Thus have I now taken a general survey of the early condition of the

globe, considered as the habitation of man, and as far as was necessary

for that object; and in this rapid sketch, I have endeavoured, as far as

was possible for a layman, to place in the clearest light the most

remarkable and best attested facts and discoveries of geology, with a

constant attention to the testimony of primitive and historical

tradition. No longer embarrassed by these physical discussions, we may

now proceed to meet the main question: "What relation hath man to this

his habitation--earth; what place doth he occupy therein; and what rank

doth he hold among the other creatures and co-habitants of this globe,

what is his proper destiny upon, and in relation to, the earth, and what

is it which really constitutes him Man?"

The absolute, and, for that reason, Pagan system of natural philosophy

spoken of above, has indeed in these latter times had the courage,

laudable perhaps in the perverse course which it had taken, to rank man

with the ape, as a peculiar species of the general kind. When in its

anatomical investigations, it has numbered the various characteristics

of this human ape, according to the number of its vertebrae, its toes,

&c. it concedes to man, as his distinguishing quality, not what we are

wont to call reason, perfectibility, or the faculty of speech, but "a

capacity for Constitutions!" Thus man would be a liberal ape! And so far

from disagreeing with the author of this opinion, we think man may

undoubtedly become so to a certain extent, although the idea that he was

originally nothing more than a nobler or better disciplined ape is alike

opposed to the voice of history, and the testimony of natural science.

If in the examination of man's nature we will confine our view

exclusively to the lower world of animals, I should say that the

possible contagion and communication of various diseases, and organic

properties and powers of animals, would prove in man rather a greater

sympathy and affinity of organic life and animal blood with the cow, the

sheep, the camel, the horse and the elephant, than with the ape. Even in

the venomous serpent and the mad dog, this deadly affinity of blood and

this fearful contact of internal life exist in a different and nearer

degree, than have yet been discovered in the ape. The docility too, of

the elephant and other generous animals, bears much stronger marks of

analogy with reason than the cunning of the ape, in which the native

sense of a sound, unprejudiced mind will always recognize an

unsuccessful and abortive imitation of man. The resemblance of

physiognomy and cast of countenance in the lion, the bull, and the

eagle, to the human face--a resemblance so celebrated in sculpture and

the imitative arts, and which was interwoven into the whole mythology

and symbolism of the ancients--this resemblance is founded on far deeper

and more spiritual ideas than any mere comparison of dead bones in an

animal skeleton can suggest.

The extremes of error, when it has reached the height of extravagance,

often accelerate the return to truth; and thus to the assertion that man

is nothing more than a liberalized ape, we may boldly answer that man,

on the contrary, was originally, and by the very constitution of his

being, designed to be the lord of creation, and, though in a subordinate

degree, the legitimate ruler of the earth and of the world around

him--the vice-gerent of God in nature. And if he no longer enjoys this

high prerogative to its full extent, as he might and ought to have done,

he has only himself to blame; if he exercises his empire over creatures

rather by indirect means and mechanical agency than by the immediate

power and native energy of his own intellectual pre-eminence, he still

is the lord of creation, and has retained much of the power and dignity

he once received, did he but always make a right use of that power.

The distinguishing characteristic of man, and the peculiar eminence of

his nature and his destiny, as these are universally felt and

acknowledged by mankind, are usually defined to consist, either in

reason, or in the faculty of speech. But this definition is defective in

this respect, that, on one hand, reason is a mere abstract faculty,

which to be judged, requires a psychological investigation or analysis;

and that on the other hand, the faculty of speech is a mere

potentiality, or a germ which must be unfolded before it can become a

real entity. We should therefore give a much more correct and

comprehensive definition, if, instead of this, we said: The peculiar

pre-eminence of man consists in this--that to him alone among all other

of earth's creatures, the word has been imparted and communicated. The

word actually delivered and really communicated is not a mere dead

faculty, but an historical reality and occurrence; and for that very

reason, the definition we have given stands much more fitly at the head

of history, than the other more abstract one.

In the idea of the word, considered as the basis of man's dignity and

peculiar destination, the internal light of consciousness and of our own

understanding, is undoubtedly first included--this word is not a mere

faculty of speech, but the fertile root whence the stately trunk of all

language has sprung. But the word is not confined to this only--it next

includes a living, working power--it is not merely an object and organ

of knowledge--an instrument of teaching and learning; but the medium of

affectionate union and conciliatory accommodation, judicial arbitrement

and efficacious command, or even creative productiveness, as our own

experience and life itself manifest each of those significations of the

word; and thus it embraces the whole plenitude of the excellencies and

qualities which characterize man.

Nature too, has her mute language and her symbolical writing; but she

requires a discerning intellect to gain the key to her secrets, to

unravel her profound enigmas; and, piercing through her mysteries,

interpret the hidden sense of her word, and thus reveal the fulness of

her glory. But he, to whom alone among all earth's creatures, the word

has been imparted has been for that reason constituted the lord and

ruler of the earth. As soon, however, as he abandons that divine

principle implanted in his breast; as soon as he loses that word of life

which had been communicated and confided to him; he sinks down to a

level with nature, and, from her lord, becomes her vassal; and here

commences the history of man.

END OF LECTURE I.

LECTURE II.

ON THE DISPUTE IN PRIMITIVE HISTORY, AND ON THE DIVISION OF THE HUMAN

RACE.

"In the beginning man had the word, and that word was from God."

Thus the divine, Promethean spark in the human breast, when more

accurately described and expressed in less figurative language, springs

from the word originally communicated or intrusted to man, as that

wherein consist his peculiar nature, his intellectual dignity and his

high destination.--The pregnant expression borrowed above from the New

Testament, on the mystery and internal nature of God, may with some

variation, and bating, as is evident, the immense distance between the

creature and the Creator, be applied to man and his primitive condition;

and may serve as a superscription or introduction to primitive history

in the following terms: "In the beginning man had the word, and that

word was from God--and out of the living power communicated to man in

and by that word, came the light of his existence."--This is at least

the divine foundation of all history--it falls not properly within the

domain of history, but is anterior to it.--To this position the _state

of nature_ among savages forms no valid objection; for that this was the

really original condition of mankind is by no means proved, and is

arbitrarily assumed; nay, on the contrary, the savage state must be

looked upon as a state of degeneracy and degradation--consequently not

as the first, but as the second, phenomenon in human history--as

something which, as it has resulted from this second step in man's

progress, must be regarded as of a later origin.

In history, as in all science and in life itself the principal point on

which every thing turns, and the all-deciding problem, is whether all

things should be deduced from God, and God himself should be considered

the first, nature the second, existence--the latter holding undoubtedly

a very important place;--or, whether, in the inverse order, the

precedency should be given to nature, and, as invariably happens in such

cases, all things should be deduced from nature only, whereby the deity,

though not by express, unequivocal words, yet in fact is indirectly set

aside, or remains at least unknown. This question cannot be settled, nor

brought to a conclusion, by mere dialectic strife, which rarely leads to

its object. It is the will which here mostly decides; and, according to

the nature and leaning of his character, leads the individual to choose

between the two opposite paths, the one he would follow in speculation

and in science, in faith and in life.

Thus much at least we may say, in reference to the science of history,

that they who in that department will consider nature only, and view man

but with the eye of a naturalist (specious and plausible as their

reasons may at first sight appear), will never rightly comprehend the

world and reality of history, and never obtain an adequate conception,

nor exhibit an intelligible representation of its phenomena.--On the

other hand, if we proceed not solely and exclusively from nature, but

first from God and that beginning of nature appointed by God, so this is

by no means a degradation or misapprehension of nature; nor does it

imply any hostility towards nature--an hostility which could arise only

from a very defective, erroneous, or narrow-minded conception of

historical philosophy. On the contrary, experience has proved that by

this course of speculation we are led more thoroughly to comprehend the

glory of God in nature, and the magnificence of nature herself--a course

of speculation quite consistent with the full recognition of nature's

rights, and the share due to her in the history and progress of man.

Regarded in an historical point of view, man was created free--there lay

two paths before him--he had to choose between the one, conducting to

the realms above, and the other, leading to the regions below;--and thus

at least he was endowed with the faculty of two different wills. Had he

remained steadfast in his first will--that pure emanation of the

deity--had he remained true to the word which God had communicated to

him--he would have had but one will. He would, however, have still been

free; but his freedom would have resembled that of the heavenly spirits,

whom we must not imagine to be devoid of freedom because they are no

longer in a state of trial, and can never be separated from God. We

should, besides, greatly err, if we figured to ourselves the Paradisaic

state of the first man as one of happy indolence; for, in truth, it was

far otherwise designed, and it is clearly and expressly said that our

first parent was placed in the garden of the earth to guard and to

cultivate it. "To guard," because an enemy was to be at hand, against

whom it behoved to watch and to contend. "To cultivate," possibly in a

very different manner, yet still with labour, though, doubtless, a

labour blessed with far richer and more abundant recompense than

afterwards when, on man's account, the earth was charged with

malediction.

This first divine law of nature, if we may so speak, by virtue of which

labour and struggle became from the beginning the destiny of man, has

retained its full force through all succeeding ages, and is applicable

alike to every class, and every nation, to each individual as well as to

mankind in general, to the most important, as to the most insignificant,

relations of society. He who weakly shrinks from the struggle, who will

offer no resistance, who will endure no labour nor fatigue, can neither

fulfil his own vocation, whatever it be, nor contribute aught to the

general welfare of mankind.--But since man hath been the prey of

discord, two different wills have contended within him for the

mastery--a divine and a natural will. Even his freedom is no longer that

happy freedom of celestial peace--the freedom of one who hath conquered

and triumphed--but a freedom, as we now see it--the freedom of

undetermined choice--of arduous, still undecided, struggle. To return to

the divine will, or the one conformable to God--to restore harmony

between the natural and the divine will, and to convert and transform

more and more the lower, earthly and natural will into the higher, and

divine one, is the great task of mankind in general, as of each

individual in particular. And this return--this restoration--this

transformation--all the endeavours after such--the progress or

retrogressions in this path--constitute an essential part of universal

history, so far as this embraces the moral development and intellectual

march of humanity.--But the fact that man, so soon as he loses the

internal sheet-anchor of truth and life--so soon as he abandons the

eternal law of divine ordinance, falls immediately under the dominion of

nature, and becomes her bondsman, each individual may learn from his own

interior, his own experience, and a survey of life; since the violent,

disorderly might of passion herself is only a blind power of nature

acting within us. Although this fact is historical, and indeed the first

of all historical facts, yet as it belongs to all mankind, and recurs in

each individual, it may be regarded as a psychological fact and

phenomenon of human consciousness. And on this very account it does not

precisely fall within the limits of history, and it precedes all

history; but all the consequences or possible consequences of this fact,

all the consequences that have really occurred, are within the essential

province of history.

The next consequence which, after this internal discord had broken out

in the consciousness and life of man, flowed from the developement of

this principle, was the division of the single race of man into a

plurality of nations, and the consequent diversity of languages. As long

as the internal harmony of the soul was undisturbed and unbroken, and

the light of the mind unclouded by sin, language could be nought else

than the simple and beautiful copy or expression of internal serenity;

and consequently there could be but one speech. But after the internal

word, which had been communicated by God to man, had become obscured;

after man's connection with his Creator had been broken; even outward

language necessarily fell into disorder and confusion. The simple and

divine truth was overlaid with various and sensual fictions, buried

under illusive symbols, and at last perverted into a horrible phantom.

Even Nature, that, like a clear mirror of God's creation, had originally

lain revealed and transparent to the unclouded eye of man, became now

more and more unintelligible, strange and fearful; once fallen away from

his God, man fell more and more into a state of internal conflict and

confusion.--Thus there sprang up a multitude of languages, alien one

from the other, and varying with every climate, in proportion as mankind

became morally disunited, geographically divided and dispersed, and even

distinguished by an organic diversity of form;--for when man had once

fallen under the power and dominion of nature, his physical conformation

changed with every climate. As a plant or animal indigenous to Africa or

America has a totally different form and constitution in Asia, so it is

with man; and the races of mankind form so many specific variations of

the same kind, from the negro to the copper-coloured American and the

savage islander of the south sea.--The expression _races_, however,

applied to man, involves something abhorrent from his high uplifted

spirit, and debasing to its native dignity.--This diversity of races

among men no one ought to exaggerate in a manner so as to raise doubts

as to the identity of their origin, for, according to a general organic

law, which indeed is allowed to hold good in the natural history of

animals, races capable of a prolific union must be considered of the

same origin, and as constituting the same species.--Even the apparent

chaos of different languages may be classed into kindred families, which

though separated by the distance of half the globe, seem still very

closely allied. Of these different families of tongues, the first and

most eminent are those which by their internal beauty, and by the noble

spirit breathing through them and apparent in their whole construction,

denote for the most part a higher origin and divine inspiration; and,

much as all these languages differ from each other, they appear, after

all, to be merely branches of one common stem.

The American tribes appeared indeed to be singularly strange, and to

stand at a fearful distance from the rest of mankind; yet the European

writer[39] most deeply conversant with those nations and their languages

has found in their traditions and tongues, and even in their manners and

customs, many positive and incontestable points of analogy with eastern

Asia and its inhabitants.

When man had once fallen from virtue, no determinable limit could be

assigned to his degradation; nor how far he might descend by degrees,

and approximate even to the level of the brute; for, as from his origin

he was a being essentially free, he was in consequence capable of

change, and even in his organic powers most flexible.

We must adopt this principle as the only clue to guide us in our

enquiries, from the negro who, as well from his bodily strength and

agility as from his docile and in general excellent character, is far

from occupying the lowest grade in the scale of humanity, down to the

monstrous Patagonian, the almost imbecile Peshwerais, and the horrible

cannibal of New Zealand, whose very portrait excites a shudder in the

beholder. How, even in the midst of civilization, man may degenerate

into the savage state; to what a pitch of moral degradation he may

descend, those can attest who have had opportunities of investigating

more closely the criminal history of great culprits, and even, at some

periods, the history of whole nations. In fact, every revolution is a

transient period of barbarism, in which man, while he displays partial

examples of the most heroic virtue and generous self-devotion, is often

half a savage. Nay, a war conducted with great animosity and protracted

to extremities, may easily degenerate into such a state of savage

ferocity: hence it is the highest glory of truly civilized nations to

repress and subdue by the sentiment of honour, by a system of severe

discipline, and by a generous code of warfare, respected alike by all

belligerent parties, that tendency and proneness to cruelty and

barbarity inherent in man.

Among the different tribes of savages, there are many indeed that appear

to be of a character incomparably better and more noble than those above

mentioned; yet, after the first ever so favourable impression, a closer

investigation will almost always discover in them very bad traits of

character and manners.--So far from seeking with Rousseau and his

disciples for the true origin of mankind, and the proper foundation of

the social compact, in the condition even of the best and noblest

savages; and so little disposed are we to remodel society upon this

boasted ideal of a pretended state of nature, that we regard it, on the

contrary, as a state of degeneracy and degradation. Thus in his origin,

and by nature, man is no savage:--he may indeed at any time and in any

place, and even at the present day, become one easily and rapidly, but

in general, not by a sudden fall, but by a slow and gradual declension;

and we the more willingly adopt this view as there are many historical

grounds of probability that, in the origin of mankind, this second fall

of man was not immediate and total, but slow and gradual, and that

consequently all those tribes which we call savage are of the same

origin with the noblest and most civilized nations, and have only by

degrees descended to their present state of brutish degradation.

Even the division of the human race into a plurality of nations, and the

chaotic diversity of human tongues, appear, from historical tradition,

to have become general and complete only at a more advanced period; for,

in the beginning, mention is made but of one separation of mankind into

two races or hostile classes. I use the general expression historical

tradition; for the brief and almost enigmatical, but very significant

and pregnant, words, in which the first great outward discord, or

conflict of mankind in primitive history, is represented in the Mosaic

narrative, are corroborated in a very remarkable degree by the Sagas of

other nations, among which I may instance in particular those of the

Greeks and the Indians. Although this primitive conflict, or opposition

among men, is represented in these traditions under various local

colours, and not without some admixture of poetical embellishment, yet

this circumstance serves only for the better confirmation of the

fundamental truth, if we separate the essential matter from the

adventitious details. Before I attempt to place in a clearer light this

first great historical event, which indeed constitutes the main subject

of all primitive history, by showing the strong concurrence of the many

and various authorities attesting it; it may be proper to call your

attention to a third fundamental canon of historical criticism, which

indeed requires no lengthened demonstration, and is merely this, that in

all enquiries, particularly into ancient and primitive history, we must

not reject as impossible or improbable whatever strikes us at first as

strange or marvellous. For it often happens that a closer investigation

and a deeper knowledge of a subject proves those things precisely to be

true, which at the first view or impression, appeared to us as the most

singular; while on the other hand, if we persist in estimating truth and

probability by the sole standard of objects vulgar and familiar to

ourselves; and if we will apply this exclusive standard to a world and

to ages so totally different, and so widely remote from our own, we

shall be certainly led into the most violent, and most erroneous

hypotheses.

In entering on this subject we must observe that, in the Mosaic account,

primitive and, what we call, universal history, does not properly

commence with the first man, his creation or ulterior destiny, but with

Cain--the fratricide and curse of Cain. The preceding part of the sacred

narrative regards, if we may so speak, only the private life of Adam,

which however will always retain a deep significacy for all the

descendants of the first progenitor.

The origin of discord in man, and the transmission of that mischief to

all ages and all generations, is indeed the first historical fact; but

on account of its universality, it forms, at the same time, as I have

before observed, a psychological phenomenon; and while, in this first

section of sacred history, everything points and refers to the mysteries

of religion; the fratricide of Cain on the other hand, and the flight of

that restless criminal to Eastern Asia, are the first events and

circumstances which properly belong to the province of history. In this

account we see first the foundation of the most ancient city, by which

undoubtedly we must understand a great, or at least an old and

celebrated city of Eastern Asia; and secondly, the origin of various

hereditary classes, trades and arts; especially of those connected with

the first knowledge and use of metals, and which doubtless hold the

first place in the history of human arts and discoveries.

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