CHAPTER II.

PARLIAMENT AND ITS GRIEVANCES.

(NOVEMBER 1529.)

[Sidenote: Opening Of The New Parliament.]

On the morning of the 3d of November, Henry went in his barge to the

palace of Bridewell; and, having put on the magnificent robes employed

on great ceremonies, and followed by the lords of his train, he

proceeded to the Blackfriars church, in which the members of the new

parliament had assembled. After hearing the mass of the Holy Ghost,

king, lords, and commons met in parliament; when, as soon as the king

had taken his seat on the throne, the new chancellor, Sir Thomas More,

explained the reason of their being summoned. Thomas Audley, chancellor

of the Duchy of Lancaster, was appointed speaker of the lower house.

Generally speaking, parliament confined itself to passing the

resolutions of the government. The Great Charter had, indeed, been long

in existence, but, until now, it had been little more than a dead

letter. The Reformation gave it life. “Christ brings us out of bondage

into liberty by means of the Gospel,” said Calvin.[13] This

emancipation, which was essentially spiritual, soon extended to other

spheres, and gave an impulse to liberty throughout all Christendom. Even

in England such an impulse was needed. Under the Plantagenets and the

Tudors the constitutional machine existed, but it worked only as it was

directed by the strong hand of the master. Without the Reformation,

England might have slumbered long.

The impulse given by religious truth to the latent liberties of the

people was felt for the first time in the parliament of 1529. The

representatives shared the lively feelings of their constituents, and

took their seats with the firm resolve to introduce the necessary

reforms in the affairs of both Church and State. Indeed, on the very

first day several members pointed out the abuses of the clerical

domination, and proposed to lay the desires of the people before the

king.

The Commons might of their own accord have applied to the task, and, by

proposing rash changes, have given the Reform a character of violence

that might have worked confusion in the State; but they preferred

petitioning the king to take the necessary measures to carry out the

wishes of the nation; and accordingly a petition, respectfully worded,

but in clear and strong language, was agreed to. The Reformation began

in England, as in Switzerland and Germany, with personal conversions.

The individual was reformed first; but it was necessary for the people

to reform afterwards, and the measures requisite to success could not be

taken, in the sixteenth century, without the participation of the

governing powers. Freely, therefore, and nobly, a whole nation was about

to express to their ruler their grievances and wishes.

[Sidenote: Petition Of The Commons.]

On one of the first days of the session the speaker and certain members,

who had been ordered to accompany him, proceeded to the palace. “Your

highness,” they began, “of late much discord, variance, and debate hath

arisen, and more and more daily is likely to increase and ensue amongst

your subjects, to the great inquietation, vexation, and breach of your

peace, of which the chief causes followingly do ensue.”[14]

This opening could not fail to excite the king’s attention and the

Speaker of the House of Commons began boldly to unroll the long list of

the grievances of England. “First, the prelates of your most excellent

realm, and the clergy of the same, have in their convocations made many

and divers laws without your most royal assent, and without the assent

of any of your lay subjects.

“And also many of your said subjects, and specially those that be of the

poorest sort, be daily called before the said spiritual ordinaries or

their commissaries, on the accusement of light and indiscreet persons,

and be excommunicated and put to excessive and impostable charges.

“The prelates suffer the priests to exact divers sums of money for the

sacraments, and sometimes deny the same without the money be first paid.

“Also the said spiritual ordinaries do daily confer and give sundry

benefices unto certain young folks, calling them their nephews or

kinsfolk, being in their minority and within age, not apt nor able to

serve the cure of any such benefice ... whereby the said ordinaries

accumulate to themselves large sums of money, and the poor silly souls

of your people perish without doctrine or any good teaching.

“Also a great number of holydays be kept throughout this your realm,

upon the which many great, abominable, and execrable vices, idle and

wanton sports be used, which holydays might by your majesty be made

fewer in number.

“And also the said spiritual ordinaries commit divers of your subjects

to ward, before they know either the cause of their imprisonment, or the

name of their accuser.”[15]

Thus far the Commons had confined themselves to questions that had been

discussed more than once; they feared to touch upon the subject of

heresy before the Defender of the Roman Faith. But there were

evangelical men among their number who had been eye-witnesses of the

sufferings of the reformed. At the peril, therefore, of offending the

king, the Speaker boldly took up the defence of the pretended heretics.

“If heresy be ordinarily laid unto the charge of the person accused, the

said ordinaries put to them such subtle interrogatories concerning the

high mysteries of our faith, as are able quickly to trap a simple

unlearned layman. And if any heresy be so confessed in word, yet never

committed in thought or deed, they put the said person to make his

purgation. And if the party so accused deny the accusation, witnesses of

little truth or credence are brought forth for the same, and deliver the

party so accused to secular hands.”

The Speaker was not satisfied with merely pointing out the disease: “We

most humbly beseech your Grace, in whom the only remedy resteth, of your

goodness to consent, so that besides the fervent love your Highness

shall thereby engender in the hearts of all your Commons towards your

Grace, ye shall do the most princely feat, and show the most charitable

precedent that ever did sovereign lord upon his subjects.”

The king listened to the petition with his characteristic dignity, and

also with a certain kindliness. He recognized the just demands in the

petition of the Commons, and saw how far they would support the

religious independence to which he aspired. Still, unwilling to take the

part of heresy, he selected only the most crying abuses, and desired his

faithful Commons to take their correction upon themselves. He then sent

the petition to the bishops, requiring them to answer the charges

brought against them, and added that henceforward his consent would be

necessary to give the force of law to the acts of Convocation.

[Sidenote: Reply Of The Bishops.]

This royal communication was a thunderbolt to the prelates. What! the

bishops, the successors of the apostles, accused by the representatives

of the nation, and requested by the king to justify themselves like

criminals!... Had the Commons of England forgotten what a priest was?

These proud ecclesiastics thought only of the indelible virtues which,

in their view, ordination had conferred upon them, and shut their eyes

to the vices of their fallible human nature. We can understand their

emotion, their embarrassment, and their anger. The Reformation which had

made the tour of the continent was at the gates of England; the king was

knocking at their doors. What was to be done? they could not tell. They

assembled, and read the petition again and again. The Archbishop of

Canterbury, and the Bishops of London, Lincoln, St. Asaph, and Rochester

carped at it and replied to it. They would willingly have thrown it into

the fire,—the best of answers in their opinion; but the king was

waiting, and the Archbishop of Canterbury was commissioned to enlighten

him.

Warham did not belong to the most fanatical party; he was a prudent man,

and the wish for reform had hardly taken shape in England when, being

uneasy and timid, he had hastened to give a certain satisfaction to his

flock by reforming abuses which he had sanctioned for thirty years.[16]

But he was a priest, a Romish priest; he represented an inflexible

hierarchy. Strengthened by the clamors of his colleagues, he resolved to

utter the famous _non possumus_, less powerful, however, in England than

in Rome.

“Sire,” he said, “your Majesty’s Commons reproach us with uncharitable

behavior.... On the contrary, we love them with hearty affection, and

have only exercised the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church upon

persons infected with the pestilent poison of heresy. To have peace with

such had been against the gospel of our Saviour Christ, wherein he

saith, _I came not to send peace, but a sword_.

“Your Grace’s Commons complain that the clergy daily do make laws

repugnant to the statutes of your realm. We take our authority from the

Scriptures of God, and shall always diligently apply to conform our

statutes thereto; and we pray that your Highness will, with the assent

of your people, temper your Grace’s laws accordingly; whereby shall

ensue a most sure and hearty conjunction and agreement.

“They accuse us of committing to prison before conviction such as be

suspected of heresy.... Truth it is that certain apostates, friars,

monks, lewd priests, bankrupt merchants, vagabonds, and idle fellows of

corrupt intent have embraced the abominable opinions lately sprung up in

Germany; and by them some have been seduced in simplicity and ignorance.

Against these, if judgment has been exercised according to the laws of

the Church, we be without blame.

“They complain that two witnesses be admitted, be they never so defamed,

to vex and trouble your subjects to the peril of their lives, shames,

costs, and expenses.... To this we reply, the judge must esteem the

quality of the witness; but in heresy no exception is necessary to be

considered, if their tale be likely. This is the universal law of

Christendom, and hath universally done good.

“They say that we give benefices to our nephews and kinsfolk, being in

young age or infants, and that we take the profit of such benefices for

the time of the minority of our said kinsfolk. If it be done to our own

use and profit, it is not well; but if it be bestowed to the bringing up

and use of the same parties, or applied to the maintenance of God’s

service, we do not see but that it may be allowed.”

As for the irregular lives of the priests, the prelates remarked that

they were condemned by the laws of the Church, and consequently there

was nothing to be said on that point.

Lastly, the bishops seized the opportunity of taking the offensive:—“We

entreat of your Grace to repress heresy. This we beg of you, lowly upon

our knees, so entirely as we can.”[17]

Such was the brief of Roman Catholicism in England. Its defence would

have sufficed to condemn it.

Footnote 13:

In Johannem, viii. 36.

Footnote 14:

MS. petition in Record Office: Froude, _History of England_, i. pp.

208, 214.

Footnote 15:

Petition of the Commons: Froude’s _England_, i. pp. 208-216.

Footnote 16:

“Within these ten weeks, I reformed many other things.”—Froude, i.

233, _Reply of the Bishops_.

Footnote 17:

_The Answer of the Ordinaries._ Record Office MS. Froude, i. p. 225.

History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin. Vol. 4 (of 8) · 第 2 / 26 章