, it is true, still contained
quite a number of inhabitants; but as you made your way down the Rue
Jesuit towards the line, fewer and fewer grew the signs of any civil
population, and more and more battered became the houses. It is a
long walk to Tissage Dump. On the left you soon passed Barbed-Wire
Square, then quite a pleasant grass-grown square with young trees just
beginning to bud. In the far corner a wonderful green and blue tiled
house had apparently been the residence of a lady fortune-teller. The
next landmark was the level-crossing, beside which a huge church bell
was suspended on a wooden frame to give warning against gas. The road
a little farther on swung round first to the right, past some very
dilapidated workmen's cottages of a curious blue tint; and then to the
left, where stood L'Octroi d'Houplines, the familiar little wooden
erection to be found on the outskirts of every French town. This had
been hit by a shell; it was a corner of ill repute, and the board
bearing its title hung at an acute angle, being only supported by a
fastening at one end. On the left of the road, next to the factory
belonging to an English firm, stood Von Kluck's house, alleged to have
been once the Headquarters of that famous General, and now used as the
A.D.S., which for many months escaped a direct hit, while neighbouring
houses were all but obliterated. A strip of open country followed;
on the left, a wilderness of ruins and marshland, with a glimpse of
18-pounders cleverly concealed; on the right, loop-holed screening with
a considerable view of the country beyond.
Nouvel Houplines (often thought to be Houplines itself, which was close
to the river) consisted of two main streets forming an acute angle. At
the junction stood Tissage Dump, where R.E. material for the line was
stored. In the adjoining houses were a pioneer workshop, an observation
post, the canteen, and the regimental aid post. The trench tram line (a
continuation of the ordinary tram line from Armentières) divided here,
one line running up alongside Gloucester Avenue to the trenches, the
other following round to Durham Castle and other dumps. Several tall
factory chimneys were grouped about this spot, all used as observation
posts, and rejoicing in colonial names difficult to pronounce. Most of
them bore signs of shell fire, one having been pierced right through
close to its base, another having a large piece taken right out of its
side.
The entrance to Gloucester Avenue--or "Gloster Ave," as the signboard
called it--was really very picturesque, the trench descending gradually
below ground level through what had once been a garden. On either side
was abundant foliage, which later became prettily covered with flowers
and presented a picture that might well have been the setting for the
opening scene of "The Arcadians."
We began our walk up Gloucester Avenue, noting the trench running off
to Spain Avenue, another fine communication trench. The way was up a
gradual incline. At the top a network of narrow trenches appeared, and
through these we made our way into the subsidiary line to Battalion
Headquarters, a group of "bivvies" and short trenches entered under a
small overhead traverse. On the immediate left stood a small elephant
back, which combined the dual functions of mess and Adjutant's office,
and opposite this was the cook-house. To the left was a double concrete
dug-out, where "Signals" dwelt, and up a little short trench a minute
concrete "bivvy" for the Commanding Officer.
In the mess we found the Commanding Officer of the 38th Battalion
A.I.F. awaiting us, and he explained that our present place of rest
was the old right Battalion Headquarters, while the left was in more
commodious but less conveniently situated quarters in the spacious
cellars of Cambridge House, some way along the subsidiary line. Half
the Australians' Headquarters lived in one place and half in the other,
and, though the two were connected by telephone, the disadvantages of
the separation were obvious.
The Company Commanders now proceeded to their respective areas, while
the Commanding Officer and Adjutant took a general survey of the line
under the guidance of the Australian Colonel. The first impression was
certainly most unfavourable. The principle of gaps and localities was
maintained here, and constant shell fire, combined with lack of any
means of repair, gave the sector a most dilapidated and depressing
appearance, which was intensified by a great superfluity of water and
a number of useless and derelict trenches running in all directions.
Lateral communication, too, as so often happens in a combined sector,
was extremely bad. After lunch at Cambridge House, the Commanding
Officer and Adjutant proceeded on a tour of the left sector. This was
notoriously the weak point, the left being bounded by the River Lys,
which in winter rendered an area of several hundred yards along the
bank quite impassable, though in summer this same area was perfectly
passable, and to a large extent undefended. From the support line an
excellent view could be obtained, the ground falling steeply away from
there to a flat stretch called the Cricket Field, and then sloping
upwards to a raised plateau on which Frelinghien stood, and on the
hither side of which was built our front line. The sector, we found,
was full of notices warning you that the spot you stood on was under
direct observation from the Germans, which caused you to move round
the traverses with alacrity. Most of these notices, we found, were
obsolete, but on the left company's front, parts of the front line
were certainly exposed, and till these spots were blinded casualties
occurred from snipers. Generally speaking, the line appeared fairly
quiet that afternoon, only intermittent shelling of a very desultory
nature occurring. To our disgust, however, we learnt that gas cylinders
were installed along practically the whole length of the front line,
and the absence of heavy shelling was accordingly noted with some
pleasure.
The relief took place on March 26th, the Lewis gunners entering the
line the previous evening, and, in addition, one signaller per station,
two battalion runners, all snipers, of whom one N.C.O. and three
men were to take over the observation post, and one officer and one
N.C.O. per platoon. On the morning of the 26th the Sniping Officer
and Sergeant, the Medical Officer's orderly, the Bombing Officer and
Corporal, all Company Sergeant-Majors, the Regimental Sergeant-Major,
and two runners, together with the balance of the signallers under the
Signalling Officer, made their way up to the trenches. This was the
usual advance party for a new sector, and the arrangement undoubtedly
quickened the relief, while in addition increased knowledge of a sector
was acquired from the extra length of time spent with members of the
outgoing unit.
Guides were to meet the companies at Houplines Level Crossing,
commencing at 7 p.m. The following were the dispositions and routes:
"D" Company, right front sector viâ Spain Avenue; "C" Company, right
centre viâ Gloucester Avenue; "B" Company, up Durham and Edmeads
Avenue to left centre; while "A" Company went up Durham and along
the subsidiary line to Irish Avenue and thence to left sector. Each
company was responsible for its own supports and reserves, the latter
consisting usually of a few cooks and ration carriers. Headquarters
were accommodated in "bivvies" in the subsidiary line round Battalion
Headquarters, and a few details at Cambridge House. The relief was
completed at 11.40 p.m., and the Australians moved off for a rest and
training preliminary to the Battle of Messines. They were a very cheery
crowd and extremely obliging, and rendered the relief a very agreeable
task. The code word was dispatched by telephone to Brigade, and we
commenced our first tour in a sector that we were destined to occupy,
turn and turn about with the 2/7th K.L.R., for four and a half months.
[Illustration: HOUPLINES.]
[Illustration]
As the period was such a long one, a more detailed description may
be attempted than has been thought necessary in regard to other
sectors held from time to time by the battalion. There were three main
communication trenches leading into the line, all previously referred
to. Spain and Gloucester Avenues, both starting from Tissage Dump,
cut the subsidiary line on the right and right centre respectively.
Durham Avenue started from Nouvel Houplines a few yards from Tissage
Dump and to the north of it, and joined the subsidiary line close to
Cambridge House. There was also the road from Nouvel Houplines to
Frelinghien which ran past the north end of the subsidiary and support
lines, but was under observation by day and unhealthy by night. On the
extreme right, and just beyond our boundary, was Buterne Avenue, a deep
traversed trench over which we had a right of way. It wandered about
distressingly, and eventually ended in a small side street near Barbed
Wire Square. Farther to the right and well on into the Epinette sector
was Lunatic Lane, which eventually became an open track and led into
the outskirts of Armentières by the Asylum.
The subsidiary line was marked on the right by a large civilian
cemetery, through which the trench passed. It was full of graves with
wooden crosses and artificial flowers such as are usually to be found
in a French burial-ground. From there to the Battalion Headquarters
the trench was traversed, but there was little parados. "Bivvies" of
small breadth and height abounded, and there were one or two concrete
dug-outs, usually full of water. A ditch, with a railing in front of
it, marked the approach to Battalion Headquarters, after which the
trench narrowed into two small alley-ways where Gloucester Avenue
joined the subsidiary line, and thence ran down steeply to a road from
Nouvel Houplines to Quesnoy. Here the tram line crossed the subsidiary
line and ran across country to the right company front. The open road
was masked by a big screen. At this point the subsidiary line was built
on a somewhat higher level, and contained big bays and long traverses,
protected in rear by a parados, behind which was a traffic trench, in
which a number of "bivvies" had been constructed.
Continuing your course, you came to Wessex Avenue, the finest
communication trench in the sector, though but little used. The
line now became a long, straight trench with a high parapet, with
duck-boards along the side of the bank and also at the bottom. Beside
the lower track was a green ditch. At the end of this stretch was a
bridge across the Panama Canal, which ran back in a south-easterly
direction to the support line in the right company sector. In design it
was merely a deep drain, but it was duck-boarded and a handy short-cut
diagonally across the sector. It was seldom used in daylight, in the
hope, which was probably justified, that the enemy would regard it
merely as a drain. Durham, Edmeads, and Sussex Avenues all met at
this point; and a few yards in the rear stood Cambridge House. The
last part of the line was full of "bivvies," and just before the end,
Irish Avenue, the left-hand communication trench of the sector, led
off to the front line. At the end the ground fell away steeply to
some marshland beside the banks of the Lys. The only other means of
communication with the front line, except the communication trenches
above mentioned and a few overland tracks, was the road which ran from
the junction of Wessex Avenue and the subsidiary line to Edmeads Farm.
This was only passable at night, but it was an excellent short-cut,
though subject to bursts of machine-gun fire and "whizz-bangs."
The description of the trenches forward of the subsidiary line is a
far more formidable undertaking. We will commence with the right, as
being the simplest and also, generally speaking, the most healthy.
The subsidiary line was followed to the right almost as far as the
cemetery. Just before reaching it a communication trench was found
leading off (if you were lucky and knew the way) to the left under an
overhead traverse, and guarded by a sentry. The latter in the early
days informed you, in a bored fashion, that the wind was dangerous or
the reverse, and criticized your box-respirator if not in the alert
position. Following the trench in its windings for a short distance,
Vancouver Avenue branched off to the left. This was only half finished,
though you could with much floundering get through it to Gloucester
Avenue; in reality, however, it was quite useless. A hundred yards or
so farther on you suddenly came on a corrugated iron sentry-box, with
a small weather-cock and a shell case suspended from a stick beside
it, where the gas sentry over the right company Headquarters was
stationed. Here in an open space you found two or three log huts of
small dimensions, with one or two orthodox "bivvies." You then passed
over a bridge, and, ducking your head to avoid a sheet of corrugated
iron, under which cooking operations were usually going on, you entered
a low edifice, which was lighted, it may be mentioned, with two small
windows of real glass. Here you might find O.C. "D" Company sitting
at the table, endeavouring to compose one of the innumerable reports
that the higher powers delighted to collect. Two or three bunks
adorned the walls; and a form on either side of the table, a Véry
pistol, a tin of cigarettes, some recent pamphlets, and odd pieces of
officers' equipment, made up the furniture. You could stand up more
or less erect, and the place was really quite comfortable, but hardly
shell-proof.
Beyond Company Headquarters the communication trench showed the
strongest inclination to close in. It was extremely narrow, and but for
the overhead struts would very soon have become impassable. Newburn
Lane led off to the left, certainly more of a lane than a trench,
through which you could reach the Orchard, a regular target for German
gunners, and a place to be avoided at certain times of the day. Farther
down the communication trench was a slit on the left where Light Trench
Mortar Battery men lived. Just below here the trench suddenly came to
an end, and you crossed a little stream running along a diminutive
valley. The tram line also came in sight, wandering away along an old
road through tangled bushes and weeds to the front line. It was badly
smashed in places, and was never used as far forward as this. The
trench began again up the far side of the tiny valley--London Road, as
it was now called--and here stood two graves marking the resting-place
of two unknown soldiers. The going was sticky and the trench much
battered. Later on grass and green things generally were conspicuous
on either side of the trench, but now everything looked bare and
muddy--just yellow clay, shell-holes, mud banks, and trenches more or
less derelict. Suddenly you heard voices, and without quite realizing
it you found you were in the front line.
A broad breastwork formed the means of defence, occasional bays being
held, but the majority being unoccupied and full of loose barbed
wire. Everything betokened the effects of shell fire where men were
too few to do more than just repair their own particular posts.
Derelict "bivvies," odd broken duck-boards half covered with slime,
sheets of corrugated iron riddled with holes, bits of old ground
sheets, and fragments of equipment, lay about in all directions.
Everything presented that damp, yellow aspect peculiar to clay soil.
The traverses, sodden with water, were bursting down the hurdles or
wire netting with which they were revetted, while the empty bays were
falling in of their own accord, or presented a crushed and crumbling
appearance, the result of the direct burst of a shell or "minnie."
As you rounded the traverse of an occupied bay the following picture
met your eye. Imagine a narrow trench about 12 feet long by 4 feet
wide, with a fire-step running along the entire length some 12 inches
from the ground. Near the centre of the trench stands a rifleman in
skeleton equipment, gazing into the bottom mirror of a box periscope
which is fastened by a spike to the parapet, its top covered by dirty
canvas to match the surrounding sand-bags. By the sentry's side is a
rifle, and close at hand are the empty shell-case gong and strombos
horn, in case of gas. Next to him sits his relief, similarly attired,
all men invariably wearing equipment in the front line. The relief
sentry is passing the time in cleaning some clips of ammunition from an
open small-arms ammunition box. The corporal and two men are filling
sand-bags, which will be required at dusk. Another rifleman sits at
the far end, sleeping peacefully and dreaming of something (we hope)
remote from the war. He was the last sentry. Two boxes let into the
parados contain Véry lights and bombs; the Véry pistol hangs from a peg
in the parapet. Five rifles with swords fixed stand in a row against
the side of the trench; while a shelf holds some mess-tin lids, two
water-bottles, some bread, and a tin of bully beef. Two sand-bags for
salvage and rubbish hang at the end of the bay. Round the corner two
"bivvies"--mere hovels about three foot high, wet and slimy--complete
the "home comforts" of this cheerful abode. From one of the "bivvies"
protrude two pairs of muddy boots and four legs covered with
clay-stained puttees. Their owners are enjoying a well-earned rest,
having spent most of the night prowling about in No Man's Land.
Taking the next communication trench, Gloucester Avenue, we could make
our way up to the front line to a point not far distant from the top
of London Road; or, better still, we could branch off along Pretoria
to the right-centre company's support line. Gloucester Avenue was a
good winding trench cut through what had once been cornfields. Pretoria
was even better, and brought you out close to the point where the
Panama Canal joined the support line. By the end of the canal were two
deep concrete dug-outs, both small and damp, and in one of these the
signallers and in the other the Company Commander were to be found. In
the latter, as you carefully descended the steps, you would have been
able at once to recognize, not only from the orderly appearance of
the spot, but from the number of parcels from Fortnum and Mason, that
Captain Eccles dwelt there; and, sure enough, there he was, looking as
if he had just stepped out of a band-box, with Company Sergeant-Major
Heyworth sitting by his side working at the company card index.
After making your way along the support line round interminable
traverses, you squeezed your way up Timaru to the front line.
Thence you went along past Wessex Avenue, which requires no further
description, to the end of Locality 12. From here a path led up to the
support line--Gap "M" being impassable--and from the support line by
another path to the left centre company's front line--quite a decent
stretch of bays and traverses with a wilderness of ruined trenches
in their rear. Half-way along this sector you turned up a miserable
ruin of a trench to Captain Steward's Headquarters, a concrete dug-out
set like an oasis in a desert of derelict trenches. In spite of the
neighbourhood, Captain Steward would appear perfectly groomed and with
a cheerful smile, though denouncing the Germans for making him so
uncomfortable. Another dug-out adjoining was used by his subalterns.
To visit the left sector it was now necessary to go right down Edmeads
Avenue and then up Sussex Avenue, whence you could go to Hobbs
Farm along Cambridge or along Fusilier Avenue to Captain Wyatt's
Headquarters at Goodwood. The latter was another of these concrete
dug-outs, and the owner, whether Captain Wyatt or any other Company
Commander, generally had some severe remarks to make about the enemy,
who gave the left sector but little rest. To reach "A" Company's front
line you went along the support line to Irish Avenue, which from there
back to the subsidiary line was good enough, but forward of the support
line was hardly better than a track, and, except for some canvas,
pretty well exposed to view from all points of the enemy front line.
The whole of the left front line, in fact, from Edmeads Farm past Hobbs
Farm, the ruins of which had almost been obliterated, was a maze of
battered and derelict trenches, only entered by the inquisitive or by
some luckless individual who had lost his way. The left company front
was built into the side of a small ridge, and possessed no general
parados, though most of the posts were self-contained. It ended some
two or three hundred yards from the Lys, though from the enemy point
of view it probably appeared to go much farther. It was very much
knocked about, and it was hard work to maintain even a semblance of
respectability.
Such is a brief outline of the Houplines sector. Its main features were
its size, its maze of useless and ruined trenches, and its lack of
lateral communication. There was not a single dug-out that would have
stood the direct hit of a 5·9, and only a few that one would have cared
to be in when hit by a "whizz-bang."
The day after relief (April 27th) was spent quietly enough. We had not
yet got used to the presence of so many gas cylinders in the front
line, and were not anxious to provoke unnecessary retaliation. The
Germans were also very quiet. Some shrapnel, a few "whizz-bangs," six
"pineapples," and two medium "minnies" made up his total expenditure
for the hours of daylight. Sniping from the Chicken Run on to "A"
Company's front line was, however, fairly persistent, but no casualties
occurred that day. "A" Company of the 2/7th K.L.R. moved into the
subsidiary line that evening as a more permanent garrison, and occupied
the line between Battalion Headquarters and Cambridge House.
At midnight a gas attack from the whole front of our Brigade and that
of the Brigade north of the Lys had been planned, but was cancelled at
the last minute, as the wind proved unfavourable. However, the right
battalion was not warned in time, and released their cylinders. We
much regretted that ours could not be released too, as the clearing
of the line had been arranged, and already several cylinders were
leaking badly. But on the night of March 29th, after many "alarums and
excursions," our two flank companies and the Brigade north of the Lys
let off their gas, while projectors were flung into Frelinghien at the
same time. It was a very bright night, and the whitish cloud could be
seen rolling across No Man's Land. The wind was rather light, and the
Germans must therefore have obtained sufficient warning. A number of
coloured lights shot up into the air, bells rang, and rapid rifle and
machine-gun fire commenced, which caused the inquisitive to expose as
little of their heads above the parapet as was feasible. "Whizz-bangs"
and "minnies" began to rain on the front line, where the special R.Es.
working the cylinders and the garrison of infantry had a somewhat
uneasy time. Our orders were to send an officers' patrol to inspect the
damage in the enemy's front line. Fortunately, however, this futile and
dangerous performance was countermanded, as No Man's Land was itself
full of the gas, which the wind hardly carried beyond our trenches, and
three of the R.Es. and four of our men were gassed, and a corporal was
killed. Otherwise no one was hit during the retaliation. In due course
the R.Es. withdrew in motor lorries and the rest of the men returned to
the front line, where the sickly smell of gas was strongly in evidence.
Now that most of the cylinders were empty we paid less regard to the
enemy, and determined to try to damp the ardour of the sniper, who had
already shot two of our men through the head. Every effort from the
front line to spot the fellow had failed, but the observation post in
the support line had detected him, though the distance from there to
the Germans made it futile to try a shot with a rifle. Major Brookes's
assistance was accordingly invoked. A telephone line was run out to the
observation post, and a trial round was fired with an 18-pounder. This
was sufficiently near for the purpose, but unfortunately was too much
for the sniper, who promptly retired. However, a few rounds of "battery
fire" were delivered, and the area in the immediate neighbourhood of
the sniper's lair was greatly disturbed. We knew he was not hit, but
_he_ knew that we had spotted him, and from that moment his activities
ceased.
[Illustration: Photo by Gale & Polden Ltd., Aldershot.
THE OFFICERS-WOKING, FEBRUARY, 1917.]
The next day, April 30th, a great aeroplane fight took place high over
our line. The day was perfect, and it was a wonderful sight to see the
aeroplanes twisting and doubling and hear the thin rattle of their
machine guns. Suddenly one of the enemy's machines commenced to fall,
with a tell-tale streak of smoke trailing behind him. In a moment the
grey smoke became a vivid red, and the burning machine came roaring
down, crackling and spluttering as the ammunition went off in the
flames. For a few minutes it seemed that it must come down right on
the top of Battalion Headquarters, but eventually it crashed about two
hundred yards away on the open stretch between Battalion Headquarters
and Spain Avenue. Both the occupants must have been dead before the
machine reached the ground; the pilot was burned beyond recognition
in the machine; the observer, an artillery officer, fell out about
fifty feet from the ground, and among his papers we found a secret
correction card for artillery shooting with aeroplane observation. All
attempts to salve anything from the machine proved fruitless. It burned
and smouldered for more than twenty-four hours, and its proximity was
rendered dangerous by the exploding ammunition.
The question of our billets now began to exercise our minds. The 2/7th
K.L.R., in spite of remonstrances, had been located at first in a row
of houses close to the Houplines Level Crossing. In that position
they had been continually shelled, and the powers that be had finally
decided to move them back to a more salubrious locality. This we were
very glad to hear, because, other things being equal, billets that are
not regular targets for enemy artillery are distinctly preferable.
Casualties in billets are always more trying than elsewhere, as they
generally seem so gratuitous.
In the Houplines sector more than in any other our snipers and
observers had found plenty of scope for the exercise of their special
talents. The battalion observation post was in an upper room of a small
house in the Rue Solferino, a narrow street which ran off the main road
close to Tissage Dump. The Germans had kindly put a "dud" 5·9 through
the gable end, thereby providing an excellent view point. The official
apparatus installed in this spot was a telescope working on a pivot
which was fixed to a quadrant. The observer sat on a chair raised on a
rough platform to the necessary height, while next to him sat another
man to make the necessary written notes of observations. In addition to
a blanket to screen the shell-hole, the observation post was supplied
with maps and compass, and also a telephone to Battalion Headquarters
and the battery immediately in rear. A fine view of the enemy trenches
and the ground in rear was obtainable from this observation post. In
addition, there were three sniping posts in the front line, from which
subsequently P. G. Jones, Maddocks, Matchett, and Corkill all secured
definite "hits"; while for additional observation purposes there was
a natural observation post half-way up Irish Avenue, about level with
the support line, from which much valuable information of a more local
description was obtained.
On May 1st the activity of the hostile artillery began to give evidence
of registration on the left half of the battalion front, and support
lines, important trench junctions, and communication trenches received
direct hits or bursts sufficiently near to be suggestive. That night,
as had been anticipated, it being the German Labour Day, sounds of
shouting were clearly heard from the enemy lines, while a regular
"Brock's benefit" was kept up for a considerable time. Next day the
registration was even more marked, so early on the morning of May 4th
2nd-Lieutenant Hodgkinson and a small party of stout-hearted men from
"D" Company (Walmsley, Mann, Moore, Evans, Woods, and Bissell) crept
out to try to kidnap a German sentry. They worked their way up to a
post in Centaur Trench opposite the Pont Ballot salient, and got right
under the parapet without being detected. Hodgkinson was, in fact, just
climbing into the trench to effect the capture when, most unluckily,
the relief arrived, and one of them spotted the blackened face of
Rifleman Mann peering over the parapet. Dawn had broken and the game
was up. Bombs were hurled in among the Germans, the fellow who had
spotted Mann receiving a back-hander from a Mills grenade in the face,
and the party raced for home under a hail of machine-gun bullets, rifle
grenades, and "pineapples." No casualties were sustained, and, as the
G.O.C. Division remarked, "it was a bold and useful bit of work," which
only failed through sheer bad luck.
At 10 p.m. the 2/7th K.L.R. began to arrive, and at 12.40 a.m., relief
being complete, the various companies and platoons were making for
Tissage Dump, where transport awaited the Lewis guns and trench stores.
"C" Company moved into the subsidiary line.
Two companies were billeted in large houses in the Rue Jesuit adjoining
Brigade Headquarters. These must have been fine residences once, and
even the ravages of war had not been able entirely to destroy their
architectural pretensions. What was of more importance, they were very
strongly built and had good cellar accommodation.
The other two companies were at 57, Rue de Lille, where the battalion
had spent the evening _en route_ for the Rue du Bois. Battalion
Headquarters were in a good house, No. 3, Rue Bayard, a turning
off the Rue de Lille. You entered through a gateway into a paved
courtyard, surrounded by various domestic offices, and thence up a
few steps into a roomy building with a delightful garden behind.
The dining-room contained a book-case full of beautifully bound
volumes. The Quartermaster's Stores were situated in a large house
in the Rue de Lille, opposite which the truck-lines for the trenches
started. Mule-drawn trolleys as far as Tissage Dump, and from there
smaller trucks man-handled, were the methods of transport employed.
The transport lines remained at Bac St. Maur. For the men there
were several good estaminets dotted about the town; while a good
meal for officers could be obtained at the "Au Bœuf," an ordinary
French provincial restaurant, while the more fastidious frequented
"Lucienne's," opposite the church of Notre Dâme. There was also
"Madame Burberry's" shop, where most items of clothing and field kit
were on sale.
The period in reserve was not without incident. To begin with, General
Headquarters' pamphlet S.S. 143, "The Training of Platoons for
Offensive Action," had just been issued. It contained a scheme for the
employment of a platoon as a small force of all arms--one section Lewis
gunners, one rifle grenadiers, one bombers, and one riflemen, with
a platoon headquarters consisting of the officer, platoon sergeant,
runner, and signaller. Each battalion was now ordered to tell off
one platoon for special instruction in this latest scheme. This was
not particularly difficult, except that the average strength of a
platoon and its four sections never approached the strength of the
"War Establishment" platoon for whose instruction these illuminating
pamphlets were always designed. The selection of ground proved far more
difficult, but an open space in the vicinity of the Nieppe Bridge,
where some old practice trenches stood, afforded reasonable facilities
at a moderate distance from the billets. The Second-in-Command, Major
H. K. Wilson, undertook to find a site, and ultimately decided upon
what seemed suitable for the purpose. Unfortunately, the site selected
had also been chosen as the position for certain silent batteries
and defensive machine-gun companies, who watched Major Wilson making
notes in his notebook and arrested him as a suspected person. Major
Wilson persuaded the machine gunners to accompany him to Battalion
Headquarters, whence, after he had been identified, they retired,
feeling no doubt that they had at least done their duty. The incident
caused considerable merriment, but to no one more than to the officer
chiefly concerned.
The shelling of Armentières by the enemy had recently become a daily
and nightly operation. Our gradual increase of guns of major calibre
hidden among the houses--there were two 8-inch howitzers in a garden in
the Rue Bayard--was quite sufficient to attract hostile notice. Apart
from Armentières itself, the enemy had also been busy shelling many
back areas, and in retaliation the Second Army decided on a general
back area shoot, commencing at 7.30 p.m. on April 7th, and all ranks
were warned to keep under cover.
The shoot duly commenced, but in spite of the din we heard what
sounded uncommonly like a barrage on the 2/7th K.L.R. front. However,
we imagined, as at first did they, that this was the anticipated
retaliation. At 7.45 p.m. a false gas alarm occurred, but at 8 p.m.
the order came for the battalion to stand-to. The raid for which we
thought the Germans had been registering had actually come off, and,
as ill-luck would have it, at the same moment as our area shoot. At
10.15 p.m. we were ordered to send up a company to reinforce the 2/7th
K.L.R., and "D" Company duly moved off, returning at dawn the next
morning without casualties. A further barrage at 10 p.m. caused a
second stand-to, but the fire died away in a short time, and normal
conditions were finally re-established.
On May 8th "A" Company relieved "C" Company in the subsidiary line,
and full particulars of the raids were obtainable. The enemy had
certainly put up a very fine barrage, but fortunately "C" Company had
escaped casualties, though Captain Eccles, returning from Battalion
Headquarters, had a narrow escape, and had been forced on one occasion
to make a somewhat hasty descent into a muddy ditch.
Preparations now commenced for the relief, an operation which became
easier every time the battalion returned to the old sector. On May 11th
the Lewis gunners moved in, and the trollies were soon busy trundling
up and down the Houplines road, which became more unhealthy every day.
Shelling was, in fact, much more frequent and general by day, though
our nights also were regularly disturbed by the scream and crash of
the shells landing in the houses. The area round the Pont de Nieppe
attracted special attention, and many civilians were killed or wounded.
The gas-works, where a number of guns were concentrated, the churches
of Notre Dâme and St. Vaast, the Rue Sadi Carnot, the railway station,
and other places, also came in for their share of attention, till
really one began to think that perhaps the trenches were preferable to
the billets.
On May 10th a Padre was attached to us, the Rev. M. T. Eland, and it
was arranged that he should share Captain McHugh's elegant quarters at
Tissage Dump. This was a reasonably intact house, containing, amongst
other choice bits of furniture collected from the neighbouring houses,
some beautiful plush-covered chairs. The area just beyond Tissage Dump
itself used to come in for a good deal of shelling, but McHugh slept
unconcernedly on the first floor, and paid little attention to the
noise of falling débris and the hum of flying splinters. It was a handy
place of call for visitors, often rather breathless in consequence
of having traversed the last part of the Houplines road in what the
text-books call "a series of short rushes."
Just before the relief the enemy expended more than his usual quantity
of ammunition on Armentières, and we were not sorry when he desisted
shortly before the march to the trenches was scheduled to commence. The
relief itself was carried out without any interference on the part of
the foe. The companies had been moved round, and the order from right
to left was "A," "B," "C," "D." To our disgust, we found that great
quantities of gas were in process of being installed in our sector,
projectors being located near the cemetery and on the extreme left.
Every night large carrying parties of the Irish came struggling up the
trenches; and for the benefit of those who have never had personal
experience, it may be stated that gas cylinders are no light weight
and are awkward things to handle, apart from the extremely unpleasant
nature of their contents should a flying piece of shell happen to
cause a leak. One very wet night, when the duck-boards, slippery with
the rain, made the task more than usually distressing, Captain Eccles
was passing down Wessex Avenue on his nightly tour of inspection.
Suddenly the sounds of highly-coloured language from the direction of
the Fry Pan attracted his attention. Now, it was quite easy to turn
into the Fry Pan unwittingly, and even in daylight very far from easy
to find your way out again. An unfortunate carrying party, loaded
with cylinders, were found by Captain Eccles just completing their
third tour round this circular redoubt--an occupation which, when the
frequent low overhead traverses were concealed by the blackness of the
night, would warrant the employment of any form of bad language. Great
apprehension existed in the minds of the authorities, and not without
reason, lest the enemy should detect what was going on. Cylinders and
gas were never allowed to be alluded to as such either in the front
line or on the telephone. They were called "eggs," and incidentally
by the men many other names not fit for publication. In addition to
this, companies had to send out covering parties into No Man's Land
to prevent the approach of any inquisitive German. Lying flat on your
stomach in wet mud and grass on a drenching night, and for two hours
at a stretch, is most dispiriting work, especially if you have to live
in your soaking garments for the next eight days, with the added joy
of expecting that you may be in the front line when the gas is being
released. Fortunately, during these operations the enemy remained
exceedingly quiet. Artillery destructive shoots drew no response; and
a rifle grenade and light trench mortar battery shoot on Cell Trench,
and wire-cutting in front of Centaur Trench by medium trench mortar
batteries, produced no effect on him whatever.
The damage done by the raid barrage was found to be considerable. A
trench which had been laboriously constructed from the left-centre
Company Headquarters to the detached post at Hobbs Farm, previously
only accessible viâ Cambridge Avenue, had been completely obliterated.
It appeared to have been in the 100 per cent. zone of the barrage
line, and though to save time one did go along it, one risked constant
exposure.
The observers now began to notice considerable movement in and behind
the enemy's line. Men were seen wearing packs, others popped their
heads over the parapet, and transport was heard at night. A relief was
suspected, and on May 17th the suspicion was more than confirmed by
the unusual activity of the Germans. Their attitude became suddenly
aggressive. "Pineapples" became unpleasantly frequent on the left
company sector, and a sniper reappeared in the old loophole in the
Chicken Run, which had not been used for fifteen days. Fortunately,
the larger "minnie," which commenced operations just before our last
tour ended, showed no signs of activity; it was probably part of a
"travelling circus" brought up for the raid. Anyhow, "pineapples,"
small though they may be, are noisy and destructive, and made the
left company sector very unpopular. There was also a long-range light
"minnie" which carried nearly to the subsidiary line. Artillery
activity, though spasmodic, was considerable on some days. The
left-hand communication trenches--Edmeads and, more particularly, Irish
Avenues--were heavily shelled, direct hits being not infrequent, and
parties were always being sent to clear away the fallen earth. On other
days a few rounds on Houplines and two or three bursts of shrapnel over
the cemetery were the only signs of activity.
On May 20th Colonel Fletcher went on leave, and Major H. K. Wilson
assumed command of the battalion.
On the night of May 20th we made an attempt to get into Centaur Trench,
but the party was detected, and had to retire hastily under a shower of
grenades. At 2 a.m. the next morning the enemy returned the compliment
by trying to cut off a bombing post situated between Edmeads and Hobbs
Farms. The operation commenced with a sudden shower of stick grenades,
and a couple of men were seen trying to get through the wire into
the derelict trenches in "N" Gap. Bombs were thrown and rapid fire
opened, and Rifleman "Gink" Bailey distinguished himself by standing
on the parapet and slanging the Germans to the full extent of his very
adequate Irish-American vocabulary. The Germans, disliking this, or at
any rate not appreciating their general reception, withdrew, and a
patrol was immediately dispatched, which located a dead German on the
wire. He proved to belong to the 14th Bavarian I.R. Shrapnel was called
for on the enemy's front line to welcome their return, after which the
night settled down to its normal state once more.
As the spring advanced the trenches lost a great deal of their barren
unloveliness. What had been mud or greyish-looking grass now became
a deep and luxuriant carpet of bright fresh green, with many a wild
flower peeping out here and there. The trees, which so far had been but
gaunt skeletons, began to cover their nakedness with fresh foliage.
The sides of Gloucester Avenue were gay with poppies and white
daisies; Sussex Avenue became an ideal country footpath, dotted with
may-trees; and even that forbidding-looking spot the Orchard assumed
quite a cheerful aspect. Round Cambridge House the lilacs blossomed
out, both purple and white. Roses bloomed in the old gardens near
Tissage Dump, and later on a small crop of strawberries and currants
was gathered there. A stroll round the line in the early morning was a
real pleasure. Just as the dawn was breaking you could wander anywhere.
Not a shot would be fired and the guns were silent. As the sun climbed
higher in the heavens, the pleasant smell of fresh, moist earth filled
the nostrils, instead of the stale stench of which one had grown so
sick. Dew-spangled grasses and fern overhanging the trench brushed
your face as you passed along. In the rapidly clearing mist that
heralded the hot day even the ugliest features of the line seemed to
take on a certain softening outline, a certain grace in harmony with
the countryside. High over No Man's Land you could see the fluttering
lark, and all the air was resonant with its trilling notes. The call
of the cuckoo sounded from the trees, and the chatter of sparrows and
finches in the overgrown hedges filled the air with a merry sound,
while but a few hours previously the nightingale had been pouring out
its full-throated melody. "Oh, to be in England now that April's here!"
How we re-echoed Browning's wish, with the substitution for "April"
of the month of June, at which we had now arrived! How true the words
seemed, how deep their significance! Beautiful as Nature was around us,
rejoiced as we were at this delightful contrast to the hideousness of
strife, yet it increased the bitterness and made one feel more keenly
than ever the loathsome misery of war. How one pictured to oneself the
peaceful beauty of the English countryside, so like this in outward
appearance, and yet so different in reality! How one longed for the war
to be over, to wander once more in the fields on a summer's morn, with
the black clouds of war cleared away for good, and not merely lifted
for a few precious moments!
Boom! The "morning hate" has begun. With a start we come back from
our pleasant dreams. Another stifling day is before us, and the
never-ending struggle with its monotony, its destruction, its every
detestable feature, claims us once more for its own.
One of the special delights of the Commanding Officer was crawling
about exposed parts of the sector by day. It was not only his anxiety
to acquire an accurate knowledge of his sector, though that was
certainly one reason; he wanted to find out where every derelict trench
led to, what secrets lay hidden in those areas of abandoned chaos in
which the sector abounded, and no one could ever have known his sector
better than did Colonel Fletcher. But apart from all this, his old
big-game hunting instincts were aroused. This time he was not tracking
the shy koodoo or the skulking lion, but matching his brains and his
woodcraft against the ever-watchful German. Major Geddes more than
once accompanied him on these excursions, as he crawled and wriggled
on his stomach from place to place, now lying up to use telescope and
field-glasses, now tracing out all the intricacies of our own or the
enemy trenches. Home the pair would come at last, with the perspiration
streaming down their faces. "Well, that is the best afternoon I have
had since the war started!" the Commanding Officer would exclaim, as
he sat mopping his face and drinking large cups of tea.
The gas attack had originally been fixed for the night of May
20th-21st. The targets selected for the projectors were Census
Support Line, Les 4 Hallots Farm, and Battalion Headquarters at
Census Farm. The inclusion of the latter target caused some people
certain misgivings, as they had a suspicion--afterwards confirmed
from a captured German map--that our own Headquarters were not
unknown to the enemy. The usual invasion of our sector by "N" and "L"
Special Companies, R.E., took place on the night in question. Extra
telephones had been rigged up, and in addition cryptic messages about
"presentations of medals" and "indents for bicycles" came frequently
over the 'phone. At the last moment the wind veered round, as it
frequently did at night. It was too late to cancel the orders by
message, so a special signal rocket was fired from Headquarters. It
was a red, green and red rocket. The first one lighted refused to
move at all; but the second, a parachute light, went up with a roar
for about twenty feet, and then sailed off along the subsidiary line.
Fortunately, it was successful in stopping the discharge of the gas.
We took a more than usual interest in this discharge, as it appeared
that we could not be relieved till it took place. However, in the end,
when we had been in ten days, the attack was definitely postponed for
twenty-four hours to allow the relief to be effected. On the early
morning of May 22nd 2nd-Lieutenants Hodgkinson and Little with patrols
attempted entries into the German line at Cell Trench, opposite Hobbs
Farm and at Centaur Trench respectively. Both were spotted and heavily
bombed, Little being slightly wounded, but not sufficiently for
evacuation. Lieutenant Alcock two days previously had been hit in the
eye by a splinter from a "pineapple," and had retired temporarily to a
Base hospital.
In spite of rather depressing accounts from the 2/7th K.L.R. as to
shelling in the vicinity of billets, we were glad to find, on May
22nd, that the relief, twice postponed, was really to take place.
Dug-outs or "bivvies" are not particularly comfortable--some, indeed,
very much the reverse. You get tired of stooping, of working by the
light of one miserable candle, of eating at odd times and of sleeping
at odd hours. The daily and nightly tours round the line become more
than usually wearisome. Duck-boards seem to get more treacherous, angle
irons and stray bits of barbed wire seem to project still farther from
the sides of trenches; while for the man in the post--and everyone
else's position is bliss compared with his--the time must have been
trying indeed. Not that it was particularly dangerous, though even in
quiet sectors most posts have their highly unpleasant periods; but it
was infinitely uncomfortable and trying to the last degree. Besides,
there was the pleasant hope that the wind would surely be favourable
for one night at least out of the next eight, and then the 2/7th
K.L.R., and not we, would experience the delights of a gas discharge,
to the accompaniment of the applause of the enemy, which was usually
of a vigorous nature. However, the relief took place at last without
any hitch, and the early hours of May 23rd found us back in our old
billets in Armentières. The routine was the same as last time--working
parties, one platoon for special training, and the remainder general
training. The new extension for the box-respirator was also fitted,
and in addition we received twenty horse respirators, to which even
the mules raised no violent objection. The opportunity was also taken
to have all the swords sharpened. Two officers at a time were attached
for instruction to A/286 Battery, R.F.A., and as the latter's quarters
were situated in a comfortable orchard, the two days allowed passed
pleasantly enough.
On May 26th "B" Company, who had remained in the subsidiary line, were
relieved by "D" Company. Early the next morning sounds were heard
suggestive of a gas attack. The great bell at Houplines Level Crossing
was tolling. Runners flew off to rouse the companies. Officers appeared
at doorways, clothed in pyjamas, gum-boots, and box-respirators;
while Lieutenant James, the Gas Officer, sniffed the early morning air
like a war-horse scenting battle. Each person in turn thought he smelt
chlorine--or was it phosgene? In every case it turned out to be the
smell of a stale cigar, the proximity of the refuse-bin, or something
else equally harmless. Gas there was none, and at length, after
conversation with the Brigade, it was discovered that a few gas shells
had fallen near the sentry at the level-crossing, and thus produced an
alarm. So back we all went, cursing, to bed, everyone feeling a bit
resentful that after we had been thus disturbed no gas had come after
all.
On May 29th the gas stored in Houplines was at length released. The
only part that we took in the proceedings was the posting of six
stretcher-bearers at the top of Irish Avenue, an unpleasant spot,
though fortunately they sustained no casualties.
During these days in billets the presence of the Battalion Orchestra
made itself felt, with excellent results. The instruments had been
brought over for us by the Division. It was a considerable item
for regimental baggage, consisting as it did of ten instruments.
Sergeant Lawton, battalion sanitary N.C.O., was in charge of the
orchestra, and played the trombone when his duties permitted. Rifleman
Garrod, the first violin, was a player of exceptional merit from the
Liverpool Philharmonic Orchestra. As a soloist he was particularly
fine. The remaining members of the party, all well above the average,
were--violins, Lewin, Hardacre, and Lance-Corporal Hume; viola,
Edmondson; 'cellos, Kaye and Kennedy; bass, Lance-Corporal Buckley;
trombone, Williams; drums, Burden; and librarian (self-styled and
self-appointed), Rifleman King. Lance-Corporal Bell, from the
Quartermaster's Stores, occasionally performed on the oboe. Rifleman
Collins, an excellent violinist, had been left behind, unfortunately,
in England suffering from influenza.
By arrangement with the other units of the Brigade, our contribution
to the recently formed Brigade Pioneer Company was reduced by the
strength of the orchestra. In return for this, the latter was always
loaned to another battalion while we were in the line, and also for
special occasions when we were out. In addition, it used to play for
our own mess on guest nights, and very delightful it was; and also
occasionally for the Divisional Concert Party's performances, and
for the Brigade and Divisional Commanders. It was in great demand
everywhere, and there can be no doubt that the results more than
justified the employment of the personnel thus utilized. Another
invaluable asset was Rifleman Kessen, a very prince of conjurers. He
seemed to have an infinity of excellent tricks, and he fooled you under
your very nose in the most baffling fashion.
On May 31st the battalion once more relieved the 2/7th K.L.R. The
arrangement of companies--"A," "B," "D," "C" from the right--was due
to the forthcoming raid, to be carried out by parties from "A" and
"B" Companies on Centaur Trench, opposite the Pont Ballot salient.
This necessitated "A" and "B" Companies being as near the proposed
area as possible. Colonel Fletcher arrived in the line from leave at
midnight, and with characteristic energy proceeded at once on a tour of
inspection.
This spell in the line was one of exceptional activity. To begin
with, there was the impending raid, which, being our first, occupied
nine-tenths of our thoughts. There were innumerable special patrols
to examine the wire and the approaches to the points of entry; the
artillery wire-cutting operations had to be settled; the incessant
visits to observation posts and the selection of forming-up places,
raid headquarters, regimental aid posts, etc., to be arranged for. In
addition to all this, the Battle of Messines took place during the
tour. Immediately after that came orders for following up the enemy, if
he voluntarily evacuated his trenches; and before we were half through
that came schemes for the defence of Armentières in the event of an
attack by the Germans. But we must take things in order.
The morning after relief (June 1st, 1917) the enemy dropped a
"pineapple" into a Lewis-gun post of "C" Company, killing three men
and wounding two. His activity in this direction was now so great that
steps had to be taken to cope with it. Two light trench mortars were
permanently established in the front line, and for every "pineapple" we
returned a number of Stokes shells. The teams did not have a pleasant
time of it, as the Germans made every endeavour to knock them out; but
they stuck to it gallantly, and by the end of the time their efforts
had become singularly effective, although the enemy later retaliated by
producing a medium "minnie."
A slight scare was caused by the alleged appearance of a German near
"C" Company's cook-house, at the left extremity of the subsidiary line,
and patrols spent several nights down by the river trying to catch the
supposed intruder. Whether there was anything in the rumour or not was
never satisfactorily settled, but it would have been perfectly simple
for him to get there. Between our left and the river there was a gap of
a couple of hundred yards, which after weeks of fine weather had become
dry and hard, and, as subsequent investigations after the Armistice
proved, there was ample cover for a whole battalion to come up unseen.
Moreover, the German raids on the left sector must have revealed to
them the absence of any serious opposition in that part of the line. In
fact, the liability of the battalion to be outflanked on the left was
the subject of a strong memorandum from Colonel Fletcher, but nothing
was done except that some wire was erected later, and a Lewis gun post
located in the cellar of a ruined house close to the river and in line
with our support line. The presence of fresh earth on a footbridge
crossing a branch of the Lys, which was discovered by the patrol,
certainly gave some colour to the story of "C" Company's cook.
June 4th, 5th, and 6th produced barrages on the Messines Ridge; they
took place each afternoon, and lasted for about an hour. It was
understood that barely half of the guns to be employed on the day were
in action, but it was a wonderfully awe-inspiring sight to watch the
effect of the mass of shells crashing down on the slopes of the ridge.
The heavies in Armentières and our own 18-pounders took part in these
preliminary barrages, with the result that the shelling of Armentières
by the enemy became intense, and particularly in the vicinity of
battery positions, which constant firing had now revealed to the enemy,
and produced the most severe counter-battery work on his part. Our
trenches, too, received marked attention. The enemy seems always to
have been suspicious of an attack on Frelinghien, and he set to work
on the left and left-centre company sectors with great determination.
Shells of a calibre not usually employed in ordinary trench warfare
began to plough up our communication trenches, Irish Avenue especially.
Cambridge House was frequently shelled intensely, and, in fact, there
was no part of our sector that did not receive considerable attention
daily. The wire-cutting on the right provoked the enemy terribly, and
each time it was carried out severe retaliation took place. Houplines
road was now shelled regularly with great bursts of 5·9's and heavy
shrapnel. One 4·2 battery kept up such an incessant fire into the
vicinity of Tissage Dump that we used to call it the "rising tide," the
noise of the stream of shells as they passed over sounding not unlike
the steady onrush of the sea.
Quesnoy, nearly opposite to us, we used to bombard heavily, and some
part of it was usually on fire. Frelinghien was frequently almost
hidden in red dust, while Wytschaete Ridge for long periods at a
stretch looked as if it were enveloped in a sandstorm. Every night
north of the Lys one or both sides were raiding, and the rumble of
barrages, the red bursts of shrapnel, and the stream of coloured
rockets continued well on into the daylight.
[Illustration: Photo by Gale & Polden, Ltd., Aldershot.
SERGEANTS' MESS--WOKING, FEBRUARY, 1917.]
At 3.10 a.m. on June 7th the Battle of Messines opened with the
most tremendous mine explosions and the most magnificent barrage
that can be imagined. It was a lovely morning, and there was not a
cloud in the sky. With a stupendous roar and upheaval that baffles
description the mines exploded. Simultaneously the whole weight of the
artillery gathered together for the occasion, and hidden away in every
conceivable place, opened on the enemy. From their trenches lights of
many colours shot into the air, mutely appealing for assistance from
their gunners. These were not long in replying, but our counter-battery
work, which had left them in false security during the preliminary
barrages, was dealing faithfully with them now. For a few moments the
ridge stood out clear and distinct. Then clouds of smoke and dust shut
out the view, and it was only by the alteration in the sound that we
knew that the barrage was creeping forward, and we waited anxiously for
the telegrams announcing the result.
During the first few hours we were unmolested. A 4·2 battery opened on
Houplines ten minutes before zero, but switched as soon as the barrage
opened. About 7 a.m., however, "whizz-bangs" came down in a regular
barrage on the front line, and then high explosives up and down the
subsidiary line for about a couple of hours. Between two and six in
the afternoon the enemy concentrated on Tissage Dump, putting over
300 high explosive shells into that locality during the four hours.
Aeroplanes were very busy, and a German machine dropped two bombs about
fifty yards from Battalion Headquarters. The enemy balloons were in a
state of great excitement, being hauled down whenever a plane appeared,
till at last one of them apparently got tired of this, broke away,
and sailed off out of sight. One thing that greatly interested us was
that both this day and the next the enemy shelled his own front line
opposite the Brewery. Up to the end of this tour the Germans continued
intensely active, the left sector and Irish Avenue receiving the lion's
share of the shelling.
One very necessary piece of work was completed before we quitted the
trenches--the cutting of the grass in front of the parapet. It was
now so high and so close to the parapet that it entirely obstructed
the view through the periscope, and made it quite possible for a man
to work his way unseen right up to the trenches. Sickles had to be
obtained and parties went out nightly to "cut the hay crop." To do this
just in front of the posts alone would, of course, have revealed their
exact position to any inquisitive airman, and a strip had therefore to
be cut along the whole length of the front line.
At 9.30 p.m. on June 9th the leading company of the 2/7th K.L.R. began
to arrive. At the last moment, owing to the continued harassing fire
of the Germans on to the Houplines road, we decided to proceed out by
Lunatic Lane in the right battalion sector. This was a long and winding
communication trench which so far had sustained little damage. It
brought you out by the Lunatic Asylum, and from there you went up the
Rue Gambetta and so on to the Rue de Lille. "C" Company remained in the
subsidiary line.
On arrival in billets we were somewhat astonished to learn that we
were under orders to move at one hour's notice, and that guides to
bring up reinforcing troops were always to be kept in readiness at
Battalion Headquarters. The retirement of the enemy, after the Battle
of Messines, from his remaining trenches north of the River Lys had
caused the Higher Command to think that a partial retirement might be
effected opposite our front also. Consequently some most elaborate
schemes to meet this emergency had been issued, and we were now in the
throes of trying to draw up, in conjunction with the 2/7th K.L.R., a
scheme of movement in the event of the enemy's voluntary withdrawal.
We were therefore not a little surprised to find signs that an attack
by the Germans might now be expected. The mental effort required
to concentrate your attention simultaneously on an advance and a
defence--and both had to be fully provided for--and at the same time
to attend to the all-absorbing orders and arrangements for the raid,
proved somewhat exhausting. For clearness' sake we will take them one
by one, but it should be remembered that three sets of orders, and in
addition a salvage scheme (a kind of corollary to the advance orders),
were all drawn up at the same time, and the difficulty of remembering
which you were working on at any particular moment was by no means
imaginary.
Operation Order No. 22, dated June 15th, 1917, began with the words:
"In the event of the enemy voluntarily evacuating his present front
line system opposite the battalion frontage, companies will be ready to
move forward and occupy the sectors of the enemy line with minimum of
delay." The orders ran into fifteen headings with seven appendices and,
it need hardly be added, three pages of subsequent amendments, dated
July 1st. As the orders, fortunately, were never put into operation, it
will be sufficient to deal with them quite briefly. Each company was
allotted an area in the enemy front line, and on the word "floreat"
fighting patrols, consisting of one officer and twenty-four men, were
expected to dash across No Man's Land "at ten minutes' notice." The
difficulty of this initial part of the proceedings did not at first
occur to the higher authorities, but some weeks later the time allowed
was suddenly increased to six hours!
A consolidating platoon, armed with picks, shovels, sand-bags, etc.,
followed as a carrying party; and, finally, Company Headquarters moved
into the German front line, and Battalion Headquarters moved up to
Edmeads Farm. The Brigade Pioneer Company, assisted by working parties
from the reserve battalion, were responsible for digging communication
trenches from Fiji Road on the right and Hobbs Farm on the left, to
the enemy's front line. The Reserve Battalion Headquarters and two
remaining companies moved up to the subsidiary line.
To assist in these operations advanced dumps, containing vast
quantities of R.E. stores and bombs and small-arms ammunition, were
gradually accumulated in the vicinity of the front line, to the great
delight of the Germans, who shelled them cheerfully. An elaborate
system of flags and identification marks was also evolved. In addition
to this, it being now presumed that we had to all intents and purposes
occupied the German trenches, the collection of salvage from our old
trenches became a matter of considerable moment, and comprehensive
orders were issued for that work also; but these we may pass over.
To change for a moment from the offensive to the defensive, it was
also considered possible that the enemy was likely to make an attack
on Armentières, in the hope of obtaining a good headline, "Capture
of Armentières," for his newspapers, which might divert attention
from the rumour that Messines had fallen. Moreover, his possession of
Armentières would have made our tenure of Messines Ridge extremely
uncomfortable, if not impossible. Consequently, an extensive system of
routes for reinforcing troops was worked out, and guides instructed
for this purpose. Men not required to carry bombs and R.E. material
to the front line dumps were now collecting similar material in
Armentières itself. Others were busily engaged wiring up the streets,
building machine-gun emplacements, and generally trying to make up in
a few weeks for the total neglect of the old defences, which during
the last two years had decayed to a degree almost beyond repair. A
Major was appointed O.C. Armentières Defences, and the place began to
hum with life and movement. Throughout the proceedings the foe kept
up continual shelling with every description of gun, and made life in
the town anything but comfortable. The swimming-baths, which had been
so acceptable, had to be abandoned owing to the fact that they only
had a glass roof, and shells came perilously near it. Training was
confined to the vicinity of billets, or more often to the cellars. The
destruction of the big brewery near Pont de Nieppe, whence came our
beer supply, so needed in those scorching hot days, helped to complete
our unhappiness. The baths near Erquinghem were also destroyed, thanks
to the action of the Heavy Artillery Commander, who had placed some
60-pounders just in front of them. The sight of the soldier bathers,
in every kind of dress or undress, running wildly across the fields in
the company of the French laundry-maids certainly produced considerable
merriment; but the price paid for this piece of humour, the entire
demolition of the only bathing-place reasonably handy, was thought to
be excessive.
The only people who really appreciated the spell out of the line were
the raiding party. Captain Steward, Captain Parker, Lieutenant Clarke,
2nd-Lieutenant Moseley, and 100 men were comfortably installed close to
Croix du Bac in the quarters of the old Divisional Reinforcement Camp,
which had recently been moved to Steenwerck, the present railhead.
Division Headquarters had removed from the White Chateau at Sailly,
and were now in Croix du Bac; and a field close to their offices was
secured for the training-ground. Here a replica of the enemy trenches
was made with tapes and turned sods, care being taken to add sufficient
"duds" to mislead the aerial photographer should he chance to wander
over. Aeroplane photos were studied till the head nearly swam to ensure
that the reproduced line corresponded as exactly as possible with the
original. Throughout these proceedings Captain Glyn, G.S.O.3, was most
helpful in procuring photographs and maps. The choice of the sector to
be raided was limited by the necessity of having reasonable approaches
to our own front line, and these the right sector alone provided.
Moreover, the old road passing through the Pont Ballot salient made
a fine natural guide, and was selected as such for the right flank.
Centaur Trench and support, with their two communication trenches,
Centaur Lane and Centaur Row, formed roughly speaking the area of
operations. There were three parties--Captain Parker and twenty men
of "D" Company, who were to enter on the right; Lieutenant Clarke and
sixteen men of "A" Company in the centre, though Clarke himself was to
remain on the parapet with a 'phone to our own front line to Captain
Steward, O.C. Raid; and 2nd-Lieutenant Moseley and thirty-one men of
"B" Company, who were to enter on the left. The route up to the gap in
the wire was to be indicated by tapes. Bridges were to be laid and the
parties formed up in No Man's Land between sign-boards by zero minus
three minutes. The barrage was to lift and the raid commence at zero
plus two minutes. The duty of the blocking parties, etc., was worked
out to the smallest detail and rehearsed again and again.
The co-operation of medium trench mortar batteries, light trench mortar
batteries, and machine guns was on a large scale both for barrage and
neutralizing purposes. The artillery consisted of 18-pounders and 4·5
howitzers, fourteen pieces in all. All this time the Quartermaster was
busy collecting revolvers, knobkerries, torches, and all the other
minor but necessary articles of equipment, and many were the alarums
and excursions.
During this period in billets the reorganized seniority of the
Territorial Force was published, all temporary rank being cancelled. We
suddenly found ourselves with no Majors and only four Captains, while
several of our Company Commanders fell to 2nd-Lieutenants. The system
of promotion to acting ranks was, however, at once instituted, and we
resumed most of our original ranks, though Major Charles Wilson lost
his majority, only one Major being allowed instead of two. About this
time Captain Bowring took over command of "A" Company.
On June 12th "A" Company relieved "C" Company in the subsidiary line,
and on the 15th the battalion relieved the 2/7th K.L.R. The route
chosen was Buterne Avenue, the common communication trench between
ourselves and the right battalion. Owing to the destructive shooting
of the enemy, Irish Avenue had more or less ceased to exist; and "C"
Company, who once more found themselves in this unhealthy sector, had
to use Cambridge Avenue and Regent Street, which made their relief a
slow and tedious process. "B" Company was on the right, and then came
"A" and "D" Companies. Owing to the raiding detachment being left out
of the line, "D" Company had to be assisted by a loan of men from "C"
Company; while "A" and "B" Companies were supplemented by various
employed men--buglers, grooms, etc.--normally left out of the line.
The sector was again full of gas, and the persistent efforts of the
R.Es. to discharge it seriously hampered the patrolling that had to
be carried out nightly in the vicinity of the area to be raided, and
which was of vital importance. The real nature of the bridge over the
ditches, which eventually proved to be a brick culvert, had long been
in dispute, and Lieutenant Royle, the Intelligence Officer, spent
every night while we were in Armentières with the Battalion scouts
in No Man's Land up to and including the night of the raid. In spite
of his multifarious duties as Intelligence Officer and his two daily
summaries, he never spared himself in his efforts to make certain that
the gaps were open and the routes beyond dispute. The enemy activity
had meanwhile still further increased. Irish Avenue was reduced to a
mere chain of shell-holes and débris, while every communication trench,
and in fact every part of the sector, was well hammered. We were
surprised and pleased to find how well the gas cylinders stood being
knocked about.
On June 20th a practice disconnection of all telephones was ordered
by the Division. The result as far as we were concerned was highly
satisfactory, Battalion Headquarters getting a brief respite from
those in authority. As regards the internal routine work it made no
difference, as telephone messages had been reduced, at any rate during
the daytime, to the lowest possible figure. The repeated warnings
that the enemy could pick up messages, and later the presence of
a Police Listening Set in the subsidiary line, had greatly cooled
our enthusiasm for this form of communication. The daily report of
conversations picked up by the Listening Set was, in fact, a source of
much merriment, the angry remarks of Major Brookes one day to someone
at his battery causing special amusement. We also received a rather
futile complaint from the authorities, so to prevent a repetition of
similar rebukes we made a suitable arrangement with the Listening Set
personnel, who were located in a dug-out they had long coveted; and
after that our conversations, when picked up, were treated with more
discretion.
The enemy evinced considerable nervousness at night, possibly owing
to our active patrolling. On more than one occasion he bombed his
own wire. His apparent unpreparedness when our raid took place was
therefore the more surprising.
On the morning of June 20th a serious loss was sustained by the
Division. Lieutenant-Colonel Short, C.M.G., the artillery Group
Commander, had arranged to visit our Headquarters to discuss certain
details in connection with the barrage for the raid. His departure from
our Brigade Headquarters happened to synchronize with the arrival of
General Broadwood, who decided to walk up with him. They stopped for
a few minutes on a rather exposed bridge in Houplines to examine the
lie of the land. Whether they were observed or whether it was simply
bad luck will never be known, but the bridge at this moment received
a direct hit from a 5·9, and both officers were badly wounded. Their
orderlies at once carried the General to a place of comparative safety,
but while this was being done a second shell arrived, killing the
Group Commander on the spot. General Broadwood was taken straight to
Estaires, but his wounds proved mortal, and he only lingered for a
few hours. He was buried in the cemetery at Sailly. The whole affair
was a most unhappy tragedy, and the loss of the General was keenly
felt throughout the Division. Colonel Short had been indefatigable in
his efforts to ensure adequate support to our raid, and his cheerful
disposition and amusing stories had made him very popular at Battalion
Headquarters.
[Illustration: Photo by Gale & Polden, Ltd., Aldershot.
THE BATTALION, WOKING, FEBRUARY, 1917.]
June 21st was a busy day for all. The final preparations for the raid,
which was to commence early in the morning of June 22nd, were now in
full swing. The bridges had been brought up overnight, and were duly
concealed in the front line. Raid Headquarters, the advanced regimental
aid post, and all the other details, were now being finally completed.
The raiding party were brought up in lorries to the Houplines Level
Crossing after dark, each man with his face blackened and his label,
bearing number and name, tied to the top button of his jacket. All
other traces of identification had been removed. About 11 p.m. the
party was moving down from the subsidiary line with many a handshake
and a "Good luck, boys!" The men were all as keen as could be. The
official report has been reproduced as it stands. It gives a faithful
account of what happened. That the raid was not so successful as we had
hoped--that is to say, that no identification was obtained--was due
to several causes. First, Captain Parker himself and several of his
party were knocked out at the very start by pressing too close on the
barrage and being caught in a short burst of shrapnel. Next, Lieutenant
Clarke's party ought to have had an officer actually in the trench
with them; the men were willing enough in all conscience, but lacked
the controlling influence of the officer's presence. Then Lieutenant
Moseley's party missed their way, owing to fresh guides having to be
substituted at the last moment. Although we did not claim it as a
successful raid, yet there is no doubt that the effect on the battalion
was good, and the men who had taken part in it were keen to make
another attempt. Colonel Fletcher's disappointment was great, as he
had slaved from morning till night to make the raid a success. Captain
Parker's wounds were more serious than had at first been realized, and
at one time nearly proved fatal. His reception at the Casualty Clearing
Station was typical of his luck. He was, of course, wearing a "Tommy's"
jacket, and so by mistake was put into a "Tommies'" ward, and was
welcomed on his arrival by the words: "Gawd, Bill, here comes a b----
nigger!"
P. G. Jones, a Battalion Scout, who fell on this occasion, was one of
our best and keenest young soldiers, and very popular with everyone.
His death was a real personal loss to all who knew him.
* * * * *
REPORT ON MINOR OPERATION CARRIED OUT IN HOUPLINES
SUB-SECTOR ON THE NIGHT OF JUNE 21ST-22ND, 1917.
"_Strength of Party._--Three officers and 97 other ranks.
"_Point of Exit._--C.29.a.35.80--C.23.b.96.34.
"_Points of Entry._--C.29.a.48.17--C.29.a.62.41.
"_Time._--1.6 a.m. Entry reported by telephone.
"_Object._--(_a_) To continue a harassing policy and prevent the enemy
from withdrawing troops.
"(_b_) Killing and capturing as many of the enemy as possible.
"(_c_) Obtaining identification and gaining information regarding the
enemy's system of defence.
"_Narrative._--Minus five minutes zero: Bridges laid across ditch.
"Minus three minutes zero: All parties formed up across ditch.
"Zero: Barrage commenced exactly on time. All parties commenced moving
on objective.
"_Right (Parker's) Party._--This party was so keen to get into enemy's
trenches that they followed the barrage too closely, and in consequence
suffered the following casualties:--
"The leading scout was killed, and the officer who was close behind
him was wounded in the leg and neck and could not go on. The N.C.O. in
charge of the leading party was fatally wounded, and two of his men
were incapacitated. The N.C.O. in charge of the second party was hit,
and one of his men was killed and another wounded.
"The remainder of the party carried on and entered the enemy trench
as arranged. The party who were detailed to work along the trench to
the right found a concrete dug-out, fitted with iron doors, in the
front-line trench as anticipated, at about C.28.a.48.10. There was
a light in the dug-out, and three men were seen inside wearing blue
uniform with Red Cross brassards. They were summoned to come out, but
refused, and a bomb was therefore thrown into the dug-out just before
the men inside had time to slam the iron door. The bomb exploded, and
groans and cries were heard, and also a noise which sounded like a
trapdoor being shut. Our men tried to force the door open, but were
unable to do so. The muzzle of a revolver was then put through a
loophole in the iron door and six shots were fired.
[Illustration: PONT BALLOT SALIENT HOUPLINES.
AREA RAIDED 21·6·17.]
"Efforts were again made to open the door, but proved unsuccessful.
Whilst trying to force this door, fire was opened on our party from the
traverse next beyond; this was replied to, and the Huns ran away. Much
valuable time was spent trying to get into the dug-out for the purpose
of obtaining identification, and owing to this, and also the casualties
already suffered, this party were unable to get on to their farthest
objective.
"In the meantime the party working along the trench to the left were
bombed by the enemy, and when they retaliated the enemy climbed out of
the trench and disappeared to the rear.
"Progress was then continued along the trench, and a dug-out was found,
but on examination it proved to be empty. Shortly after this some of
the Centre Party were met and connection established.
"Just after the withdrawal signal had gone up--zero plus 22
minutes--two Germans were seen approaching the front line over the top
from the direction of their support line. Shots were fired at them and
they withdrew. It is not known whether either of them were shot.
"Parker's party then left the enemy trench, bringing with them a rifle
and bayonet which were found in the trench.
"On the way back those men who had been hit on crossing No Man's Land
were all brought in except one man, who could not be found. It is
believed that this man was killed. On reaching our trenches it was
found that another man was missing. He was last seen soon after leaving
the enemy's trench.
"At zero plus 33 minutes the N.C.O. i/c Right Party observed one green
light and one golden rain rocket fired apparently from the enemy's
subsidiary line in C.23 or C.24.
"The trench is very deep and narrow, and no duck-boards were found.
"_Centre (Clarke's) Party_.--This party crossed No Man's Land in the
order practised. They found the ground much torn up by shell-holes,
over which it was impossible to proceed quickly. They found the gaps
in the wire, but had to zig-zag a good deal to get through. There was
a considerable quantity of cut wire lying about, which further delayed
their progress. They entered the enemy's trench at about C.20.a.44.21
(_i.e._, about 30 yards farther to the right than had been intended).
"2nd-Lieutenant C. W. Clarke established telephone communication with
O.C. Raid at zero plus 7½ minutes, and sent a message to the effect
that his party 'had entered enemy's trench.'
"The trench was deep, and in getting in the leading man stumbled and
lost his rifle, which he was unable to find in the darkness. Thereupon
another bayonet man was brought up to take his place. The first party
then proceeded along the trench to the right, and immediately found
a dug-out, into which a bomb was thrown. After the bomb had exploded
the dug-out was entered and two dead Germans found. An effort was made
to tear a button off the tunic of one of those men, but it was on too
tight. At this moment a scuffle was going on outside the dug-out with
a Hun who had come running down the trench, shouting 'Surrender,' and
our man inside the dug-out hurried out to see what was happening, and
picked up a German rifle on his way. The Hun was placed in charge of
two men, to be passed out of the trench as soon as the two men waiting
on the parapet had been called to the spot. Whilst the two men were
holding the prisoner, one of them was wounded and let go. The prisoner
thereupon wrenched himself free from the other man and escaped to the
left. One of our men chased him along the trench, but, going over
strange ground, was unable to catch him; he came to a communication
trench (Centaur Lane), and, hearing footsteps, threw a bomb into this
trench. As by this time the withdrawal signal had gone up, he withdrew
and joined his own party.
"In the meantime the rest of this party had started working along the
trench to join up with the right party, which they did. This party was
followed by a small party which had been detailed to proceed along
Centaur Lane and block it. They expected to find this communication
trench to the right of where they entered the front line, but owing to
the fact that they had unconsciously entered the trench farther to the
right than had been intended, this trench was not found until too late.
"A bomb store was found and blown up as the party were leaving the
trench.
"This party had one casualty (referred to above), and he was brought
back to our trenches.
"No S.O.S. signal was seen and no artillery fire was opened until this
party were half-way back across No Man's Land.
"_Left (Moseley's) Party_.--Moseley's party failed to enter enemy's
trench. The two scouts who had reconnoitred the gaps and knew the
ground well were sick four days before the raid took place. The new
scouts did not know the ground as well, possibly, as some of the other
members of the raiding party; also their reconnaissance was made
difficult by enemy working at their gaps, and having covering parties
out; also they had not the same opportunity of rehearsal as they should
have had in laying tapes, etc. In consequence, after passing through
the first gap, a doubt arose as to direction owing to other members of
the raiding party thinking that they knew best, with the result that
several parties tried to get through impassable wire. The main party
moved to the left eventually, followed by other parties, and lost
direction. While this was going on one of the scouts found the proper
gaps, dashed after the party, who reorganized, and the leading men
reached enemy's trench when return signal went up. In this Rifleman
Bamber was wounded; he was found by Rifleman F. Taylor, who bound up
his wounds, and as he was not certain of his direction, he waited for
daylight, and brought the wounded man in the same morning at 10 a.m.
This party had three rows of wire to negotiate, the second and third
rows consisting of heavy knife rests, etc., and, the grass being very
long, gaps were not easy to find.
"_Casualties._--Two killed; Lieutenant Parker and six other ranks
wounded; one missing believed killed.
"_Action of the Enemy._--There is no doubt the enemy had no idea he was
going to be raided. His action was extremely weak and slow in beginning.
"It is very doubtful if he inflicted any casualties on us.
"His barrage did not start until about zero plus 10 minutes, and then
increased in intensity by degrees. His fire was directed chiefly on our
front line (the shells falling just short of and just over our trench)
and partly on our support line and subsidiary lines.
"The enemy's resistance in his trenches was very weak. Several men were
seen running away.
"_Summing up._--The raid, unfortunately, failed in its chief objects,
for no prisoners or identifications were obtained, though there is
little doubt that four, and probably several more, Germans were killed
or wounded. Had the left party succeeded in entering the enemy's
trench, there is every probability that more damage would have been
done, and identifications, if not prisoners, obtained.
"The support of the artillery was excellent, the wire had been well
cut, and the barrage started precisely at the time arranged.
"The medium and light trench mortar batteries were also most effective,
and completely stopped all enemy machine-gun fire.
"The machine-gun barrages were all that could be desired.
"The reconnaissance had been well done. Enemy posts were found where
they had been expected. Suspected machine-gun emplacements were
adequately dealt with either by artillery beforehand or by my trench
mortars during operations.
"Signal communication worked well. Three special lines had been
laid to Raid Headquarters. The raiding party established telephone
communication from near the enemy's trench with commendable speed.
(Sgd.) "W. A. L. FLETCHER, _Lieutenant-Colonel_,
"_Comdg. 2/6th (Rifle) Bn. Liverpool Regiment_.
"_June 24th, 1917._"
* * * * *
At 9.15 a.m. two men missing from the raid suddenly appeared in our
line, one of them wounded. This showed how easy it was to get into our
trenches unobserved. Artillery was very active against us all that day.
In the course of two hours and a half Hobbs Farm and the detached post
received over 120 rounds from a 4·2 battery, while at times it seemed
as if our wire in that vicinity was the real target. Spain Avenue, the
Orchard, Panama, Pretoria, were all singled out in turn; but probably
this was merely a cloak for the German activities on the left.
The following night the Brigade north of the Lys carried out a raid,
and the enemy seemed very uneasy opposite our left company front,
sending up innumerable Véry lights, letting off bursts of rifle fire,
and industriously bombing his own wire.
The early morning of June 23rd found the German 'planes extremely
active. There was a flight of scarlet machines, which performed various
evolutions for our benefit, and at intervals swooped down and fired
into our trenches. Rifle grenades were fired at one very low-flying
'plane, and at another a light trench mortar shell with a shortened
fuse and a full charge. The latter must certainly have surprised the
pilot when it exploded in the air.
Every part of the left sector, front line, support, subsidiary, and
communication trenches was heavily shelled for long periods throughout
the day, while a regular box barrage was put round the detached post.
Even the new drain between Irish and Cambridge was regularly bombarded.
The wire in front of our trenches, never very good, was now reduced to
a mass of shattered fragments, and the impression that a raid must be
expected in the near future grew apace. Down to the day of the relief
this extreme activity continued, and it was difficult to keep Edmeads,
Wessex, and Cambridge clear of blocks. Irish was still being heavily
hammered, but, except for occasional repairs to keep up appearances,
we had long since ceased to use Irish as an avenue. 2nd-Lieutenants
E. E. Paul and J. N. Blake were slightly wounded in Fry Pan. On the
evening of June 26th the relief took place. We were fully expecting
the raid, and precautions were taken accordingly to prevent any sort
of congestion in communication trenches, all of which had now been
accurately registered. However, it turned out a wet night and as black
as pitch, and the relief was completed viâ Buterne Avenue at 12.37 a.m.
without molestation. "B" Company remained in the subsidiary line.
We found Armentières, as indeed we had expected, hardly less noisy than
the trenches. The Rue de Lille had become more of a storm centre than
previously, and the Quartermaster's staff were frequently compelled to
make a hasty descent to the cellar. The battalion mess, which had been
held in a magnificent house opposite, its ceilings decorated with fat
cherubs flying in a bright blue sky, was abandoned, as it seemed too
risky to have all the officers congregated together in such a shelled
area. The usual working and wiring parties, made none the pleasanter by
the double journey up the Houplines road, and the same efforts to carry
out training under difficulties were resumed. On the 29th "D" Company
replaced "B" in the subsidiary line.
[Illustration: Official Photograph by permission of The Imperial War
Museum.
RUE DE LILLE, ARMENTIÈRES.]
June had seen an increase in our monthly total of casualties. Four
officers, of whom one was the Padre (at duty), had been wounded;
fourteen men had been killed and sixty-three wounded. In addition,
2nd-Lieutenants Dugdale and Rule were at the Base marked "T.B."
(_i.e._, Temporary Base). Captain Gilling, who had for several months
been attached to the R.E., had now been invalided to England. Our
"effective strength" was reduced from 33 Officers and 744 other ranks
to 28 officers and 656 other ranks; and from the latter numbers had to
be deducted Lieutenant Parkinson and a number of men with the Brigade
Pioneer Company, Lieutenant Huntley at Brigade, and several parties
of men otherwise employed, but whom we were not permitted to strike
off our effective strength. Our total strength in France on June 30th
was 36 officers and 800 other ranks, a disparity in totals which is
eloquent of the number of "employed" on extra-regimental duties or on
courses. Leave had not yet begun seriously to affect our numbers.
July 3rd found us back in the trenches in order "A," "D," "C" and "B"
from the right. Relief was complete at 2.25 a.m. on July 12th. We
found that the enemy was systematically destroying the left company
sector, especially the communication trenches and the support line. The
latter, standing as it did on the forward slope of a ridge, presented
a splendid target, and it was impossible to keep pace with the damage
being done. The constant bombardment of communication trenches
threatened to isolate the left company altogether, and work was
accordingly commenced on a new cut from Cambridge Avenue to the front
line, called "Peter's Cat." The Heavy Artillery were also persuaded
to do some serious shooting on the enemy main communication trenches,
Celia Row and Celt Drive; but though this may have annoyed him, it did
not damp his enthusiasm in the least.
At 1.30 a.m. on July 11th the gas cylinders were opened and the
projectors discharged simultaneously. The noise of the latter was
tremendous, just like a mine explosion, while a huge black cloud of
great density drifted away from the scene of discharge. Unfortunately,
these projectors had been so long in the ground that a large number
fell in No Man's Land; two fell almost on the top of a post in "A"
Company's front line, while one landed practically on the top of "A"
Company's Headquarters. In spite of precautions, a number of gas
casualties occurred, and the usual kind of correspondence followed
between ourselves and the Higher Command. Only a case of "trench foot"
could exceed a gas casualty in the excitement it caused.
The patrols which had again been ordered to follow the discharge were
once more countermanded. It was most unlikely that they would have
achieved anything but casualties, though it would have been interesting
to know something of the results. Certainly an inspection of the enemy
line after the Armistice revealed frequent remains of projectors.
These, and detonated but unexploded medium trench mortar bombs, were to
be found everywhere. The same day the enemy vented his wrath on us in
no small measure, so we hoped we had done him some harm.
To give an idea of what patrolling was like in this sector, the
following account may be quoted as an example. The narrative was
written by a member of the patrol who took part in it:--"The patrol,
which left our trenches shortly after midnight, was composed of
Riflemen Bolshaw, Matchett, and Corkill, with the section sleuth,
Rifleman Dixon, in charge. The front line to the left of the head of
Irish Avenue was only held to within about two hundred yards of the
River Lys, the remainder of the trench from that point up to the river
being rendered untenable by the marshy condition of the ground and
the enemy command. Judging the Boche lines opposite to be similarly
governed, it was obvious that this deserted area formed an excellent
approach to Frelinghien. About this time a Boche withdrawal was
expected opposite. The object of our patrol was to advance as far,
and learn as much, as possible. The music encountered _en route_ for
the front line speedily dispelled any idea as to a Boche retirement.
A relief was in progress at the time, and Fritz must have spotted it,
for we ran into a veritable nightmare inferno. Rifle and machine-gun
bullets whined and snipped, 'pineapples' cracked, shells crashed,
and 'minnies' crumped! Added attractions were a dense fog and the
choking fumes of the explosions. Through it all the fitful glare of
the Véry lights grew and waned, and the _tout ensemble_ created in me
a stronger desire to enter No Man's Land than I had ever experienced
before. There, at any rate, we would miss some of the 'hate' floating
around. With due caution we made our way along the deserted trenches
to the bank of the Lys. We then struck out sharply to the right some
distance and lay down to listen. Barely distinguishable amid the din,
we could hear a knocking, rattling, and clanking to our immediate
front. A surmise that a Boche wiring party was at work was confirmed
a few minutes later by the location of its covering party at no great
distance from us. Our batteries about then commenced to retaliate for
the "strafe," and a breeze, till then absent, commenced to carry the
fumes from the Boche shells back home. Fritz's nerves were evidently
not at their best that night, for almost immediately the musical tinkle
of his gas alarms rippled south down the sector, incidentally causing
us no little amusement. Having discovered that, far from being absent
from Frelinghien, the Boche was busy improving his position there, and
further progress on our part being impossible, we emptied our rifles
into the darkness in the direction of the wiring party and withdrew."
During this tour Captain Charles Wilson left us for the three months'
Senior Officers' Course at Aldershot. There were not a few who imagined
the war would be over before his return. Lieutenant Burton took over
command of "D" Company.
On July 11th the battalion was relieved, and proceeded once more (less
"B" Company) to Armentières. One company was now required nightly to
press on with the new Peter's Cat Trench; and as this meant a long
journey and a night in the trenches, it may be doubted whether the
men welcomed the change from the line to the billets. If anything,
the Germans were still more active with their artillery, and movement
within the town was limited to what was absolutely necessary. The one
pleasure of mounted officers was a gallop along the banks of the Lys
from Armentières to Bac St. Maur. If you were energetic you could
follow the towpath as far as Estaires. Between Armentières and Bac
St. Maur there were some fine shell-holes, and the farm at the wooden
bridge by the Jute Factory had been gutted. Bac St. Maur bridgehead
was not infrequently shelled, and our old Battalion Headquarters was
found to have received a direct hit. Shrapnel used to be put over the
Bac St. Maur road even beyond Erquinghem, and the latter place itself
used to be shelled intermittently. For the battalion as a whole there
was little recreation, except that afforded by the estaminets and an
occasional concert.
The morning after relief (July 12, 1917) a 12-inch shell landed in
the Rue Gambetta next to the school where "C" Company were billeted;
and before there was time to do anything another one, most unluckily,
crashed right in and down as far as the cellar, where it exploded with
a terrific detonation. It was followed by a third, which fortunately
missed the building, but produced a crater which filled the whole
width of the street. The shell which entered "C" Company's billet
unfortunately killed five men and wounded six. It was a pleasant
greeting for Lieutenant Penrice and a draft of thirty men who had
arrived the previous evening. "C" and "D" Companies were now moved more
to the back of the town to a less exposed position. This move had been
under consideration for some time, as the vicinity of the Rue de Lille
was far from ideal. It was also decided to bring "A" Company from the
Rue Jesuit into a more "salubrious" neighbourhood. Brigade Headquarters
had already moved to the Rue Sadi Carnot by order of the Corps
Commander, who visited them one day during a period of enemy activity;
and certainly their former situation was far from pleasant--a feature,
however, in which it resembled most other parts of the town.
The Quartermaster, going down to make some arrangements, was
unfortunately badly wounded by a 5·9 which burst just in front of the
entrance to "A" Company's billet. His left thigh was damaged, and two
pieces of shell entered his stomach, one lodging in the muscles of the
back near his spine. He was hurriedly taken to the regimental aid post,
where Captain McHugh did his best for him, and thence to the Advanced
Surgical Centre, Estaires. No one thought he could possibly live, but,
with his usual determination, he won through; and though his health
was badly impaired,[1] he became in due course an S.O.3 in the Air
Force after the Army had finally thrown him out. For his services with
the battalion he was Mentioned in Dispatches. His place was taken by
Regimental Quartermaster-Sergeant Wallas, for whom we tried in vain to
obtain a Quartermaster's commission.
[1] He died in June 1920, to the great regret of all who knew him.
At 11 p.m. on July 14th the sound of a heavy barrage disturbed us,
and shortly after one company was ordered to stand-to. We thought the
German raid had come off, but except for the heavy barrage nothing
further happened. The next night "C" Company relieved "B" Company in
the subsidiary line, and were probably not sorry to leave the "peace"
of reserve billets for a while. The post of extra company in the
subsidiary line was undoubtedly very popular. The area they occupied
was seldom shelled, and work could only be done by them at night and in
the vicinity of their posts. In the early hours of the morning, just as
"B" Company had got clear of the line, the barrage fell once more, and
after rolling the length of the front line from right to left formed a
box barrage on the left company front. It was a really heavy barrage,
and two working parties from our "A" Company, who were just stopping
work in Peter's Cat and had begun to arrive in Cambridge Avenue,
suddenly found themselves in the centre of a tornado of exploding high
explosives. 2nd-Lieutenant McWilliam, who was in command of one of the
parties, was, however, equal to the occasion, and with great gallantry
got the parties under cover, and then proceeded to reinforce the front
line. A number of Germans were seen coming across towards Cambridge
Avenue, and were called on to surrender. This they seemed quite
prepared to do, but an N.C.O. suddenly appeared, and they all fled back
together. One prisoner, however, was captured by Rifleman Mills.
The 2/7th were not sorry to see the arrival of our men in the front
line. They had suffered heavy casualties, and their position had become
none too pleasant, as the Germans had come round the left flank and
they were being bombed from behind as well as in front. Colonel Slater
and Captain Drakeford, his Adjutant, were in the left post of all when
the raid commenced, and had a pretty lively experience. Our men and the
men in the posts got in some useful shooting at the enemy as he fled
back to Frelinghien by the river road, and a dozen dead Germans were
found, in addition to the live prisoner. It proved on the examination
of the latter to have been a big raid; and had the enemy shown a little
more enterprise, they might have made the position of that left company
extremely dangerous. There is no doubt that the accidental presence of
our working party, with McWilliam to make full use of it, proved of
great service to the 2/7th K.L.R. In connection with the operations
Rifleman Mills and Rifleman J. Bailey were awarded the M.M.
The Light Trench Mortar Battery suffered severely, their S.O.S.
positions having apparently been well registered by the enemy, with the
result that in more than one case the team was buried, together with
their gun. "C" Company dug them out, and spent over six hours cleaning
up this part of the line, so great was the damage done.
During this period in billets our new Divisional Commander,
Major-General R. W. R. Barnes, C.B., D.S.O., called at Headquarters,
and was introduced to the Commanding Officer and others present.
On July 19th the battalion once more relieved the 2/7th K.L.R., "C,"
"B," "D," "A" being now the order in the line. The repair of the damage
done by the raid, the erection of a complicated wire entanglement
on the left (which was carried out, under Major H. K. Wilson's
supervision, with some difficulty, owing to the heavy shelling and
machine-gun fire), and the preparations for a two-company raid to be
carried out under Captain Eccles, were quite sufficient to occupy
our attention. In addition, one company of Portuguese was attached
to us for instruction, forty men being handed over to each company.
The relief of these men by another company on the night of the 20th
produced rather an amusing scene. It had been arranged that the old
company should not leave till the new company had arrived; but some
time before the latter were due, the junction of Gloucester Avenue
and the subsidiary line was packed with Portuguese, about half of
whom went out on their own initiative. Suddenly the Germans opened a
regular barrage of gas shells on Houplines Level Crossing, and the
wind blew the gas back to our subsidiary line. The commencement of the
barrage divided the relieving company into two halves, and likewise
the old company, one half of whom, going back without orders, had just
passed the Level Crossing. All those on the far side, relieving and
relieved troops alike, hurried back to their billets in Armentières.
The relieving troops, and a few others who had been stopped by the
barrage, rushed into the trenches and mingled with those waiting to go
out, thus producing the most complete confusion, to which the necessity
of wearing small box-respirators added the finishing touch. It was a
matter of no small difficulty to get them sorted out, especially as our
only means of communication with the Portuguese was in bad French, and
they all talked at once. However, eventually we got things straightened
out somehow, and order was once more established.
On July 22nd, 1917, to keep up a pretence that we were going to attack
Frelinghien, a practice barrage was put down on that place at 5 p.m. At
5.30 p.m. the enemy replied with a far heavier bombardment of our left
company sector, which in a few moments was entirely concealed from view
by smoke and dust. A Portuguese Commanding Officer and Adjutant arrived
that day for instruction, and Battalion Headquarters was the centre
of quite a heavy gas shell bombardment. Fortunately, the next day all
the Portuguese were removed. It was not a sector calculated to give
new troops a very favourable impression of the line. During that night
the battalion north of the Lys dug dummy assembly trenches opposite
Frelinghien, and the following day another bombardment was carried out.
A second company of 2/7th K.L.R. was now brought into the subsidiary
line, partly to enable more work to be done, partly in view of the
continued threatening attitude of the Germans.
At 1.55 a.m. on the 26th we discharged two torpedoes in the enemy's
wire on the left, and a dummy barrage was put down to divert attention
from a 2/8th K.L.R. raid about to take place on our right. We ourselves
were scheduled to do a two-company raid, under the command of Captain
Eccles, in a short while, and took considerable interest in the
reception accorded to the "Irish" raiding party. Our barrage was thin,
and the enemy paid little attention to it, but his retaliation fell
heavily on the 2/8th K.L.R.
The next two days brought intense artillery fire all over the sector,
and on the 27th heavy "minnies" appeared and blew in Captain Burton's
Headquarters with two direct hits, though, fortunately, he was not
there at the time and no one was killed. The night of the 28th, the
original night for relief, produced continuous shrapnel from about 9
p.m. to 3 a.m. all over the subsidiary line and communication trenches.
About 3 a.m. an aeroplane bombed Houplines Level Crossing, and a deluge
of heavy "minnies" descended on the left-centre company's line; but
on the whole we congratulated ourselves on our luck, little dreaming
of what was to happen on the real relief night, July 29th. The 2/7th
K.L.R. came into the sector without a shell being fired. Colonel Slater
and his Headquarters had just arrived, and the relief was progressing
well, when, with a sudden rush and roar, a terrific bombardment of
Armentières commenced. A regular semicircle of flashes could be seen
running continuously round the rear of the enemy line. This was clearly
no ordinary shoot, but a specially arranged show with artillery in
proportion. The relief was promptly stopped, and all troops stood-to.
Suddenly the S.O.S. went up from the right battalion, and our guns
opened up. This, however, shortly afterwards proved to be a mistake,
and as the German infantry made no move the relief continued. The din
was terrific. Apart from the actual noise of the batteries firing
and the unbroken rush and scream of shells overhead, the uproar in
Armentières was tremendous as buildings were smashed and battered and
the broken débris hurled about in all directions by this unceasing rain
of shells. Lieutenant Evans rang up on the telephone from Rue Bayard,
where he had gone to take over billets, and told us that the town
was soaked with gas, and warned us not to come out at present. Fires
now began to appear all over the town, but still the barrage did not
slacken. At 12.15 a.m. it stopped, but began again with renewed firing
at 12.45 a.m., though about 1.15 a.m. this was reduced to one or two
areas and some general miscellaneous shooting, lasting until about 4
a.m., when it was further reduced to action by one or two heavy guns
alone.
About 3 a.m. "B" Company began to thread its way down Buterne Avenue
towards the town. They were caught by a heavy bombardment in the
Houplines road, and had to take temporary shelter in odd cellars. "C"
Company and Battalion Headquarters followed, but escaped with nothing
worse than casual shelling. "A" and "D" Companies remained in the
subsidiary line, and very glad they were to do so.
Our arrival in the area of our billets was anything but cheerful.
A large part of the Rue de Lille, including the Quartermaster's
Stores, was in flames. The house next to Battalion Headquarters was
practically gutted, and both the company billets were blazing merrily.
The streets were littered with gas shells and the grey powder which
they had scattered. The houses also were full of gas, nor were any
of the gas-proof cellars better off. The first casualties were being
loaded up into the ambulances, the men gasping, vomiting, choking,
and with bloodshot, streaming eyes. Lieutenant Wyatt, who gallantly
carried a wounded man across Armentières through the bombardment,
was especially bad; and Quartermaster-Sergeant Jackson, who had been
found wounded and unconscious in the street, was little better. Most
of our advance party were in various stages of collapse, and the road
to the advanced dressing station was already marked by a small stream
of casualties. The civilians were in a terrible state. Gas protection
for them consisted merely of one or two "P.H." helmets per family, and
many of the poor creatures were now in agony from the gas poisoning.
Efforts to rouse the Town Major proved of little use, and a search was
instituted to try and discover some part of the town where the gas was
less pronounced. It need hardly be said that the Commanding Officer
was tireless in his efforts to relieve the situation, and in company
with Major H. K. Wilson searched the town from one end to the other.
It was on occasions such as these that the ordinary man got a glimpse
of what the Commanding Officer really was. After a prolonged search,
the schools between St. Vaast Church and the Convent were found to be
clear, and thither the remains of the battalion were removed. The men,
utterly tired out, fell fast asleep, but only to wake up and find that
they were blind. This was "mustard gas," till then unheard of by us;
and processions of blind men, led by one who could still see, became
more and more frequent. We did contrive to make some tea, but the rest
of the food was splashed with gas and was unusable; otherwise there
was little to be done. The shelling of the Place de la Republique now
began from a heavy battery, and the shells came perilously near the
open courtyard where we sat under the cloisters that surround it. A
thunderstorm broke suddenly, and probably did more to clear away the
gas than anything else could have done. That night and the whole of
the next day the Germans shelled the town fiercely. Splendid work was
done by Lieutenant Penrice, who had just gone to the Transport in place
of Hutchinson; by Lieutenant Clarke, who had gone to join a Brigade
Training School in course of formation; and by the transport drivers,
who worked with unceasing energy and courage.
By July 31st the following had been evacuated: Colonel Fletcher,
Major H. K. Wilson, Captains Eccles and Steward, Lieutenants Alcock,
Collinge, Evans, Royle, Rothwell, J. R. Paul, 2nd-Lieutenants E. E.
Paul, Pegge, Little, and Wyatt, the new Padre, Weaver, and the new
Medical Officer, Robinson. The Adjutant, who went on leave on the
29th, before the far-reaching effects of the gas had fully revealed
themselves, went into hospital on his arrival in England. Company
Sergeant-Major Heyworth had started with him but had been compelled
to remain behind at the M.D.S., Fort Rompu, being quite blind and
delirious. The stream of ambulances, lorries, general service waggons,
and farm carts pouring into and out of Armentières, was a sight that
will long be remembered. The whole of "B" Company and the whole of "C"
Company, except 2nd-Lieutenant Fell and one man, became casualties.
Of Battalion Headquarters there remained only one policeman and one
store-keeper. The rest, including the Regimental Sergeant-Major,
Regimental Quartermaster-Sergeant, orderly-room, medical, sanitary,
and Quartermaster's staff, the cooks, the tailors, the bootmakers, and
all the other details, were evacuated. The Battalion Orchestra, who
were playing when the barrage opened, were badly gassed to a man, and
their instruments destroyed. Captain Bowring suddenly found himself
Commanding Officer, and his command consisted simply of "A" and "D"
Companies and the transport. The total casualties, including the
gassed, for July were: 17 officers wounded, of whom Lieutenant Collinge
died from the effects of the gas, 12 men killed, and approximately 428
wounded. Of these a few died later, and more were invalided from the
service, but a good many rejoined us in due course.
Before proceeding any further it will be as well to discuss briefly
the cause of this disaster. In the first place, this was only the
second concentrated bombardment with mustard gas that had occurred. The
first had taken place at Ypres a month before, and caused extensive
casualties, but the report of these did not reach us till the night
of relief, when it came with the usual correspondence, which, owing
to pressure of work, was not opened till after the disaster had
happened. The significance of the new form of gas should certainly
have been circulated earlier. With the dangers of ordinary gas we were
familiar, and in any case no one could have lived for five minutes in
the area most strongly affected without a respirator. The slightest
breath of this new gas was like inhaling red-hot air and choked you
immediately. After the first density of the gas had dispersed, the area
became comparatively clear, and the insidious and silent evaporation,
practically free from smell, caused no one inconvenience, and in
some places was so slight as to be barely perceptible. It was this
that affected the eyes, an entirely new phenomenon to us; and the
comparatively small number that suffered from serious internal gassing
proves that the ordinary precautions were taken. Moreover, most of
those badly gassed were actually caught in Armentières itself by the
original barrage, which began at the rate of hundreds of shells in
a minute. When it is remembered that as late as the spring of 1918,
after mustard gas had long been recognized and widely advertised, and
every possible precaution taken against it, a concentrated bombardment
still produced casualties running into hundreds, it is not so very
surprising that on the second occasion when it was used, and the first
as far as we were concerned, only about fifty escaped out of the total
troops in Armentières, consisting of two half battalions, some field
and heavy batteries, and some Royal Engineer, Machine Gun Corps, and
Trench Mortar sections. Of the civilian population, it is probable that
scarcely one single person got off unscathed.
This bombardment was the climax of our long period in Houplines.
We had been instructed to be as offensive as possible, in order to
divert the attention of the enemy by our aggressive tactics from
the operations scheduled to commence on July 31st, and now known
as the Third Battle of Ypres. Little glory attaches to a "feint"
attack, whether it be stationary or by movement; but if successful
it brings down upon you severe hostile attention, which has to be
endured without any compensating chance of sharing in the glory of a
great victory. That we succeeded in our allotted task, and that the
171st Infantry Brigade bore the brunt of it, we know not only from
what our Army Commander said, but because the Intelligence showed
that the Division kept two German Divisions pinned down opposite to
it right till the end, and this notwithstanding the fact that the
hostile artillery was about ten times as great as our own. The steady
increase of destructive shooting on the area immediately north and
south of the Lys, the regular "crashing" of all lines of communication,
the intense shelling of Armentières, culminating in the great gas
bombardment, prove conclusively that the enemy was daily expecting an
attack on Frelinghien, for which he imagined a force was concentrating
in Armentières. That our casualties were not greater was due to the
scattered position of the posts holding such a large sector, and to
our constant efforts to provide such protection as could best be
constructed under the circumstances.