REVIEW

of Governor Tazewell's Report to the Legislature of Virginia, on the

Deaf and Dumb Asylum.

The late Chief Magistrate of Virginia, Governor Floyd, in his message

of December, 1833, called the attention of the Legislature to the

condition of that unfortunate race of beings for whom it has been

reserved, under Providence, to the present age, to provide a suitable

system of instruction, by which they should be elevated to the

condition of moral and accountable creatures. The Governor says: "The

deaf, and dumb, and the blind, are objects of sympathy with all classes

of society, and from which no family can claim exemption. An asylum for

these unfortunate beings is suggested, where proper attention and

instruction can be given at public expense--where they can be taught to

read and write, and learn something of the useful arts; where even the

blind can be taught something to alleviate the long and wearisome night

which is allotted to them. I appeal to you in their behalf with the

more confidence, as it is a subject which stands wholly unconnected

with the business of life, from which they are excluded; and without

voice, like the eloquence of the spheres, applies to the heart of all,

from which they will not be spurned by the good and the just."

These humane and benevolent suggestions were referred, by special

resolution, to the Committee of Schools and Colleges, by which

committee a very able report was made on the subject to the House of

Delegates, concluding with a resolution, "that it was expedient and

highly important to provide immediately for the establishment and

endowment of an asylum for the deaf and dumb of the state of Virginia."

At the same session of the Legislature, it appears that a memorial was

presented by the trustees of the deaf and dumb asylum at Staunton, an

association incorporated in March 1833, setting forth that sufficient

funds had been provided to purchase a suitable site for a building--and

praying that the Legislature would make an annual appropriation in aid

of their benevolent purposes. This memorial is written with ability,

and presents in a strong light the necessity of some legislative action

on the subject. The Legislature, it seems however, was not prepared to

act definitively, even with all the lights before them; but as if

unwilling that an object so vastly important, and involving so many

high considerations, should entirely be lost sight of,--the House of

Delegates, a few days before the close of the session, adopted a

resolution requesting the Governor "to communicate to the General

Assembly at its next session such facts and views as he might deem

pertinent and useful, relative to the best plan, the appropriate

extent, the most suitable organization, and the probable cost of an

institution for the instruction of the deaf and dumb, to be located in

some healthy and convenient situation in this state; and that he be

further requested to accompany his communication by such information as

he might be able to impart relative to similar institutions in other

states, together with an estimate of the probable number of the deaf

and dumb who would repair to such an institution, to be located within

the limits of this Commonwealth."

In compliance with this resolution, Governor Tazewell, whose term of

office commenced on the 31st of March last, made a report to the

Legislature at its present session--a report which we regret to say is

entirely at variance with all the views heretofore entertained on this

interesting subject--a report which, so far as such high authority can

wield an influence, is calculated to repress the efforts of the friends

of humanity in the prosecution of so noble a cause. We shall examine

this document with the respect which is due to the high character and

eminent talents of its author--at the same time with that freedom which

belongs to the right of discussion--especially when we believe that the

interests of humanity are deeply concerned in the issue.

The report, after a few preliminary remarks, sets out as follows: "In

differing from those who may be in favor of establishing within this

state a seminary for the education of the deaf and dumb _at this time_,

I hope I shall not be considered by any as being opposed to the

accomplishment of an object so truly benevolent in its character. The

very reverse of this is the fact. It is only because I ardently desire

to see this laudable object attained by the best means practicable,

that I do not concur with those who may desire to effect it by the

creation of such an institution within this Commonwealth _at this

time_." Now with great deference to his Excellency, we humbly conceive

that all the reasons which he assigns against the establishment or

endowment of an asylum _at this time_, apply with equal force to any

_other time_. If there be any force in his arguments, they will

continue to operate, at least in a very essential degree, _for a long

period of years_. What are his reasons?

"Schools for the instruction of the deaf and dumb differ from all other

seminaries of education in this particular--that they can never

prosper, except by means which may suffice to bring together, at one

point, a sufficient number of pupils to commune with each other in

their own peculiar mode, and to concentrate the interest necessary to

be felt, and the efforts necessary to be used by those engaged in their

instruction. No expense can accomplish the desired object, unless by

the attainment of these means. Then, the question seems to be resolved

into this: Can the Legislature of Virginia reasonably promise itself,

that by the employment of any means which it ought to use, it may

concentrate at any point within this state, sufficient inducements to

draw thither the proper number of such pupils and of such instructers?

I do not think this can be done."

We shall forbear answering this part of his Excellency's report, which

we think is very easily done, until we spread still more of his reasons

before the reader.

"The whole number of white persons in Virginia, of all ages, who were

deaf and dumb, is shown by the last census to have been then four

hundred and twenty-two only. The annual increase of such unfortunates

(as shown by the calculations made upon the population of other

countries less favorably situated in this respect than Virginia,) does

not amount to more than about fifteen in a million--a number

approaching so nearly to the annual decrease by natural causes, that

the annual augmentation here must be very small indeed. Of the whole

number of deaf and dumb in any state, even in those where the most

liberal means have been employed to attract to their long established

asylums all of that class who might be induced to resort thither, the

proportion does not exceed one fifteenth. Thus in Connecticut, where

the number of mutes, as shewn by the last census, was two hundred and

ninety-five, there were not at their asylum, according to the last

report of that institution which I have seen, more than eighteen

persons of that number; and this after a period of sixteen years had

elapsed since the commencement of this establishment. Yet in

Connecticut the population is dense, and the inducements held out to

send all their deaf and dumb to this asylum are very great indeed. So

too in Pennsylvania, where the last census shews the whole number of

mutes to have been seven hundred and twelve, the number of these at

their excellent asylum, according to the last report, was only

forty-eight, after this seminary had been opened fourteen years.

"If then," continues the Governor, "in Connecticut, where there are two

hundred and ninety-five mutes, there cannot be collected at such an

institution, after sixteen years, more than eighteen of that number;

and if in Pennsylvania, where the number of mutes is seven hundred and

twelve, only forty-eight of that number can be induced to avail

themselves of the advantages held out by its admirable institution,

after ---- years; it is unreasonable to suppose that the sparse

population of Virginia could supply a sufficient number of pupils to

attain the great object had in view by the establishment of a seminary

here like that proposed. For it must not be overlooked, that the supply

of pupils to every school will bear some proportion to the expense of

maintaining them while there, and that in older institutions, this

expense will be necessarily much less than in those of more recent

origin."

The Governor would have shed much more light upon this branch of the

subject, if he had expressed his opinion as to the precise number of

pupils which it was necessary to bring together, in order that they

might "commune with each other in their own peculiar mode;" and which,

according to his view of the subject, is necessary to the existence and

prosperity of all such institutions. That opinion however he has not

indicated; but has left us to infer that as not more than one in

fifteen has ever been induced, according to the experience of other

institutions, to resort to them for instruction, even by the employment

of the most liberal means,--that proportion of the whole number of free

white deaf mutes in Virginia, would not be sufficient to justify the

commencement of such an establishment here. One fifteenth of the whole

number in Virginia, at the last census, would be twenty-eight. That

number, however, will not suffice, and we must wait longer. How long,

it is impossible to tell--inasmuch as from his Excellency's reasoning,

the increase must be very inconsiderable--being not more than at the

rate of sixteen annually for every million of inhabitants; and from

this must be deducted the decrease from natural causes. Let us suppose

then that the annual increase in Virginia is sixteen, and that the

annual decrease is twelve, leaving a yearly increment of four to the

whole number in the state. Now as, according to Governor Tazewell's

views, not more than one in fifteen of the whole number can be induced

to attend a school of instruction, it requires not the aid of Cocker to

demonstrate that several years must elapse before even an additional

pupil can be added to the twenty-eight above stated. Candor compels us

therefore to declare that we think this part of his Excellency's report

very unsound in its reasoning. He seems to have founded his argument

upon the supposition that the deaf and dumb pupils to be educated at

the proposed asylum in Virginia, are to be maintained from their own

resources, or the private liberality of their friends; whereas, the

very object of applying for Legislative aid, is to enable many of these

indigent children of misfortune to obtain instruction at the public

expense. If this was not the ground of the Governor's reasoning, why

does he suppose that not more than one-fifteenth of the whole number of

deaf mutes could be induced to resort to a seminary for instruction?

Does he mean that a larger proportion could not be obtained if the

public expense were proffered for their education and subsistence? If

he does, then we humbly think that his Excellency is most egregiously

mistaken.

Strange as it may seem however, whilst the Governor in the part of his

report which we have quoted, seems to reason upon the idea that

Legislative aid is desired for the sole purpose of endowing an asylum

at the commencement, and that the annual cost of supporting and

educating the pupils is to be drawn from private sources,--he

nevertheless suggests as the preferable mode, that the Legislature

should annually appropriate a sufficient sum for the maintenance of a

given number of pupils at the institutions of Connecticut or

Pennsylvania. Let him speak in his own language:

"If the benevolent purpose of instructing the deaf and dumb be the

great object of those who desire the establishment of a seminary of

this kind in Virginia at this time, the principal question must be, by

what means can such an object be best attained? The considerations I

have mentioned will probably suffice to shew, that much proficiency

cannot reasonably be expected from a school of this kind created here

now, nor for many years yet to come, except at a cost to the public

very far exceeding any public benefit that could possibly be derived

from it. The benevolence of the object might perhaps justify such an

expenditure for its accomplishment, if no other means existed. But when

other means are open, by which the same benevolent purpose may be

attained, even better, and at much less expense, it seems difficult to

assign any reason why the better and cheaper mode should not be

preferred. This better mode seems to me to be, to appropriate a portion

of the sum it must require to create and to perpetuate such an

establishment here, to the advancement of the same object in some other

seminary already established in one of the other states. All the

eastern states (except Rhode Island, I believe,) have pursued this

course in regard to the seminary at Hartford, in Connecticut; and I

understand that New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland have adopted the same

plan with respect to the seminary in Pennsylvania."

In what way, let us ask, is this annual appropriation which the

Governor recommends, to be expended? Upon the indigent of course--upon

those to whose intellectual night the providence of God has superadded

the gloom of poverty; and these objects of public sympathy and bounty

are to be selected we presume from various parts of the commonwealth,

according to some equitable rule hereafter to be established. Now we

humbly think, that whatever inducements could prevail upon the friends

of these unfortunates, to send them from three to five hundred miles

abroad, in order to partake of the state's charity, would operate with

much greater force if the place of their destination were somewhere

within our own limits. Of this fact we presume there can be no

question. The father or guardian of an indigent deaf mute in one of the

border counties of this commonwealth, would vastly prefer Richmond,

Staunton or Charlottesville as the place of his education, to either of

the cities of Philadelphia or Hartford. There are, moreover, many

strong and obvious reasons why a _state institution_ should be

patronized, in preference to any other. The public funds would be

expended on our own soil, and among our own population. The state would

be even richer, by the introduction among us of that peculiar science,

which reveals the mysterious intercourse of human minds deprived of the

usual inlets to the understanding. The Governor himself seems to be

aware that the encouragement of every good thing among ourselves,

rather than to be dependent upon others for their enjoyment, is an

honest, natural and patriotic prejudice; and accordingly he takes some

pains to encounter and overthrow it. Hear him.

"Although I will not admit that there is a single citizen within the

limits of Virginia more desirous than I am to domesticate here every

thing needful to the well being of the state, yet I neither consider

many of what are called modern improvements as coming within this

description, nor do I regard it as wise to attempt such domestication

prematurely. It is among the wise dispensations of Providence, that all

things really necessary to man are placed within the grasp of every

community composed of men, and that much of what is not necessary, but

convenient only, is of easy acquisition in every civilized society. But

when you ascend higher in the scale, and seek to teach or to learn all

the sublime and long hidden truths of modern science, it is perhaps

fortunate for our race that there are not many any where who feel the

inclination to become scholars, and very few indeed who are qualified

to teach such lessons. Such science may truly say she is of no country;

for no single country on the habitable globe could fill the chairs of

the instructers, or the forms of the pupils. Accident generally lays

the foundation of such seminaries, and the contributions of the

civilized world are required to erect and preserve the edifice. Does

any country grudge to pay her quota to the common stock, or seek to

pluck from the wing of science the particular feather which such

country may claim as her own?--each will do so in its turn--and the

bird which might have soared to a sightless height, when stripped of

its plumage, will but flutter on the surface, unable to wing her way on

high."

Now we confess that we do not understand to our entire satisfaction

this extract from the report. The figure of the bird with the plucked

plumage, neither strikes us as in very good taste nor very

intelligible; but as we have more to do with his Excellency's arguments

than his rhetoric, we shall leave the latter to those who are better

skilled than we are in following "the mazes of metaphorical confusion."

The governor proceeds:

"If this is the case with science, in what may now be considered its

higher departments, how much stronger is the appeal humanity makes in

favor of benevolence and christian charity. These are of no country,

certainly. They but sojourn on earth, teaching frail man to do his duty

to his maker, in providing for the wants of his unfortunate fellows, so

far as is practicable. To them it must be of little consequence indeed,

whether the mute by nature is made a rational being by arts employed in

his education, either in one place or another. So far as regards the

unfortunate mute, the only inquiry is, where can he be best taught? The

only inquiry of the benevolent ought to be, where can he be so taught

at the least cost? This last is an inquiry suggested not less by

benevolence than the former; for as the means of even charity are

necessarily limited, that application of them is best which promises to

do the greatest good with the least expenditure.

"To all this let me add, that if there is any thing better calculated

than any other to cement our union, and to keep bright the chain which

I trust will bind these states together while time lasts, it will be

found in the contributions of each to the advancement of objects

approved by all, without any jealous regard to the actual spot at which

such a general good may commence. If a generous spirit of this sort is

but once manifested, its effects will be soon seen and felt by all.

Acts of kindness will not fail to induce forbearance and to generate

sympathy. When each state shall feel, that for the aid it requires to

accomplish any object of general utility, it may rely confidently on

its co-states, there will be no more applications to the federal

government to pervert the language of the constitution, in order to

accomplish the unholy scheme of robbing a minority to enrich a

majority. Then, those who contend but for the spoils of the vanquished,

may be safely left to the contempt which such a motive cannot fail to

inspire with all the generous and the good. It would have been worthy

of Virginia to set such an example: it is worthy of her to imitate that

which others have already taught."

It is in these passages that we think lurks the fallacy, and we might

add, the mischief of the Governor's views. He sets out first by

deprecating all legislative interference on the subject. "Let us alone"

is his cardinal maxim, and the maxim of the school of political

economists to which he belongs.--Let individuals take care of

themselves and of each other, but let not government presume to thrust

its paternal care upon the community. In the next place, however, if

the State, according to his Excellency's notions, will officiously

obtrude into these private matters--why then let the funds of the

Commonwealth go abroad and enrich some sister State.--These kind

offices will brighten the chain of union which binds the States

together. They will teach us all to rely more upon each other, and less

upon the general government. This is the sum and substance of the

Governor's reasoning; and dangerous and fallacious as we believe it to

be, we feel the stronger obligation, coming from the high quarter it

does, to resist and refute it if we can. It may be justly asked, if

there be any thing sound in this specious appeal to the generous

feelings of the States, why have not the States carried out the

doctrine themselves? Why has North Carolina for example, proverbially

styled the Rip Van Winkle of the South, been so blind to her own

interests and duty, as not to send her deaf and dumb children to

Hartford, instead of erecting an asylum at home? Why have Ohio and

Kentucky been guilty of the similar folly of founding institutions

themselves? We think we can answer these questions in the only way in

which they can be answered, and that is, that these younger

States--these (for the most part) daughters of the Old Dominion, are

wiser in their generation than their venerable mother. They have

discerned their true interests, in fostering their own establishments.

Did any one ever dream that Kentucky had given cause of offence to her

sister States, by erecting an asylum for the poor mutes? We apprehend

not. The truth is, that his Excellency the Governor, is entirely

mistaken in his views upon this subject. State pride,--State

sovereignty,--State independence,--jealousy of the federal

government,--whatever you please to call it, is best preserved by each

individual State taking care of its own resources, and building up its

own establishments. What a ridiculous business it would be, if

twenty-four families in the same neighborhood, were to act upon the

principle that each was to take care of all the rest in preference to

itself? How will the twenty-four States ever be strong, unless each

State will attend particularly to the developement of its own latent

powers and capacities--unless each will apply its own energies for its

own benefit? Pursue the Governor's doctrine to all its remote

consequences, and see to what absurdities we are driven. The University

of Virginia was a most palpable violation of the courtesy and good

feeling due to our sister States. Besides, according to his Excellency,

would it not have been _cheaper_ to send our sons as usual to

Cambridge, and Princeton, and Yale, rather than incur the enormous

expense of erecting a splendid establishment from the State Treasury?

The University, by the way, furnishes a very strong case, favoring, in

many of the views in which it may be regarded, the positions and

doctrines of Governor Tazewell; yet what Virginian regrets even the

lavish expenditure by which that institution has been endowed?--Who

does not rather rejoice, that in his native State, at the base of

Monticello, the domes of science have been reared, to scatter its light

to the present and future generations?

The truth is, and most melancholy is the truth, that many of our

leading men in Virginia, perhaps the far greater number, are inclined

to acquiesce in this fatal doctrine of State apathy--this most

paralyzing policy of passive inertness,--whilst the world at large, and

many other portions of the Union, are marching in advance of us, with a

celerity which defies calculation. Governor Tazewell might well have

applied his figure of the bird despoiled of its plumage, to our poor,

old and venerable mother. Her daughters, and sisters, and

brothers--almost the whole family--no doubt with the best intentions in

the world--are practising, in one way or other, on the old lady's kind

feelings and generous principles. Our worthy and excellent friends East

of the Hudson, send us their notions--their long provender, their

vegetables and brooms, and beg us, by all means, to buy them, because

it is _cheaper_ to do so, than to divert our labor from our valuable

staples. They send us also their excellent cottons, and other fabrics

of their looms, which we take liberally, although we have a good deal

of surplus labor, and the finest water power in the Union.--Our near

neighbor and almost twin sister Maryland, is pushing, with a degree of

enterprise which does her credit, her internal improvements into the

heart of our own territory--and we----we have too much grace and

politeness to say to her, that it is rather an intrusion. Our most

filial and amiable daughters to the West, send to us their hogs, horses

and cattle--and we pay them, at least so says the buyer, most

tremendous prices. All these drains from our prosperity, and many more

which might be enumerated, we submit to, with a degree of patience and

composed resignation that even Job might have envied. Our Eagle is

indeed stripped of its plumage, to adorn others more fearless and

adventurous on the wing.

But to return to the Report. The Governor thinking it probable that the

Legislature might not concur in his views, either to give the whole

subject of a deaf and dumb asylum the go-by, or to adopt the

alternative of sending the indigent pupils into other States, presents

various views touching the management of such institutions--the general

correctness of which we are not disposed to question. At one thing,

however, we are somewhat surprised, and that is, that his Excellency

seems not to have been aware of the existence within this State, of an

incorporated asylum, prepared to go into operation whensoever the

public shall extend its patronage. The Report seems to have been

founded upon a voluminous mass of documents, which are deposited in the

public library, for the use of the Legislature. Not having access to

them, we shall content ourselves with a reference to such others as lay

within our reach, in order to present, in a few strong lights, the

importance and necessity of such an institution in Virginia.

At the session of 1825-'6, Governor Pleasants communicated to the

Legislature the first annual report of the trustees of the Kentucky

institution, and also the ninth annual report of the Hartford Asylum.

The first mentioned document is particularly important, inasmuch as it

exhibits at once the success which attended a _first experiment_, under

circumstances extremely disadvantageous. The report of the trustees

made to the Kentucky Legislature was referred to a joint committee of

the two Houses,--who visited the asylum at Danville, and who, among

other things, stated, on their return, "that they were greatly

gratified in witnessing the progress made by the pupils, whose facility

and correctness in comprehending the signs made by the teacher, and

expressing their ideas, exceeded any thing that could have been

anticipated by the most sanguine friends of the institution." They

further state the following extraordinary facts, which ought at once to

dispel all prejudice, and unite all hearts in support of a system of

instruction, attended by such beneficent results. "All those who had

been instructed in the asylum for FOUR MONTHS, _wrote good hands,

spelled correctly, and answered promptly and correctly, numerous

questions that were proposed to them by the teacher and members of the

committee_." It also appears that the whole number of pupils, at the

end of the first year, was only twenty-one--a number, which, according

to Governor Tazewell's theory, is not sufficient for the purpose of

mutual communion, in their peculiar mode--but which, in the instance

before us, would seem to establish the very reverse of that

proposition.

The report from the Hartford Asylum, which is dated in 1825, is

particularly interesting, as furnishing extraordinary proofs of the

progress of the pupils, both in moral and intellectual attainments. We

think, if Governor Tazewell had been so fortunate as to light upon this

document, he would scarcely have urged as a reason for _postponing_ an

asylum in Virginia, that the science of instructing the deaf mute was

continually advancing, and was likely to be more perfect some years

hence than at present. Doubtless this peculiar and valuable art will

improve, and so will many other branches of knowledge which are even

now in a highly advanced state. Natural history, chemistry, and the

physical sciences generally, are constantly enlarging their boundaries,

and extending their acquisitions--but shall we, on that account, remain

in ignorance of what they _now_ teach, in the vain hope that by and by

they will reach the maximum of perfection? Strange doctrine truly!

We have already referred to the memorial of the trustees of the

Staunton institution, and the report of the committee of schools and

colleges--both of which interesting papers will be found among the

printed legislative documents of last winter, and ought to be reprinted

for distribution among the members of that body, now in session. We

hope that the Legislature will take the subject into its speedy and

earnest consideration, and that, in the language of the Kentucky

report, they will hearken to the "claims of those whom God, in the

mysterious dispensations of his providence, has deprived of the faculty

of hearing and of speech; of whom an eloquent divine has said, 'silence

like theirs is eloquence.'"

The southern literary messenger, Vol. I., No. 4, December, 1834 · 第 7 / 97 题