Tells how the Queen of Aragon went to Sicily with her sons, how Admiral
Lauria won new victories, and how more of the Pope’s curses went home
to roost
The connection of Majorca and its Princes with the operations of the
Aragonese in Sicily was so intimate that their story would not be clear
without some account of the recovery of Manfred’s kingdom for his
descendants. We now come to a time when Jayme II. of Majorca was placed
in a most difficult and embarrassing dilemma, owing to the position of
his Continental possessions between France and Aragon.
After his return from the perilous journey to Bordeaux, Pedro III.,
with the concurrence of the Cortes of Aragon and Catalonia, came to a
very important decision. His queen, daughter and heir of King Manfred,
was to proceed to her Sicilian possessions and thus ensure the loyalty
and devotion of the people who had been delivered from the tyranny of
Charles of Anjou by her husband. She was to be accompanied by her
two younger sons, Jayme and Federigo. The latter was quite a young
boy, there being an interval of seven years between the two brothers.
The eldest son, Alfonso, was to remain with his father. As a measure
of State policy it was wise and judicious. But the separation was a
sacrifice to duty and a cause of grief and anxiety both to En Pedro and
to Queen Constance. They never saw each other again.
A fleet was fitted out at Barcelona with great care, and every known
appliance for ensuring a safe voyage was brought into requisition.
Even the use of compasses is mentioned by Muntaner. The discovery has
usually been attributed to one Flavio Gioia of Amalfi and to the year
1302. But here we have evidence of their use a quarter of a century
earlier; while at about the same time Raimundo Lulio of Majorca (I
quote from a note of Antonio de Borafull) wrote these words in his work
‘De Contemplatione’: ‘Sicut acus per naturam vertitur ad septentrionem
dum sit tacta a magnete.’ The ships, thus quite exceptionally provided
and well manned with Catalan crossbowmen, were to be under the guidance
of those trusty sea-captains, Ramon Marquet and Berenguer Mallol.
There were religious services, but En Pedro felt the parting with
his beloved Constance so deeply that he could not go with her to the
ship. He shut himself up alone for several hours. It was his brother
Jayme, the King of Majorca, who accompanied the Queen and his two
nephews to the ship and saw them safe on board. The two brothers
spent that evening together, and next day the King of Majorca set
out for Perpignan. Up to this time En Pedro and En Jayme were on
friendly terms. After a successful voyage the Queen and her sons
arrived at Palermo. They were received with extraordinary enthusiasm,
and messengers with the joyful news were sent all over the island.
This return to the home of her childhood, with such a reception, must
have been a cause of delight for the daughter of Manfred, though
not unmixed with sorrow. For one of her sisters still lingered in a
dungeon at Naples, while the rest of her family had been relieved by
death. A vessel was at once sent back to Barcelona with news of the
safe arrival. The Queen had a wise and loyal councillor in John of
Procida, and by his advice she assembled the Parliament of the kingdom
at Palermo. A letter was read from Pedro III., announcing that he had
sent his beloved wife to take her place as rightful Queen of Sicily.
All the members swore allegiance to her and her sons amidst a scene
of enthusiasm which was quite unanimous. The proceedings terminated
with a blessing from the Queen and a prayer for the well-being of the
representatives and of the people they represented, who returned to
their homes. The Queen and her sons then proceeded by land to Messina.
In the Admiral Roger de Lauria Sicily had a defender whose invariable
success since the battle of Malta had filled his enemies with dread.
The young Prince En Jayme also gained a victory at sea, and reduced the
two castles still held by Charles’s garrisons, Augusta and Cefalu.
The admiral was ready to sail from Messina in June 1284 with forty
armed galleys, besides smaller vessels. With this force he gained
one of his most brilliant victories. He shaped a course for Naples,
and formed in line of battle about two bow-shots from the mole, as a
defiance and a challenge. Charles of Anjou was intriguing at Rome,
but his eldest son and heir was in Naples, and ready to accept the
challenge. His followers were not equally willing. The name of Roger
de Lauria was one of dread, and the Neapolitans held back. The younger
Charles was furious. He embarked himself, and shame obliged his
officers to follow. A fleet of thirty-eight galleys and many smaller
vessels was got ready, and came forth to encounter the terrible Roger
de Lauria. A battle raged in the Bay of Naples from nine in the morning
until dusk, but as usual victory attended on the banners of the
admiral of Aragon. The Prince’s galley was surrounded and boarded by
En Roger himself, to whom Charles, after a long and brave resistance,
was forced to surrender. The admiral said to the usurper’s son: ‘You
must do two things. If not, be sure that the death of Conradin will
be avenged.’ The Prince answered that he would do anything to save
his own life. ‘The first thing,’ continued the admiral, ‘is that you
order the daughter of King Manfred to be released from her prison and
brought safely on board my galley.’ This demand was complied with. The
long-imprisoned princess was taken from the Castel del Novo and brought
safely on board the flagship, where the admiral joyfully received the
sister of his Queen, kneeling before her and treating her with all
honour and respect. ‘The second thing,’ continued he to Charles, ‘is
that you deliver up to me the town and castle of Ischia.’ This also was
done.
The victorious fleet then returned to Messina with the released
princess and the captive prince. Never had there been seen such
rejoicings in Messina as greeted the admiral on his return. The Queen
and her sons went on board the galley to receive their long-imprisoned
relation. It was a most affecting scene. The two sisters embraced each
other, weeping for joy mingled with sorrow. Since they had seen each
other their father Manfred and their cousin Conradin had been killed;
their mother and all the rest of their family had died in prison. The
crowd of spectators was equally moved when the sisters, with the young
princes, walked together from the landing-stage to the palace. Charles
was sent to the castle of Matagrifone.
The Sicilian Parliament met at Messina soon afterwards and decreed the
death of the younger Charles, as a reprisal for the death of Conradin.
He would certainly have been executed if the young Prince En Jayme
had not interfered, preferring the more generous course of returning
good for evil. Charles was confined for some time in the castle of
Cefalu, and eventually removed, by order of King Pedro, to a prison at
Barcelona.
The Pope’s curses kept coming home to roost, but this failed to divert
him from his vindictive course. His _protégé_, Charles of Anjou, was
at Rome when the disastrous news arrived, and must have felt that
retribution was overtaking him. The usurper hurried back to Naples,
but died at Foggio on January 7, 1283. The Pope was furious, and was
more liberal than ever with his curses. He placed the kingdom of Aragon
under an interdict, decreed the dethronement of En Pedro, declared a
crusade against him, made Charles of Valois, the younger son of France,
King of Aragon, ordering him to be crowned, and called upon the King of
France to attack Aragon with all his forces by land and sea. He further
absolved Philip of France from keeping his oaths and treaties made
with his brother-in-law of Aragon. A papal Legate was to accompany the
invading army.
En Pedro sent an embassy to Rome, consisting of grave and learned
counsellors. In a dignified speech their spokesman remonstrated with
the Pope and his cardinals. They were, however, obdurate, and all the
answer they would give was that the Holy See could do no wrong. Finally
the ambassadors made a solemn appeal from an unjust vicegerent to St.
Peter himself and to God, who would defend the right, and so departed.
En Pedro prepared to defend his country, confident in the loyalty of
his people and the justice of his cause. He had an interview with his
nephew Sancho, the usurping King of Castille, who promised to give him
all the assistance in his power. He also discussed the situation with
his brother of Majorca. They were several days together at Gerona. The
position was a most difficult one. If Jayme opposed the advance of the
French army through his Continental dominions their permanent loss to
the house of Aragon would be inevitable. If he offered no opposition he
would be giving an advantage to his brother’s enemy. The brothers chose
what appeared to be the least of two evils. En Jayme was to allow the
French army to march across his territories, and to avoid any action
which would furnish a pretext for their annexation.
Philip (_le Hardi_) can hardly have had any heart in the enterprise
which was forced upon him by the Pope. His eldest son, who had a
strong feeling of regard and admiration for his uncle En Pedro, openly
disapproved. When his younger brother, Charles of Valois, talked of
himself as King of Aragon, Philip said to him: ‘You, little brother,
are not fit to take the place of our uncle. You are scarcely fit to
be king of what is under your cap. You will never be King of Aragon.’
There was an angry quarrel, and their father had to separate them. But
Charles got the name of King Cap, ‘_le roi du chapeau_.’ Nevertheless,
it was generally believed that little Aragon would have no chance
against the whole power of France, and that the campaign could have
but one result, and would be over in a few weeks. The oriflamme was
unfurled, and a great army, led by the King of France and accompanied
by the Cardinal Legate, advanced to the Catalonian frontier. A
formidable fleet was also equipped, to overpower the naval forces of
Aragon and to keep up the supplies for the army in the bay of Rosas. In
April 1285 King Philip encamped with his army at Perpignan. The French
were constantly harassed by night attacks from the Aragonese; and at
last, after a fortnight of hesitation, Philip determined to attempt a
passage into Catalonia by the hill of Panisars. Here he was attacked on
all sides, suffering very serious losses. Then young Philip turned to
his brother and said: ‘See now, pretty brother, how glad your subjects
are to see you!’ His father overheard the sneer and was very angry.
‘Hold your tongue, Philip. They will be made to repent what they are
doing.’ ‘Ah, Sire,’ answered his son, ‘I mourn for your honour and for
the evil that is being done you. The Pope and cardinals have brought
this upon you, and have made my brother king of the wind, while they
take their pleasure, caring little for the danger and evil with which
you are menaced.’ The King was silent, for he knew very well that his
son had merely spoken the truth. But it was too late to repent and turn
back.
Following the advice of some monks, Philip got possession of another
pass, known as the ‘Collado de Masona,’ and his army was thus enabled
to invade Catalonia. The little town of Peralada was taken after
a brave resistance, and siege was laid to the city of Gerona. But
the French army was harassed by incessant attacks, and was entirely
dependent for supplies on the navy which guarded the transports
conveying provisions from Marseilles and Cette to the bay of Rosas.
Here was the weak point.
En Pedro received information from the gallant sea-captains Marquet
and Malliol, who were ever on the watch, that the French King had 160
galleys; that his admiral kept sixty well-armed in the port of San
Felio; that another fifty cruised between San Felio and the bay of
Rosas; while twenty-five plied between those ports and Marseilles with
provisions. Another twenty-five remained in the bay of Rosas, under the
command of a brave knight, M. de Lodève. The proposal of the Catalan
captains was to watch for an opportunity when the other cruisers were
out of sight, and to fall upon the twenty-five French galleys in Rosas
Bay at early dawn. The King approved of their daring scheme, and at the
same time he sent to Sicily for the Admiral Roger de Lauria to come
with sixty galleys and attack the rest of the French fleet.
Marquet and Malliol set out on their enterprise with eleven galleys
and two small vessels. But never were crews better disciplined or more
carefully trained. They made sail for the Cape of Creus, where they
ascertained that the twenty-five French galleys were in Rosas Bay. As
soon as the Catalans came in sight, M. de Lodève sent fifteen galleys
to dispute their entrance into the bay; while he intended to manœuvre
with the rest so as to cut off their retreat, that none might escape.
Marquet and Malliol formed in close order to prevent the enemy from
dividing their line, and ran on with a view of boarding. Their trust
was in their crossbowmen. The Catalans considered that no one was a
crossbowman unless he was so familiar with every part of his weapon
that he could make it or repair it. Each man carried a box containing
all the tools necessary; and the Catalans were so constantly trained in
the use of the crossbow that no other people could compete with them.
The Catalan captains manœuvred so as to secure the greatest advantage
for their special weapon. Every shot told; while the French, with
swords and lances, were unable to return the attack, being shot down
when they attempted to board. When the French decks were nearly
cleared, Marquet and Malliol ordered the trumpets to be sounded as a
signal for his galleys to separate under oars and attack the enemy
on their broadsides. Then began an unequal combat, the Catalans
boarding at the sword’s point, while the French had already suffered
so severely as only to be able to offer a feeble resistance. The whole
of the twenty-five galleys were captured, with a loss of upwards of
four thousand on the part of the French, and of barely a hundred on
the Catalan side. This naval battle was a combination of consummate
seamanship with consummate gunnery practice, the one of little avail
without the other.
M. de Lodève had sent a boat to apprise fifty French galleys cruising
in the offing of the approach of the Catalans, and they made sail for
Rosas Bay. The winds were light and baffling, and the Catalans, with
their prizes, were only sighted after the battle was over. The French
admiral could not overtake his victorious enemy, but he stationed
twenty-five more galleys in Rosas Bay, and returned to San Felio.
As soon as the Admiral Roger de Lauria received his orders he left
Messina with sixty-six well-armed galleys in search of the French
fleet, steering for a rendezvous at the island of Cabrera. Here he
received tidings from the Captains Marquet and Malliol that there were
eighty-five French galleys in Rosas Bay. They informed the Admiral
that they would join him, with sixteen galleys, off a cape known as
Aygua Freda, near some small islets called the Formigueras.[9] Admiral
Lauria ordered that each galley should have three lights ready--one in
the bows, another amidships, and a third at the stern. If the French
fleet approached at night, all were to be suddenly lighted, that the
enemy might believe each light to be on a separate vessel. Towards
dawn the French fleet approached, and all the lights suddenly appeared
between the fleet and the shore. Before it was broad daylight Lauria
had entirely defeated his adversary, capturing fifty-four galleys,
driving fifteen on shore, and putting twenty-five Genoese auxiliaries
to flight. Marquet and Malliol completed the rout by capturing the
remaining French galleys in Rosas Bay, and taking or destroying all the
stores and provisions for the French army. The admiral proceeded to
Barcelona, having by this great naval victory obtained complete command
of the sea.
There was nothing left for the great French army but an ignominious
flight. The Cardinal Legate said that the Aragonese must be devils.
King Philip told him that they were nothing of the kind, but brave and
loyal soldiers, defending their King against an unjust invasion; and
he expressed his regret that he had ever undertaken it at the Pope’s
urgent call. The Cardinal remained silent. En Pedro assembled his army
on the hill of Panisars to intercept the retreat. The French King
raised the siege of Gerona and fell back on Peralada with the remnant
of his forces. Many had died of sickness, while the losses in numerous
harassing encounters had been most serious. The King of France was very
ill, anxiety and regret hastening his end. Feeling that he was dying,
he sent for his son, and said: ‘You were wiser than I. Had I followed
your advice I should not now be on my death-bed; nor would the many
brave men have been lost who have died and will die in this war. Send
a message to your uncle of Aragon and ask him to allow my body to pass
with yourself and your brother. For I am certain that it rests with him
whether a single Frenchman shall ever return, dead or alive.’ The dying
King then obtained a promise from his son that he would be a friend and
protector of his brother Charles. The King died on September 30, 1285,
in the house of a knight named Vilanova, about two miles from Peralada.
When En Pedro received the message from the young King Philip he sent
orders that the late King’s body was to be allowed to pass with its
escort, and requested his brother of Majorca to meet it with a body of
cavalry and protect it from attacks. For Lauria and his sailors were
watching on one side, and bands of wild _almogavares_ on the other. But
safety could only be assured to those who passed with the corpse and
the oriflamme. The Count of Foix with five hundred horsemen went first,
then the young King and his brother with the oriflamme, following their
father’s body. The Cardinal Legate came close behind, careful of his
own safety. He said that the rest would go to Paradise. The Aragonese
could no longer be restrained, and fell furiously on the remainder of
the retreating host and on the baggage. The Cardinal was so terrified
that he died of fright a few days afterwards; while the King of Majorca
escorted his nephew, the young King of France, with his brother Charles
and the body of the late King, through his dominions.
The victorious King En Pedro, after making liberal grants to the towns
of Peralada and Gerona, returned to Barcelona with his principal
nobles. On the same day the Admiral Roger de Lauria arrived with the
fleet, and there was great rejoicing.
This time the Pope’s curses went home to roost with a vengeance. En
Pedro was firmer on his throne than ever. Sicily was safe. The Pope’s
_protégé_ was in prison at Barcelona. The Pope’s King of Aragon was
only king of what was under his own cap. The Pope’s machinations were
scattered to the winds.
Yet the papal intrigues continued to cause trouble and dissensions.
Jayme II., the King of Majorca, was obliged, owing to the exigencies
of the times, to reside in his Continental dominions. By his wife,
Esclaramunda, sister of the Count of Foix, he had four sons, Jayme,
Sancho, Fernando, and Felipe, and two daughters named Isabel and
Sancha. Isabel was the wife of the Infante Juan Manuel, brother of
the King of Castille. Sancha married King Robert of Naples. Jayme and
Sancho were at Paris, detained by the King of France, practically as
hostages. Fernando’s age was then about eight, the elder brothers ten
and twelve.
There had been an understanding between the brothers Pedro and Jayme
during the war, and communications had passed between them respecting
the safe passage of the French King’s body, and on other matters. Soon
after the final rout of the French strange tidings reached En Pedro
from his agents in Italy. He was assured that the Pope would induce the
King of France to seize Majorca, and that Jayme would be forced to
give his consent, because his two sons were in the French King’s power
in Paris, and Montpellier, Roussillon, and Conflent would otherwise
be taken from him. En Pedro resolved to prevent this. He did not see
how, in the face of these threats, his brother could refuse, and he
must therefore act promptly; but he sent a letter to his brother Jayme
explaining the motives of his action. The force destined for Majorca
was placed under the command of the King’s eldest son, Alfonso, and
consisted of knights, men-at-arms, and two thousand _almogavares_.
The King of Aragon was incensed with his nephew Sancho IV., the
usurping King of Castille, because he had broken his promise and given
him no help whatever in the war with France. Fernando, the eldest son
of Alfonso X., had died before his father, leaving two sons, Alfonso
and Fernando, known as the ‘Infantes of La Cerda.’ The next son,
Sancho, had usurped the throne, and the ‘Infantes de La Cerda’ had
escaped into Aragon. En Pedro was having them educated in the castle of
Jativa in Valencia. He was so angry with Sancho that he contemplated
setting up the eldest Infante as a claimant for the throne of Castille.
Having taken leave of his son on the eve of his departure for Majorca,
En Pedro commenced a journey to Jativa to see the Infantes of La Cerda.
He was feeling unwell when he started, and on reaching the town of
Villafranca de Panales he was in a high fever. His son was on board,
but had not sailed, when he got the news. He hurried to Villafranca,
but his father ordered him to return to his ship and make sail at
once. Receiving his father’s blessing, the young Prince departed and
embarked at the port of Salou. He landed with his forces at Porrasa,
and no resistance was made to his occupation of the capital of Majorca.
En Pedro was dying. He had made his will and received the Sacraments,
but neither wife nor sons were at his bedside. He died on November 11,
1285, and was buried in the abbey of Santa Creus, about twenty miles
from Villafranca. His great admiral, Roger de Lauria, died a few years
afterwards, and his body was laid to rest near that of the King he had
served so well. In 1835 a vile mob of ruffians destroyed the church and
scattered the remains to the winds. By his wife Constance he left four
sons and two daughters. The eldest succeeded him as Alfonso III. The
second succeeded his brother as Jayme II. Federigo, the third, was King
of Sicily. The fourth was Pedro. Of the daughters, Isabel was Queen of
Portugal, and Violante of Naples.
Pedro III., if not equal in all respects to his father, was a great
king. Fortune smiled upon him. He was happy in all relations of life.
His career was one long romance. Chivalrous to recklessness, he was at
the same time prudent and circumspect--a rare combination. Even in his
wild gallop into imminent peril at Bordeaux he thought out every part
of the enterprise down to the minutest detail. He was invariably well
served, and invariably successful. This cannot be ascribed to luck. A
king who succeeds in all he undertakes must have rare gifts of head and
heart to plan out the details of his undertakings and to secure the
sympathy and devotion of those who serve him. Pedro was thus gifted,
while his administrative ability ensured the prosperity of his country.
Under him Aragon became a great naval Power, and Sicily was freed from
a foreign yoke.