History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 4 of 8
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE IN THE TIME OF CALVIN.
BY
J. H. MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ, D.D.,
AUTHOR OF THE ‘HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY,’
ETC.
‘Les choses de petite durée ont coutume de devenir fanées, quand elles
ont passé
leur temps.
‘Au règne de Christ, il n’y a que le nouvel homme qui soit florissant,
qui ait de
la vigueur, et dont il faille faire cas.’
CALVIN.
VOL. IV.
ENGLAND, GENEVA, FRANCE, GERMANY, AND ITALY.
NEW YORK:
ROBERT CARTER & BROTHERS,
No. 530 BROADWAY.
1866.
PREFACE.
This volume narrates the events of an important epoch in the Reformation
of England, Switzerland, France, Germany, and Italy. From the first the
author purposed to write a _History of the Reformation in Europe_, which
he indicated in the title of his work. Some persons, misled by the last
words of that title, have supposed that he intended to give a mere
biography of Calvin: such was not his idea. That great divine must have
his place in this history, but, however interesting the life of a man
may be, and especially the life of so great a servant of God, the
history of the work of God in the various parts of Christendom possesses
in our opinion a greater and more permanent interest.
Deo soli gloria. Omnia hominum idola pereant!
In the year 1853, in the fifth volume of his _History of the Reformation
of the Sixteenth Century_, the author described the commencement of the
reform in England. He now resumes the subject where he had left off,
namely, after the fall and death of Wolsey. The following pages were
written thirteen years ago, immediately subsequent to the publication of
the fifth volume; they have since then been revised and extended.
The most important fact of that epoch in Great Britain is the act by
which the English Church resumed its independence. It was attended by a
peculiar circumstance. When Henry VIII. emancipated his people from the
papal supremacy, he proclaimed himself head of the Church. And hence, of
all Protestant countries, England is the one in which Church and State
are most closely united. The legislators of the Anglican Church
understood afterwards the danger presented by this union, and
consequently declared, in the Thirty-seventh Article (_Of the Civil
Magistrates_), that, ‘where they attributed to the King’s Majesty the
chief government, they gave not to their princes the ministering of
God’s word.’ This did not mean that the king should not preach; such an
idea did not occur to any one; but that the civil power should not take
upon itself to determine the doctrines of the divine Word.
Unhappily this precaution has not proved sufficient. Not long since a
question of doctrine was raised with regard to the _Essays and Reviews_,
and the case having been carried on appeal before the supreme court, the
latter gave its decision with regard to important dogmas. The Privy
Council decided that the denial of the plenary inspiration of Scripture,
of the substitution of Christ for the sinner in the sacrifice of the
cross, and of the irrevocable consequences of the last judgment, was not
contrary to the profession of faith of the Church of England. When they
heard of this judgment, the rationalists triumphed; but an immense
number of protests were made in all parts of Great Britain. While we
feel the greatest respect for the persons and intentions of the members
of the judicial committee of the Privy Council, we venture to ask
whether this judgment be not subversive of the fundamental principles of
the Anglican Church; nay more (though in this we may be wrong), is it
not a violation of the English Constitution, of which the articles of
Religion form part? The fact is the more serious as it was accomplished
notwithstanding the opposition (which certainly deserved to be taken
into consideration) of the two chief spiritual conductors of the
Church—the Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and the
Archbishop of York, both members of the council. Having to describe in
this volume the historical fact in which the evil originated, the author
is of opinion that he ought to point out respectfully but frankly the
evil itself. He does so with the more freedom because he believes that
he is in harmony on this point with the majority of the bishops, clergy,
and pious laymen of the English Church, for whom he has long felt
sincere respect and affection.
But let us not fear. The ills of the Church must not prevent our
acknowledging that at no time has evangelical Christianity been more
widely extended than in our days. We know that the Christians of Great
Britain will not only hold firm the standard of faith, but will redouble
their efforts to win souls to the Gospel both at home and in the most
distant countries. And if at any time they should be compelled to make a
choice—and either renounce their union with the civil power, or
sacrifice the holy doctrines of the Word of God—there is not (in our
opinion) one evangelical minister or layman in England who would
hesitate a moment on the course he should adopt.
England requires now more than ever to study the Fathers of the
Reformation in their writings, and to be animated by their spirit. There
are men in our days who are led astray by strange imaginations, and who,
unless precautions be taken against their errors, would overturn the
glorious chariot of Christian truth, and plunge it into the abyss of
superstitious Romanism or over the abrupt precipice of incredulity. On
one side, scholastic doctrines (as transubstantiation for instance) are
boldly professed in certain Protestant churches; monastic orders, popish
rites, candles, vestments of the fourteenth century, and all the
mummeries of the Middle Ages are revived. On the other side, a
rationalism, which, though it still keeps within bounds, is not the less
dangerous on that account, is attacking the inspiration of Scripture,
the atonement, and other essential doctrines. May we be permitted to
conjure all who have God’s glory, the safety of the Church, and the
prosperity of their country at heart, to preserve in its integrity the
precious treasure of God’s Word, and to learn from the men of the
Reformation to repel foolish errors and a slavish yoke with one hand,
and with the other the empty theorems of an incredulous philosophy.
I would crave permission to draw attention to a fact of importance. A
former volume has shown that the spiritual reformation of England
proceeded from the Word of God, first read at Oxford and Cambridge, and
then by the people. The only part which the king took in it was an
opposition, which he followed out even to the stake. The present volume
shows that the official reformation, the reform of abuses, proceeded
from the Commons, from the most notable laymen of England. The king took
only a passive part in this work. Thus neither the internal nor the
external reform proceeded from Henry VIII. Of all the acts of the
Reformation only one belongs to him: he broke with the pope. That was a
great benefit, and it is a great honor to the king. But could it have
lasted without the two other reforms? We much doubt it. The Reformation
of England primarily came from God; but if we look at secondary causes,
it proceeded from the people, and not from the sovereign. The noble
vessel of the political constitution, which had remained almost
motionless for centuries, began to advance at the first breath of the
Gospel. Rationalists and papists, notwithstanding all their hopes, will
never deprive Great Britain of the Reformation accomplished by the Word
of God; but if England were to lose the Gospel, she would at the same
time lose her liberty. Coercion under the reign of popery or excesses
under the reign of infidelity, would be equally fatal to it.
A distinguished writer published in 1858 an important work in which he
treated of the history of England from the fall of Wolsey.[1] We have
great pleasure in acknowledging the value of Mr. Froude’s volumes; but
we do not agree with his opinions with respect to the character of Henry
VIII. While we believe that he rendered great services to England as a
king, we are not inclined, so far as his private character is concerned,
to consider him a model prince, and his victims as criminals. We differ
also from the learned historian in certain matters of detail, which have
been partly indicated in our notes. But every one must bear testimony to
the good use Mr. Froude has made of the original documents which he had
before him, and to the talent with which the history is written, and we
could not forbear rejoicing as we noticed the favorable point of view
under which, in this last work of his, he considers the Reformation.
After speaking of England, the author returns to the history of Geneva;
and readers may perhaps complain that he has dwelt longer upon it than
is consistent with a general history of the Reformation. He acknowledges
that there may be some truth in the objection, and accepts his
condemnation in advance. But he might reply that according to the
principles which determine the characteristics of the Beautiful, the
liveliest interest is often excited by what takes place on the narrowest
stage. He might add that the special character of the Genevese Reform,
where political liberty and evangelical faith are seen triumphing
together, is of particular importance to our age. He might say that if
he has spoken too much of Geneva, it is because he knows and loves her;
and that while everybody thinks it natural for a botanist, even when
taking note of the plants of the whole world, to apply himself specially
to a description of such as grow immediately around him; a Genevese
ought to be permitted to make known the flowers which adorn the shores
upon which he dwells, and whose perfume has extended far over the world.
For this part of our work we have continued to consult the most
authentic documents of the sixteenth century, at the head of which are
the Registers of the Council of State of Geneva. Among the new sources
that we have explored we may mention an important manuscript in the
Archives of Berne which was placed at our disposal by M. de Stürler,
Chancellor of State. This folio of four hundred and thirty pages
contains the minutes of the sittings of the Inquisitional Court of
Lyons, assembled to try Baudichon de la Maisonneuve for heresy. To avoid
swelling out this volume, it was necessary to omit many interesting
circumstances contained in that document; we should have curtailed them
even more had we not considered that the facts of that trial did not yet
belong to history, and had remained for more than three centuries hidden
among the state papers of Berne.[2] De la Maisonneuve was the chief
layman of the Genevese Reformation,—_the captain of the Lutherans_, as
he is frequently called by the witnesses in their depositions. The part
he played in the Reformation of Geneva has not been duly appreciated. No
doubt the excess of his qualities, particularly of his energy, sometimes
carried him too far; but his love of truth, indomitable courage, and
indefatigable activity make him one of the most prominent characters of
the Reform. The name of Maisonneuve no longer exists in that city; but a
great number of the most ancient and most respected families descend
from him, either in a direct or collateral line.[3]
Another manuscript has brought to our knowledge the chief mission of the
embassy which solicited Francis I. to set Baudichon de la Maisonneuve at
liberty. The head of that embassy was Rodolph of Diesbach: M. Ferdinand
de Diesbach, of Berne, has had the kindness to place the manuscript
records of his family at our disposal; and the circumstance that we have
learnt from them does not give a very exalted idea of that king’s
generosity.
The project of Francis I. and of Melancthon described in the portion of
the volume devoted to France and Germany, and the important letters
hitherto unknown in our language, which are given there, appear worthy
of the attention of enlightened and serious minds.
We conclude with Italy. We could have wished to describe in this volume
Calvin’s journey to Ferrara, and even his arrival at Geneva; but the
great space given to other countries did not permit us to carry on the
Genevese Reformation to that period. Two distinguished men, whose
talents and labors we respect, M. Albert Rilliet, of Geneva, and M.
Jules Bonnet, of Paris, have had a discussion about Calvin’s transalpine
expedition. M. Rilliet’s essay (_Deux points obscurs de la vie de
Calvin_) was published as a pamphlet, and M. Bonnet’s answer (_Calvin en
Italie_) appeared in the _Revue Chrétienne_ for 1864, p. 461 sqq., and
in the _Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Français_
for 1864, p. 183 sqq. M. Rilliet denies that Calvin ever visited the
city of Aosta, and M. Bonnet maintains that he did. Data are
unfortunately wanting to decide a small number of secondary points; but
the important fact of Calvin’s journey _through Aosta_, seems beyond a
doubt, and when we come to this epoch in the Reformer’s life, we will
give such proofs—in our opinion incontestable proofs—as ought to
convince every impartial mind.
Before describing Calvin’s residence at Ferrara, the author had to
narrate the movements which had been going on in Italy from the
beginning of the Reformation. Being obliged to limit himself,
considering the extent of his task, he had wished at first to exclude
those countries in which the Reformation was crushed out, as Italy and
Spain. On studying more closely the work there achieved, he could not
make up his mind to pass it over in silence. Among the oldest editions
of the books of that period which he has made use of is a copy of the
works of Aonio Paleario (1552), recently presented by the Marquis Cresi,
of Naples, to the library of the School of Evangelical Theology at
Geneva. This volume wants thirty-two leaves (pp. 311 to 344), and at the
foot of p. 310 is the following manuscript note: _Quæ desunt pagellæ
sublatæ fuerunt de mandato Rev. Vicarii Neap._; ‘the missing pages were
torn out by order of the Reverend Vicar of Naples.’ This was an
annoyance to the author, who wished to read those pages all the more
because the inquisition had cut them out. Happily he found them in a
Dutch edition belonging to Professor André Cherbuliez.
Some persons have thought that political liberty occupied too great a
space in the first volume of this history; we imagined, however, that we
were doing a service to the time in which we live, by showing the
coexistence in Geneva of civil emancipation and evangelical reform. On
the continent, there are men of education and elevated character, but
strangers to the Gospel, who labor under a mistake as to the causes
which separate them from Christianity. In their opinion it arises from
the circumstance that the Church whose head is at Rome is hostile to the
rights of the people. Many of them have said that religion might be
strengthened and perpetuated by uniting with liberty. But is it not
united with liberty in Switzerland, England, and the United States of
America? Why should we not see everywhere, and in France particularly,
as well as in the countries we have just named, religion which respects
the rights of God uniting with policy which respects the rights of the
people? It is not the Encyclic of Pius IX. that the Gospel claims as a
companion, it is liberty. The Gospel has need of liberty, and liberty
has need of the Gospel. The people who have only one or other of these
two essential elements of life are sick; the people who have neither are
dead.
‘The greatest imaginable absurdity,’ says one of the eminent
philosophers and noble minds of our epoch, M. Jouffroy, ‘would be the
assertion that this present life is everything, and that there is
nothing after it. I know of no greater in any branch of science.’ Might
there not, however, be another absurdity worthy of being placed by its
side? The same philosopher says that, so far as regards our state after
this life, ‘science and philosophy have not, after two thousand years,
arrived at a single accepted result.’[4] Consequently, by the side of
the absurdity which M. Jouffroy has pointed out, we confidently place
another, as the second of ‘the greatest imaginable absurdities,’ namely,
that which consists in believing, after two thousand years of barren
labors, that there is another way besides Christianity to know and
possess the life invisible and eternal. The essential fact of the
history of religion and the history of the world: _God manifest in the
flesh_, is the ray from heaven which reveals that life to us, and
procures it for us. We know what a wind of incredulity has scattered
over barren sands many noble souls who aspire to something better, and
for whom Christ has opened the gates of eternity; but let us hope that
their fall will be only temporary, and that many, enlightened from on
high, turning their eyes away from the desert which surrounds them, and
lifting them towards heaven, will exclaim: _I will arise and go to my
Father_.
We must, as Jouffroy says, ‘recommence our investigations;’ but ‘first
of all,’ he adds, ‘we must confess the secret vice which has hitherto
rendered all our exertions powerless.’ That secret vice consists in
considering the question in an intellectual and theoretical point of
view only, while it is absolutely necessary to grapple with it in a
practical way, and to make it an individual fact. The matter under
discussion belongs to the domain of humanity, not of philosophy. It does
not regard the understanding alone, but the conscience, the will, the
heart, and the life. The real vice consists in our not recognizing,
within us, the evil that separates us from God, and, without us, the
Saviour who leads us to Him. The royal road to learn and possess life
invisible and eternal is the knowledge and possession of that Son of
Man, of that Son of God, who said with authority: I AM THE WAY, THE
TRUTH, AND THE LIFE: NO MAN COMETH UNTO THE FATHER BUT BY ME.
MERLE D’AUBIGNÉ.
LA GRAVELINE, EAUX VIVES, GENEVA:
_May, 1866_.
Footnote 1:
_History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Queen
Elizabeth_, by J. A. Froude.
Footnote 2:
M. Gaberel has quoted some passages of this manuscript which concern
Geneva, in the first volume of his History of the Genevese Church.
Footnote 3:
M. Charles Eynard, a friend of the author’s, has communicated to him
some genealogies of the descendants of Baudichon de la Maisonneuve, in
which, besides a great number of Genevese names, are found those of
some foreign families,—Constant-Rebecque in Holland; the de Gasparins,
de Staëls, and other families of note in France, who descend from
Baudichon de la Maisonneuve through the Neckers.
Footnote 4:
See the works of M. Jouffroy, and the _Revue des Deux Mondes_ for 15th
March, 1865.
CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.
BOOK VI.
ENGLAND BEGINS TO CAST OFF THE PAPACY.
CHAPTER I.
THE NATION AND ITS PARTIES.
(AUTUMN 1529.)
Diverse Religious Tendencies—Evangelical Reformation and Legal
Reformation—Creation of a mighty Protestantism—Election of a new
Parliament—Alarm of the Clerical Party—The Three Parties—The Society of
Christian Brethren—General Movement in London—Banquet and Conversations
of Peers and Members of Parliament—Agitation among the People 1
CHAPTER II.
PARLIAMENT AND ITS GRIEVANCES.
(NOVEMBER 1529.)
Impulse given to Political Liberty by the Reformation—Grievances put
forward by the House of Commons—Exactions, Benefices, Holy-days,
Imprisonments—The House of Commons defend the Evangelicals—Question of
the Bishops—Their Answer—Their Proceedings in the matter of Reform 9
CHAPTER III.
REFORMS.
(END OF 1529.)
Abuses pointed out and corrected—The Clergy reform in
self-defence—Fisher accuses the Commons, who complain to the
King—Subterfuge of the Bishops—Rudeness of the Commons—Suppression of
Pluralities and Non-residence—These Reforms insufficient—Joy of the
People, Sorrow of the Clergy 15
CHAPTER IV.
ANNE BOLEYN’S FATHER BEFORE THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE.
(WINTER OF 1530.)
Motives of Henry VIII.—Congress at Bologna—Henry sends an
Embassy—Cranmer added to the Embassy—The Pope’s Embarrassment and
Alarm—Clement grants the Englishmen an Audience—The Pope’s
Foot—Threats—Wiltshire received and checked by Charles—Discontent of the
English—Wiltshire’s Departure—Cranmer remains 20
CHAPTER V.
DISCUSSIONS CONCERNING THE DIVORCE AT OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE.
(WINTER OF 1530.)
Parties at Cambridge—A noisy Assembly—Murmurs against the Evangelicals—A
Meeting declares for the King—Honor paid to Scripture—The King’s severe
letter to Oxford—Opposition of the younger Members of the University—The
King’s Anger—Another royal Mission to Oxford—The University decides for
the Divorce—Evangelical Courage of Chaplain Latimer—The King and the
Chancellor of Cambridge 29
CHAPTER VI.
HENRY VIII. SUPPORTED IN FRANCE AND ITALY BY THE CATHOLICS, AND BLAMED
IN GERMANY BY THE PROTESTANTS.
(JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 1530.)
The Sorbonne deliberates on the Divorce—The French Universities sanction
the Divorce—The Italian Universities do likewise—Opinion of
Luther—Cranmer at Rome—The English Nobles write to the Pope—The Pope
proposes that the King should have two Wives—Henry’s Proclamation
against Papal Bulls 38
CHAPTER VII.
LATIMER AT COURT.
(JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 1530.)
Latimer tempted by the Court; fortified by Study—Christian
Individuality—Latimer desires to convert the King—Desires for the
Church, Poverty, the Cross, and the Bible—He prays the King to save his
own Soul—Latimer’s Preaching—No Intermingling of the two
Powers—Latimer’s Boldness in the Cause of Morality—Priests denounce him
to the King—Noble Character of the Reformers 45
CHAPTER VIII.
THE KING SEEKS AFTER TYNDALE.
(JANUARY TO MAY 1531.)
The Ivy and the Tree, or the Practice of Popery—Vaughan looks for the
invisible Tyndale—Vaughan visited by a Stranger—Interview between
Vaughan and Tyndale in a Field—Tyndale mistrusts the Clergy—The King’s
Indignation—Tyndale is touched by the royal Compassion—The King wishes
to gain Fryth—Faith first, and then the Church—Henry threatens the
Evangelicals with War 52
CHAPTER IX.
THE KING OF ENGLAND RECOGNIZED AS HEAD OF THE CHURCH.
(JANUARY TO MARCH 1531.)
Supremacy of the Pope injurious to the State—All the Clergy declared
guilty—Challenged to recognize the royal Supremacy—Anguish of the
Clergy—They negotiate and submit—Discussions in the Convocation of
York—Danger of the royal Supremacy 60
CHAPTER X.
SEPARATION OF THE KING AND QUEEN.
(MARCH TO JUNE 1531.)
The Divorce Question agitates the Country—A Case of Poisoning—Reginald
Pole—Pole’s Discontent—The King’s Favors—Pole’s Frankness and Henry’s
Anger—Bids Henry submit to the Pope—Queen Catherine leaves the Palace 66
CHAPTER XI.
THE BISHOPS PLUNDER THE CLERGY AND PERSECUTE THE PROTESTANTS.
(SEPTEMBER 1531 TO 1532.)
Stokesley proposes that the inferior Clergy shall Pay—Riot among the
Priests—The Bishop’s Speech—A Battle—To conciliate the Clergy, Henry
allows them to persecute the Protestants 72
CHAPTER XII.
THE MARTYRS.
(1531.)
The repentant Bilney preaches in the Fields—His Enemies and his
Friends—Bilney put into Prison, where he meets Petit—Disputation and
Trial—Bilney condemned to die—The parting Visit of his Friends—He is led
out to Punishment—His last Words—His Death—Imprisonment and Martyrdom of
Bayfield—Tewkesbury bound to the Tree of Truth—His Death—Numerous
Martyrs 77
CHAPTER XIII.
THE KING DESPOILS THE POPE AND THE CLERGY.
(MARCH TO MAY 1532.)
Character of Thomas Cromwell—Abolition of First-Fruits—The Clergy bend
before the King—Two contradictory Oaths—Priestly Rumors—Sir Thomas More
resigns—The two Evils of a regal Reform 86
CHAPTER XIV.
LIBERTY OF INQUIRY AND PREACHING IN THE 16TH CENTURY.
(1532.)
The Perils of a prosperous Nation—Lambert and free Inquiry—Luther’s
Principles—Images or the Word of God—Freedom of Preaching—St. Paul burnt
by the Bishop—Latimer disgusted with the Court—More Thieves than
Shepherds—A Don Quixote of Catholicism—Latimer summoned before the
Primate—His Firmness—Attempt to entrap Him—His Refusal to
recant—Excommunicated—Expedient of the Bishops—Latimer saved by his
Conformity with Luther 91
CHAPTER XV.
HENRY VIII. ATTACKS THE PARTISANS OF THE POPE AND OF THE REFORMATION.
(1532.)
The Franciscans preach against the King—Henry likened to
Ahab—Disturbance in the Chapel—Christian Meetings in London—Bainham
persecuted by More—Summoned to abjure—The fatal Kiss—Bainham’s
Anguish—The Tragedy of Conscience—Bainham visited in his Dungeon—The Bed
of Roses—The Persecutor’s Suicide—Effect of the Martyrdoms—The true
Church of God 103
CHAPTER XVI.
THE NEW PRIMATE OF ALL ENGLAND.
(FEBRUARY 1532 TO MARCH 1533.)
Who shall be Warham’s Successor?—Cranmer at Nuremberg—Osiander’s
Household—His Error—Cranmer marries—Is recalled to London—Refuses to
return—Follows the Emperor to Italy—Date of Henry’s Marriage with Anne
Boleyn—Cranmer returns to London—Struggle between the King and
Cranmer—The Pope has no Authority in England—Appointment of Bishops
without the Pope—Cranmer protests thrice—All Weakness is a Fault—The
true Doctrine of the Episcopate—The Appeal of the Reformers 112
CHAPTER XVII.
QUEEN CATHERINE DESCENDS FROM THE THRONE, AND QUEEN ANNE BOLEYN ASCENDS
IT.
(NOVEMBER 1532 TO JULY 1553.)
Clement suggests that Henry should have two Wives—His perilous Journey
to Bologna—His Exertions for the Divorce—King’s Marriage with Anne
becomes known—France and England separate—A threatening Brief—The Pope
perplexed—Parliament emancipates England—Cranmer’s Letter to the
King—Modification demanded by the King—Henry expresses himself
clearly—Meeting of the Ecclesiastical Court—Catherine’s Firmness—Her
Marriage annulled—Queen Anne presented to the People—Her Progress
through the City—Feelings of the new Queen—Catherine and Anne—Threats of
the Pope and the King 125
CHAPTER XVIII.
A REFORMER IN PRISON.
(AUGUST 1532 TO MAY 1533.)
Fryth’s charming Character—He returns to England—Purgatory—Homer saves
Fryth—The eating of Christ—Fryth goes over England—Tyndale’s Letter to
Fryth—More Hunts after Fryth—More’s Ill-temper—More and Fryth—Fryth in
Prison—He writes the _Bulwark_—Rastell converted—Fryth’s Visitors in the
Tower—Fryth and Petit—Cause and Effect 139
CHAPTER XIX.
A REFORMER CHOOSES RATHER TO LOSE HIS LIFE THAN TO SAVE IT.
(MAY TO JULY 1533.)
Fryth summoned before a Royal Commission—Tyndale’s Letter to
Fryth—Cranmer attempts to save him—Lord Fitzwilliam, Governor of the
Tower—Fryth removed to Lambeth—Attempt at Conciliation—Fryth remains
firm—A Prophecy concerning the Lord’s Supper—The Gentleman and the
Porter desire to save Fryth—Their Plan—Fryth will not be saved—Fryth
before the Episcopal Court—Interrogated on the Real Presence—Cranmer
cannot save him—Fryth’s Condemnation and Execution—Influence of his
Writings 150
CHAPTER XX.
ENGLAND SEPARATES GRADUALLY FROM THE PAPACY.
(1533.)
Sensation caused by Anne’s Marriage—Henry’s Isolation—The Protestants
reject him—Birth of Elizabeth—A new Star—English Envoys at
Marseilles—Bonner and Gardiner—Prepare for a Declaration of War—The
Pope’s Emotion—Henry appeals to a General Council—The Pope’s
Anger—Francis I. and Clement understand one another—The Pope’s
Answer—Bonner’s Rudeness—Henry’s Proclamation against the Pope—The
dividing Point 163
CHAPTER XXI.
PARLIAMENT ABOLISHES THE USURPATIONS OF THE POPES IN ENGLAND.
(JANUARY TO MARCH 1534.)
Henry desires to separate Christendom from Rome—A Buffet to the Pope—The
People, not the King, want the Reformation—The Pope tries to gain
Henry—Cranmer presses forward—The Commons against Papal
Authority—Abolition of Romish Exactions—Parliament declares for the
faith of the Scriptures—Henry condemned at Rome—The Pope’s Disquietude—A
great Dispensation 175
BOOK VII.
MOVEMENTS OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND, AT GENEVA, AND IN FRANCE,
GERMANY, AND ITALY.
CHAPTER I.
THE BISHOP ESCAPES FROM GENEVA NEVER TO RETURN.
(JULY 1533.)
The Bishop desires to bury _the Sect_—Animated Conversations—Plan to
transfer the Prisoners—Great Animation—German Merchants and
Maisonneuve—He desires to rescue the Prisoners—Constitutional Order
restored—The Bishop wishes to get away—His last Night in Geneva—The
Flight—Deliverance—Joy and Sorrow—A Proverb 184
CHAPTER II.
TWO REFORMERS AND A DOMINICAN IN GENEVA.
(JULY TO DECEMBER 1533.)
Arrival of Froment and Alexander—The Charitable Solomon—Order to preach
according to Scripture—Sermons in the Houses and the Streets—The Bishop
forbids the Preaching of the Gospel—Silent Answer—Invitation to a Great
Papist Preacher—Arrival of Furbity—He declaims against the Reading of
the Bible—Janin the Armorer—Reformers insulted; Exultation of the
Priests—Furbity challenges the Lutherans to Discussion—Froment’s
Reply—Tumult—Froment and Alexander banished—De la Maisonneuve departs
for Berne 194
CHAPTER III.
FAREL MAISONNEUVE AND FURBITY IN GENEVA.
(DECEMBER 1533 TO JANUARY 1534.)
Report that Popery had triumphed—Arrival of Farel—His
Character—Baudichon de la Maisonneuve—Bernese Complaints and Demands—A
Plot breaks out—Armed Meetings of Huguenots for Worship—Christmas and
the New Year—The Dominican’s Farewell—Arming for the Bible—Arrival of
Ambassadors from Berne—Three Reformers in Geneva—Bernese demand a Public
Discussion 206
CHAPTER IV.
THE TOURNAMENT.
(JANUARY TO FEBRUARY 1534.)
The Dominican refuses to speak—Liberalism and Inflexibility—The Colloquy
begins—Various Accusations—Were the Bernese pointed at?—The two
Champions—The Pope and the Scriptures—Interpretation of the Councils—The
Priests would be Everything—Farel’s Irony and Vehemence—The Roman
Episcopate—Preaching and Conversation—Stories about Farel—The Landlord
and his Servant—Legends and Rhymes—A Change in Preparation 217
CHAPTER V.
THE PLOT.
(JANUARY AND FEBRUARY 1534.)
Supreme Interest of History—The Bishop meditates a _Coup d’État_—Meeting
of his Creatures to carry it out—The Sortie from the Palace—Two
Huguenots assassinated—The Defenders of the Middle Ages—Tumult in the
city—Consternation in the Council—Justice, not Rioting—Search at the
Palace—Scenes and Discovery—The Murderers sought in the Cathedral—The
South Tower—The Criminals discovered—Seizure of Documents relating to
the Plot—Condemnation and Fanaticism of the Murderer—He is hanged; his
Brother is saved—The Episcopal Secretary accused—The People elect a
Huguenot Council 229
CHAPTER VI.
A FINAL EFFORT OF ROMAN-CATHOLICISM.
(FEBRUARY 10 TO MARCH 1, 1534.)
The Dominican before his judges—A staggering Recantation—Dominicans and
Franciscans—Father Coutelier, Superior of the Franciscans, arrives—His
first Sermon—He talks white and black—Has recourse to Flattery—A Baptism
at Maisonneuve’s—Evangelicals ask for a Church—Farel visits the Father
Superior—The Pope, the Beast of the Apocalypse 243
CHAPTER VII.
FAREL PREACHES IN THE GRAND AUDITORY OF THE CONVENT AT RIVE.
(MARCH 1 TO APRIL 25, 1534.)
Huguenots in the Convent of Rive—Arrival of the Crowd—Farel preaches—Two
opposite Effects—Inspiration of God—Joy of the Evangelicals—Farewell of
the Bernese—Portier’s Execution—The two Preachers—The Friburgers break
the Alliance—Farel’s three Brothers in Prison—The Reformer’s
Anxiety—Human Affections 251
CHAPTER VIII.
A BOLD PROTESTANT AT LYONS.
(1530 TO 1534.)
The Reliquary—A _Table d’Hôte_—Who is Petrus?—Struggle with two
Priests from Vienne—They abandon the Field—Maisonneuve must be
burnt—Danger—Arrival of Baudichon and Janin—They are sent to
Prison—Formation of the Court 261
CHAPTER IX.
BAUDICHON DE LA MAISONNEUVE BEFORE THE INQUISITIONAL COURT OF LYONS.
(FROM APRIL 29 TO MAY 21.)
Examination—First Witnesses—Emotion at Geneva—The Merchants protest to
the Consulate—The Bernese—Interrogatory—Open-air Session in Front of the
Palace—The King shall be informed—The Inquisitors desire to convict
Baudichon—Alleged High Treason against Heaven 269
CHAPTER X.
THE TWO WORSHIPS IN GENEVA.
(MAY TO JULY 1534.)
Morality in the Reformation—Apparition of the Virgin—A Savoyard
Procession—A second Procession enters Geneva—Images thrown down—The old
and the new Worship—The first Evangelical Pentecost—A Priest casts off
the old Man—Transformation—A Knight of Rhodes—Street Dances and
Songs—Preaching on the Ramparts 277
CHAPTER XI.
BOLDNESS OF TWO HUGUENOTS IN PRISON AND BEFORE THE COURT OF LYONS.
(MAY TO JUNE 1534.)
The New Testament in the Prison Garden—Discussion—The Procession and the
Rogations—False Depositions—Janin’s Depression—Search for more
conclusive Evidence—Inquiries of De Simieux at Geneva—-Baudichon’s Pride
before the Court—Put into Solitary Confinement—The Prisoner threatens
his Judges—Heroic Resistance 286
CHAPTER XII.
SENTENCE OF DEATH.
(JULY 1534.)
Severity to Maisonneuve—Coutelier’s Deposition—Maisonneuve accused of
relapsing—The Crime of being a Layman—Lyon and Chambury contend for
him—Final Summons—Sentence of the Court—Condemned to Death—No sword in
Religion—The effectual Remedy 295
CHAPTER XIII.
NIGHT OF THIRTY-FIRST OF JULY AT GENEVA.
(JULY 1534.)
Festival of Corpus Christi—Marriage of an Ex-Priest—Discussion before
the Council—Baptism—The two Powers change Parts—An Attack preparing—A
Hunting Party—A Monk in the Pulpit confesses his Faults—Plan of
Attack—Projects of the Enemy—Arrival of the Savoyards—Warning given by a
Dauphinese—The Canons—Savoyards wait for the Signal—The Torch—Savoyards
retire—The Bishop—The Hunchback—The Conspirators flee—Meditation and
Vigilance—Catholics quit Geneva—Title to Citizenship—Alarm of the
Nuns—Tales about the Reformers 303
CHAPTER XIV.
AN HEROIC RESOLUTION AND A HAPPY DELIVERANCE.
(AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER 1534.)
The Diesbachs of Berne—Mission of Rodolph of Diesbach to France—a
terrible Necessity—Resolution to destroy the Suburbs—Approaching
Danger—A Refugee from Avignon—Strappado at Peny—Effects produced by the
Order of Demolition—Opposition of Catholics—Maisonneuve is
liberated—Session at the Tour of Perse—The Prisoners restored to their
Families—Letter from Francis I.—Furbity demanded and refused 320
CHAPTER XV.
THE SUBURBS OF GENEVA ARE DEMOLISHED AND THE ADVERSARIES MAKE READY.
(SEPTEMBER 1534 TO JANUARY 1535.)
Disorderly Lives of the Monks of St Victor—Ruins and Voices in the
Priory—Lamentations—Ramparts built—Asylums opened for the
Poor—Threats—Famine and a Circle of Iron—Brigandage—No more
Justice—Excommunication—Genevans appeal to the Pope—Firmness for the
Gospel and Liberty—Everything conspires against the City—Energy and
Moderation—Switzerland against Geneva—Confidence in God—Wisdom above
Strength—The Song of Resurrection 332
CHAPTER XVI.
THE KING OF FRANCE INVITES MELANCTHON TO RESTORE UNITY AND TRUTH.
(END OF 1584 TO AUGUST 1535.)
Minority and Majority—Joy and Fear—Difference between Henry VIII. and
Francis I.—Erasmians and Politicians—The Moderate Evangelicals—Effect of
the Placards—The King tries to excuse himself—Protests of the decided
Protestants—Opinion of the Swiss—All Hope seems lost—A reforming
Pope—Papist Party in France—The Moderate Party—The two Du Bellays—What
is expected of Melancthon—Two Obstacles removed—Efforts of the
Mediators—What they think of Francis I.—An eloquent Appeal—Importance of
France for the Reformation—Melancthon tries to gain the Bishop of
Paris—The Bishop delighted—Francis I. to Melancthon—Is he
sincere?—Martyrdom of Cornon and Brion—Cardinal Du Bellay departs for
Rome—Hope of Reform in Italy—The diplomatic Du Bellay to Melancthon—Two
Natures in France—Fresh Entreaties—The King’s Idea—Applies to the
Sorbonne—Alarm of the Sorbonne—Trick of Cardinal de Tournon—Is a Mixed
Congress possible? 346
CHAPTER XVII.
WILL THE ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH UNITY AND TRUTH SUCCEED?
(AUGUST TO NOVEMBER 1535.)
Individuality and Catholicity—Events in Germany—Importance of the
Mission to Germany—Melancthon’s Incertitude—Earnestness of the French
Envoy—Opposition of his Family—Melancthon’s Self-examination—Final
Assault—Melancthon consents—His Character—He goes to the
Elector—Solicits Permission—The Elector refuses—Melancthon’s
Sadness—-Luther agrees with him—Intervention with the Elector—Agitation
in Germany—Singular Fears of the Germans—The Elector’s Arguments—The
Elector prevails—Severe Letter to Melancthon—Melancthon’s
Sorrow—Luther’s Apprehensions Keeping aloof from the State—The Elector
to the King—Melancthon to Francis I.—He does not relinquish his
Design—His Ardor—The King resumes his Project—Opposition of the
Catholics—The Elector receives Du Bellay—Du Bellay before the
Assembly—His Speech—Intercession in Behalf of the Evangelicals—The Two
Parties come to an Understanding—The Papacy—Transubstantiation—The
Mass—Images—Free Will—Purgatory—Good Works—Monasteries—Celibacy—The two
Kinds—The Sorbonne and Justification—The Reform of Francis
I.—Intervention in behalf of the Oppressed—Political Alliance—Francis I.
plays two parts—The Communion of Saints 372
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE GOSPEL IN THE NORTH OF ITALY.
(1519 TO 1536.)
Flames in Italy—The Bookseller of Pavia—The Books of the
Reformers—Enthusiasm for Luther—Alarm of the Pope and
Cardinals—Venice—Roselli to Melancthon—Many Springs of living
Water—Curione—His studies and Spiritual Wants—Reads Luther and
Zwingle—Departs for Germany—Is arrested and sent to the Convent of St.
Benignus—The Shrine and the Bible—Curione during the Plague—The
Preachers of Popery—Attack and Defence—Curione sent to Prison—Chained to
the Wall—He recognizes the Room—Seeks a means of Safety—Singular
Expedient—His Escape—He teaches at Pavia—Renée of France—Mecænas and
Dorcas—Resurrection of Christianity—The Duchess’s Guests 406
CHAPTER XIX.
THE GOSPEL IN THE CENTRE OF ITALY.
(1520 TO 1536.)
Character of Occhino—Seeks Salvation in Asceticism—A
Contrast—Scripture—Occhino’s Itinerant Ministrations—Crowded
Congregations—His Preaching—A Child of Florence—Ambitious of
Learning—-Study and Preaching—Aonio Paleario—Leaves Rome for Sienna—Poem
on Immortality—Paleario crosses the Threshold—His Wife and Children—Love
of the Country—His friend Bellantes—Conspiracy against Paleario—Faustus
Bellantes informs him of it—Paleario remains firm—His Wife—The
Reformers—Twelve Accusers—They appear before the Archbishop—Everything
seems against Paleario—His Fears—He appears before the Senate—He defends
himself—The Germans—Plea for the Reformers—Revival of Learning—Jesus
Christ a Stumbling-block—The Martyr’s Words—Paleario’s Wife and
Friends—His Acquittal and Departure—The Evangelicals of Bologna—Their
Address to the Saxon Ambassador—St. Paul explained 428
CHAPTER XX.
THE GOSPEL AT NAPLES AND AT ROME.
(1520 TO 1536.)
Alfonso Valdez at Worms—A Dialogue by Valdez—The Chastisement of
God—Approbation and Disapprobation—Mercury and Charon—Satan—Juan Valdez
at Naples—Influence of Juan Valdez—Chiaja and Pausilippo—Conversion of
Peter Martyr—His Method of Preaching—Purgatory—Opposition—Galeazzo
Caraccioli converted—A Letter from Calvin—Illustrious Women at
Chiaja—Ideas there discussed—Occhino preaches at Naples—The
Triumvirs—Charles V. arrives at Naples—Conversation between Giulia
Colonna and Valdez—Perfection—Assurance of Salvation—Humility—The royal
Road—Meditations—Preachers of Fables—Valdez’ good and bad
Qualities—Edict against the Lutherans—Carnesecchi—Secretary to Clement
VII.—Interview with Charles V.—Carnesecchi’s Conversion—Divers
Categories—Flaminio—A poor Student—Values the Treasures of Heaven—The
Guest of Ghiberto and Caraffa—Flaminio’s Faith—Opposes and loves
Carnesecchi—Approximates Catholicism—Oratory of Divine Love—Its
Members—An Evangelical Monk—A Venetian Senator—Contarini’s
Influence—Strange Call—He accepts the Cardinalate—Preserves his
Independence—Contarini’s View—Dawn in Italy—The two Camps—Hopes—The
Times of Rome—Glory to the Martyrs 454
BOOK VI.
ENGLAND BEGINS TO CAST OFF THE PAPACY.
CHAPTER I.
THE NATION AND ITS PARTIES.
(AUTUMN 1529.)
England, during the period of which we are about to treat, began to
separate from the pope and to reform her Church. In the history of that
country the fall of Wolsey divides the old times from the new.
The level of the laity was gradually rising. A certain instruction was
given to the children of the poor; the universities were frequented by
the upper classes, and the king was probably the most learned prince in
Christendom. At the same time the clerical level was falling. The clergy
had been weakened and corrupted by its triumphs, and the English,
awakening with the age and opening their eyes at last, were disgusted
with the pride, ignorance, and disorders of the priests.
While France, flattered by Rome calling her its eldest daughter, desired
even when reforming her doctrine to preserve union with the papacy; the
Anglo-Saxon race, jealous of their liberties, desired to form a Church
at once national and independent, yet remaining faithful to the
doctrines of Catholicism. Henry VIII. is the personification of that
tendency, which did not disappear with him, and of which it would not be
difficult to discover traces even in later days.
Other elements calculated to produce a better reformation existed at
that time in England. The Holy Scriptures, translated, studied,
circulated, and preached since the fourteenth century by Wickliffe and
his disciples, became in the sixteenth century, by the publication of
Erasmus’s Testament, and the translations of Tyndale and Coverdale, the
powerful instrument of a real evangelical revival, and created the
scriptural reformation.
These early developments did not proceed from Calvin,—he was too young
at that time; but Tyndale, Fryth, Latimer, and the other evangelists of
the reign of Henry VIII., taught by the same Word as the reformer of
Geneva, were his brethren and his precursors. Somewhat later, his books
and his letters to Edward VI., to the regent, to the primate, to Sir W.
Cecil and others, exercised an indisputable influence over the
reformation of England. We find in those letters proofs of the esteem
which the most intelligent persons of the kingdom felt for that simple
and strong man, whom even non-protestant voices in France have declared
to be “the greatest Christian of his age.”[5]
[Sidenote: Reform, Evangelical and Legal.]
A religious reformation may be of two kinds: internal or evangelical,
external or legal. The evangelical reformation began at Oxford and
Cambridge almost at the same time as in Germany. The legal reformation
was making a beginning at Westminster and Whitehall. Students, priests,
and laymen, moved by inspiration from on high, had inaugurated the
first; Henry VIII. and his parliament were about to inaugurate the
second, with hands occasionally somewhat rough. England began with the
spiritual reformation, but the other had its motives too. Those who are
charmed by the reformation of Germany sometimes affect contempt for that
of England. “A king impelled by his passions was its author,” they say.
We have placed the scriptural part of this great transformation in the
first rank; but we confess that for it to lay hold upon the people in
the sixteenth century, it was necessary, as the prophet declared, that
kings should be its nursing-fathers, and queens its nursing-mothers.[6]
If diverse reforms were necessary, if by the side of German cordiality,
Swiss simplicity, and other characteristics, God willed to found a
protestantism possessing a strong hand and an outstretched arm; if a
nation was to exist which with great freedom and power should carry the
Gospel to the ends of the world, special tools were required to form
that robust organization, and the leaders of the people—the commons,
lords, and king—were each to play their part. France had nothing like
this: both princes and parliaments opposed the reform; and thence partly
arises the difference between those two great nations, for France had in
Calvin a mightier reformer than any of those whom England possessed. But
let us not forget that we are speaking of the sixteenth century. Since
then the work has advanced; important changes have been wrought in
Christendom; political society is growing daily more distinct from
religious society, and more independent; and we willingly say with
Pascal, “Glorious is the state of the Church when it is supported by God
alone!”
Two opposing elements—the reforming liberalism of the people, and the
almost absolute power of the king—combined in England to accomplish the
legal reformation. In that singular island these two rival forces were
often seen acting together; the liberalism of the nation gaining certain
victories, the despotism of the prince gaining others; king and people
agreeing to make mutual concessions. In the midst of these compromises,
the little evangelical flock, which had no voice in such matters,
religiously preserved the treasure entrusted to it: the Word of God,
truth, liberty, and Christian virtue. From all these elements sprang the
Church of England. A strange church some call it. Strange indeed, for
there is none which corresponds so imperfectly in theory with the ideal
of the Church, and, perhaps, none whose members work out with more power
and grandeur the ends for which Christ has formed his kingdom.
[Sidenote: New Parliament Summoned.]
Scarcely had Henry VIII. refused to go to Rome to plead his cause, when
he issued writs for a new parliament (25th September, 1529). Wolsey’s
unpopularity had hitherto prevented its meeting: now the force of
circumstances constrained the king to summon it. When he was on the eve
of separating from the pope, he felt the necessity of leaning on the
people. Liberty is always the gainer where a country performs an act of
independence with regard to Rome. Permission being granted in England
that the Holy Scriptures should regulate matters of religion, it was
natural that permission should also be given to the people and their
representatives to regulate matters of state. The whole kingdom was
astir, and the different parties became more distinct.
The papal party was alarmed. Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, already very
uneasy, became disturbed at seeing laymen called upon to give their
advice on religious matters. Men’s minds were in a ferment in the
bishop’s palace, the rural parsonage, and the monk’s cell. The partisans
of Rome met and consulted about what was to be done, and retired from
their conferences foreseeing and imagining nothing but defeat. Du
Bellay, at that time Bishop of Bayonne, and afterwards of Paris, envoy
from the King of France, and eye-witness of all this agitation, wrote to
Montmorency; “I fancy that in this parliament the priests will have a
terrible fright.”[7] Ambitious ecclesiastics were beginning to
understand that the clerical character, hitherto so favorable to their
advancement in a political career, would now be an obstacle to them.
“Alas!” exclaimed one of them, “we must off with our frocks.”[8]
Such of the clergy, however, as determined to remain faithful to Rome
gradually roused themselves. A prelate put himself at their head.
Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was learned, intelligent, bold, and
slightly fanatical; but his convictions were sincere, and he was
determined to sacrifice everything for the maintenance of catholicism in
England. Though discontented with the path upon which his august pupil
King Henry had entered, he did not despair of the future, and candidly
applied to the papacy our Saviour’s words,—_The gates of hell shall not
prevail against it_.
A recent act of the king’s increased Fisher’s hopes. Sir Thomas More had
been appointed chancellor. The Bishop of Rochester regretted, indeed,
that the king had not given that office to an ecclesiastic, as was
customary; but he thought to himself that a layman wholly devoted to the
Church, as the new chancellor was, might possibly, in those strange
times, be more useful to it than a priest. With Fisher in the Church,
and More in the State (for Sir Thomas, in spite of his gentle _Utopia_,
was more papistical and more violent than Wolsey), had the papacy
anything to fear? The whole Romish party rallied round these two men,
and with them prepared to fight against the Reformation.
Opposed to this hierarchical party was the political party, in whose
eyes the king’s will was the supreme rule. The Dukes of Norfolk and
Suffolk, president and vice-president of the Council, Sir William
Fitz-William, lord-admiral, and those who agreed with them, were opposed
to the ecclesiastical domination, not from the love of true religion,
but because they believed the prerogatives of the State were endangered
by the ambition of the priests, or else because, seeking honor and power
for themselves, they were impatient at always encountering insatiable
clerks on their path.
Between these two parties a third appeared, on whom the bishops and
nobles looked with disdain, but with whom the victory was to rest at
last. In the towns and villages of England, and especially in London,
were to be found many lowly men, animated with a new life,—poor
artisans, weavers, cobblers, painters, shopkeepers,—who believed in the
Word of God, and had received moral liberty from it. During the day they
toiled at their respective occupations; but at night they stole along
some narrow lane, slipped into a court, and ascended to some upper room
in which other persons had already assembled. There they read the
Scriptures and prayed. At times even during the day, they might be seen
carrying to well-disposed citizens certain books strictly prohibited by
the late cardinal. Organized under the name of “The Society of Christian
Brethren,” they had a central committee in London, and missionaries
everywhere, who distributed the Holy Scriptures and explained their
lessons in simple language. Several priests, both in the city and
country, belonged to their society.
This Christian brotherhood exercised a powerful influence over the
people, and was beginning to substitute the spiritual and life-giving
principles of the Gospel for the legal and theocratic ideas of popery.
These pious men required a moral regeneration in their hearers, and
entreated them to enter, through faith in the Saviour, into an intimate
relation with God, without having recourse to the mediation of the
clergy; and those who listened to them, enraptured at hearing of truth,
grace, morality, liberty, and of the Word of God, took the teachings to
heart. Thus began a new era. It has been asserted that the Reformation
entered England by a back-door. Not so; it was the true door these
missionaries opened, having even prior to the rupture with Rome preached
the doctrine of Christ.[9] Idly do men speak of Henry’s passions, the
intrigues of his courtiers, the parade of his ambassadors, the skill of
his ministers, the complaisance of the clergy, and the vacillations of
parliament. We, too, shall speak of these things; but above them all
there was something else, something better,—the thirst exhibited in this
island for the Word of God, and the internal transformation accomplished
in the convictions of a great number of its inhabitants. This it was
that worked such a powerful revolution in British society.
[Sidenote: Table Talk.]
In the interval between the issuing of the writs and the meeting of
parliament, the most antagonistic opinions came out. Conversation
everywhere turned on present and future events, and there was a general
feeling that the country was on the eve of great changes. The members of
parliament who arrived in London gathered round the same table to
discuss the questions of the day. The great lords gave sumptuous
banquets, at which the guests talked about the abuses of the Church, of
the approaching session of parliament, and of what might result from
it.[10] One would mention some striking instance of the avarice of the
priests; another slyly called to mind the strange privilege which
permitted them to commit, with impunity, certain sins which they
punished severely in others. “There are, even in London, houses of
ill-fame for the use of priests, monks, and canons.[11] And,” added
others, “they would force us to take such men as these for our guides to
heaven.” Du Bellay, the French ambassador, a man of letters, who,
although a bishop, had attached Rabelais to his person in the quality of
secretary, was frequently invited to parties given by the great lords.
He lent an attentive ear, and was astonished at the witty, and often
very biting remarks uttered by the guests against the disorders of the
priests. One day a voice exclaimed,—“Since Wolsey has fallen, we must
forthwith regulate the condition of the Church and of its ministers. We
will seize their property.” Du Bellay, on his return home, did not fail
to communicate these things to Montmorency. “I have no need,” he says,
“to write this strange language in cipher; for the noble lords utter it
at open table. I think they will do something to be talked about.”[12]
The leading members of the Commons held more serious meetings with one
another. They said they had spoken enough, and that now they must act.
They specified the abuses they would claim to have redressed, and
prepared petitions for reform to be presented to the king.
Before long the movement descended from the sphere of the nobility to
that of the people; a sphere always important, and particularly when a
social revolution is in progress. Petty tradesmen and artisans spoke
more energetically than the lords. They did more than speak. The
apparitor of the Bishop of London having entered the shop of a mercer in
the ward of St. Bride, and left a summons on the counter calling upon
him to pay a certain clerical tax, the indignant tradesman took up his
yard-measure, whereupon the officer drew his sword, and then, either
from fear or an evil conscience, ran away. The mercer followed him,
assaulted him in the street, and broke his head. The London shopkeepers
did not yet quite understand the representative system; they used their
staves when they should have waited for the speeches of the members of
parliament.
The king tolerated this agitation because it forwarded his purposes.
There were advisers who insinuated that it was dangerous to give free
course to the passions of the people, and that the English, combining
great physical strength with a decided character, might go too far in
the way of reform, if their prince gave them the rein. But Henry VIII.,
possessing an energetic will, thought it would be easy for him to check
the popular ebullition whenever he pleased. When Jupiter frowned, all
Olympus trembled.
Footnote 5:
These letters will be found in Bonnet’s _Lettres Françaises de Calvin_
i. pp. 261, 305, 332, 345, 374. _Zurich Letters_, ii. pp. 70, 785, &c.
Footnote 6:
Isaiah xlix. 23.
Footnote 7:
Le Grand, _Preuves du Divorce_, p. 378.
Footnote 8:
“Il nous faudra jeter le froc aux orties.”—Ibid.
Footnote 9:
“Certain preachers who presumed to preach openly or secretly in a
manner contrary to the catholic faith.”—Foxe, _Acts_, iv. p. 677.
Footnote 10:
Le Grand, _Preuves du Divorce_, Du Bellay to Montmorency, p. 374.
Footnote 11:
“Communis pronuba inter presbyteros, fratres, monacos et
canonicos.”—Hall, _Criminal Causes_, p. 28.
Footnote 12:
“Je crois qu’ils vont faire de beaux miracles.”—Le Grand, _Preuves_,
p. 374.