Tells how the King of Aragon took up Conradin’s glove; how the Pope’s
curses went home to roost; and how En Pedro kept his tryst
For fifty years after the death of Jayme I. we have the guidance of
that delightful old chronicler En Ramon Muntaner, who had seen many
years of active service in the field before he took up his pen to
record the events of which he had personal knowledge. He was born in
his father’s house at Peralada, near the frontier of Catalonia and
Roussillon, and thought he could just remember the great King Jayme
having been his father’s guest for one night. But he left his home when
only eleven years of age, having been born in 1275, the year before the
death of the ‘Conquistador.’ After knocking about the world for half a
century and doing much faithful and honourable service by sea and land,
the old warrior retired to a farm in the ‘garden’ of Valencia, called
Xiluella. There, in the year 1335, and at the age of sixty, he tells
us that a vision appeared to him when he was sleeping on his couch.
It was revealed to him that it was God’s will that he should arise and
write the story of his life and of the great marvels he had witnessed,
that they might be made manifest. So the veteran wrote his story for
the honour of God, of His blessed Mother, and of the House of Aragon.
Muntaner is the Froissart of Catalonia.[5]
Transparently honest and trustworthy, the warrior-historian is a sure
guide through the very complicated events in which Jayme II., the first
separate King of Majorca, and his sons were more or less concerned
during those fifty years of which Muntaner treats.
Pedro III. succeeded to the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia and the
county of Barcelona. His brother Jayme was present at the coronation
at Zaragoza. Jayme then proceeded to Majorca, and was crowned King
in the cathedral. He had practically ruled the Balearic islands for
several years before his father’s death, and was very popular with the
islanders. He also took possession of his Continental dominions of
Roussillon, Cerdaña, Conflent, and Montpellier.
The two brothers appear to have had very different dispositions. Pedro
was ambitious, bold almost to rashness, and enterprising. Jayme was
more inclined to a life of quiet and peace. Both had been devotedly
loyal to their great father during his life. Circumstances almost
forced upon Pedro a very glorious career of successful warfare in
a good cause. The same circumstances placed Jayme in a position of
extreme difficulty as regarded his relations with his brother.
Jayme I. was scarcely in his grave when the troubles commenced in the
south of Italy and Sicily with which the House of Aragon became so
closely connected. They arose entirely from the malignant hatred of
the Popes for that great and enlightened Emperor, Frederick II., King
of Sicily, and from their unscrupulous ambition. When the Emperor was
succeeded by his son Manfred, the papal enmity was transferred to him;
and the Pope appealed to all the Christian kings to drive him from his
dominions. St. Louis of France refused to perpetrate this iniquity,
being a friend of the late Emperor. King Edward of England refused, his
aunt having married Frederick II. The King of Castille refused. Above
all, the King of Aragon denounced the scheme, his wife Constance being
a daughter of Manfred.
Still the Pope succeeded in his wicked design in an unexpected way.
The Kings of England, France, and of the Romans, and Charles of Anjou,
brother of the King of France, had married four sisters, the daughters
of the Count of Provence.[6] All were queens except the wife of Charles
of Anjou, and she was the eldest. This filled her with envy and
jealousy, and she tormented her husband until he bethought him of a way
to make her a queen by doing the Pope’s dirty work and becoming the
papal King of Sicily. So, without his brother’s knowledge or consent,
he went to Rome, and made the offer on condition that the treasure of
the Church was placed at his disposal. The compact was made, the Pope
crowned Charles, and he raised an army to invade the territory of King
Manfred.
Muntaner says truly that Manfred was one of the most valiant kings
in the world. He assembled his army and met the invading host under
Charles of Anjou near the frontier of his dominions. The battle raged
fiercely, and Manfred would have been victorious had not bribes,
applied with the help of the treasure of the Church, turned the
scale. There was treachery. The gallant King was slain, his army was
scattered, and the Pope’s _protégé_ was enabled to occupy Naples and
overrun Sicily, which was occupied by the licentious soldiery of
Charles of Anjou. The papal nominee used his success with unrelenting
cruelty. The wife and children of Manfred were shut up in a dungeon.
Conradin, the nephew and heir, came from Germany with a small force,
but was defeated and taken prisoner. Charles caused him to be beheaded
at Naples, and, as is well known, the young prince, when on the
scaffold, threw his glove into the crowd, praying that some one would
take it to King Pedro of Aragon, who would avenge his wrongs.
Pedro III. took up Conradin’s glove to some purpose. His death was the
last success of Charles of Anjou. The Pope had cursed the family of
the good Emperor. Never did curses more persistently come home to roost.
The Catalans were fast becoming an important naval power in the
Mediterranean, and their King fostered its growth with care. He
established arsenals and dockyards at Barcelona, Tortosa, Cullera, and
Valencia, and ordered smaller yards to be formed at every port where
there was anchorage for his galleys. Cullera and Tortosa were his
principal dockyards. The men were so well trained, the galleys and arms
were kept in such a state of efficiency, that Pedro was well able to
take up Conradin’s glove and to avenge the death of Manfred, the father
of his beloved wife Constance.
The call soon came. The King of Aragon was moved to anger when he
heard of the death of his father-in-law and of young Conradin. Before
taking any steps against the usurper, he thought it well to secure
himself from attacks on the side of France. His brother of Majorca was
also anxious for his Continental dominions. St. Louis of France had
been succeeded in 1270 by his son Philip _le Hardi_, who had married
Pedro’s sister. An interview was arranged between the Kings of France,
Aragon, and Majorca at Toulouse. The negotiation which followed was
so far satisfactory that Philip solemnly swore never to interfere in
the affairs of Montpellier, and professed warm friendship for both the
Aragonese Kings.
At this juncture the tyranny of the French led to the ‘Sicilian
Vespers.’ The people rose throughout Sicily while Charles of Anjou
prepared to wreak vengeance upon them, collecting a large army and
fleet. The Sicilians turned to the King of Aragon, whose wife was the
heir to their King, for help in their sore need, and their appeal
was not in vain. He was engaged in some successful operations on the
coast of Barbary, with a large, well-appointed fleet, when the message
reached him. Pedro did not hesitate. He would take up Conradin’s glove
and defend the right. With a fair wind, he caused his fleet to shape a
course for Sicily.
The King of Aragon landed at Trapani on August 28, 1282. The whole
population of Sicily was overjoyed. The march from Trapani to Palermo
was a triumphal procession. Pedro was crowned King of Sicily at
Palermo, and immediately afterwards he marched to Messina, to resist
any attempt to invade the island on the part of the French forces of
Charles of Anjou.
Charles arrived before Messina with his army, where he received envoys
from the King of Aragon. They told him, in the name of their master,
that he was a usurper; that he knew well that he had no right to the
kingdom, which belonged to the Queen of Aragon and her sons as heirs
of King Manfred, and demanded that he should leave it. Charles replied
defiantly, and Pedro, calling all the able-bodied men of Sicily to
arms, prepared to advance to Messina and attack the usurper, who was
besieging the town, by sea and land.
It is here necessary to give some account of a peculiar body of light
infantry which formed an important part of the Aragonese army, and was
now destined to take a very active lead in sending the Pope’s curses
home to roost.
The origin of these troops, called _Almogavares_, is said by Desclot
and others to be as follows: After Spain was overrun by the Arabs,
many of the fugitive inhabitants took refuge in fastnesses of the
mountains, whence they made incursions into the open country, their
necessities obliging them to make no distinction between friends and
enemies. In course of time these outlaws were organised into tribes,
and generations of men who were always leading lives of danger and
hardship produced a race of most formidable fighting soldiers. The
Kings of Aragon transformed these fierce wanderers into a new military
organisation. They became fanatically loyal troops, while retaining
their old customs and habits. They were divided into companies, each
under a captain, named _almogadan_. They also had officers named
_adalid_,[7] who were guides for the routes, and who also had authority
to judge of what occurred in the forays, and to divide the spoils.
The dress of an _almogarave_ consisted of a smock, breeches, leather
gaiters, hide sandals called _abarcas_, a sort of knapsack on the back
to hold a day’s food, and a belt round the waist with a dagger, and a
small bag containing flint and steel. The _almogarave_ never shaved and
never cut his hair, which was confined in a net. His arms were a short
lance and a few darts slung on his back. In an ambush or night-attack
they first made innumerable sparks with their flints and steels in all
directions, then rushed furiously upon their enemy with the war-cry of
‘_Desparte ferres!_’[8] and shouts of ‘_Al mugabar_.’ This word may be
allied to the Hebrew ‘_muhavar_,’ which means a companion.
The _almogavares_ were an exceedingly formidable body of light
infantry. Pedro sent 2,000 to Messina by forced marches, while he
followed with the main strength of his army. Arriving at Messina, they
were received into the town, but the inhabitants were in despair at
their ragged and wild appearance, and feared that men like these could
never cope with the soldiers of Charles. Their answer was, ‘We will
show you what we are like’; and at dawn they sallied out of Messina
and attacked the besieging army with such fury that it was thrown into
confusion. Charles of Anjou thought the whole Aragonese army was upon
him. He hastily ordered his troops to embark, and fled to the opposite
coast; but his rearguard was cut to pieces and all his baggage was
captured. The galleys of Aragon then attacked the usurper’s fleet off
Nicotera, capturing many vessels and driving the rest on shore. A body
of _almogavares_ was next taken over to the coast of Apulia, where they
defeated a French force at Catona, the Comte d’Alençon, brother of the
King of France, being among the slain. Thus was Sicily permanently
delivered from the yoke of Charles of Anjou, and restored to its
rightful heir, the daughter of Manfred. King Pedro himself crossed
the Strait of Messina and captured several towns in Apulia, including
Reggio.
Charles of Anjou, beaten in every encounter, sent a challenge to the
King of Aragon, proposing that their quarrel should be settled by one
combat, a hundred on each side. Pedro consented, and it was arranged
that the battle should take place at Bordeaux, King Edward I. of
England being the umpire.
Before returning to Aragon to prepare for this duel, En Pedro made a
very important appointment. En Roger de Lauria had been brought up with
the King as a boy, and his mother was for many years in attendance on
Queen Constance. En Roger had since proved himself to be a valiant
and enterprising commander and an expert sailor. The King appointed
him Admiral of Catalonia, Valencia, and Sicily; and he was by far the
greatest admiral of the thirteenth century. When it was known that En
Roger had received his _bâton_ there was great rejoicing in the fleet
and in the city of Messina, a week of holidays, dancing, and festivity,
ending with a General Council, when the King delivered a farewell
speech. Next to En Roger de Lauria, the most trusted naval captains
were En Ramon Marquet and En Berenguer Mallol. Leaving the kingdom of
Sicily in peace and well ordered, King Pedro sailed from Trapani with
his two captains and only four galleys, arriving safely at Barcelona.
The rest of the great fleet remained under the command of En Roger.
The beaten usurper went crying to Pope Martin for more curses against
the rightful heirs of Sicily, and for more treasure from the coffers of
Holy Church. The requests of Charles of Anjou were promptly complied
with. The King of Aragon was excommunicated, a crusade was declared
against him, and more funds were supplied to the papal King, who then
left Rome and proceeded to his nephew of France. Pedro III., with all
his bishops and a loyal and united people at his back, cared nothing
for the Pope’s curses. The Pope further gave orders to his Legate to
absolve King Philip of France from all the promises he had ever made to
the Aragonese kings; and to call upon him to engage in an iniquitous
crusade against his neighbour and brother-in-law.
The first act of hostility was the equipment of a fleet at Marseilles
with the object of seeking out and destroying the galleys commanded
by En Roger de Lauria. The Provençal Admiral Cornut had with him
twenty-two well-armed galleys, and shaped a course to Malta, where
he encountered the fleet of Lauria, numbering only eighteen sail.
The two fleets, in order of battle, rammed each other, and then came
to close quarters. The Catalans were well trained in the use of the
crossbow. Every shot told, and before long the decks of the Provençal
ships were cleared. The admiral of the Marseilles fleet, with his
friends and officers, perished in the thick of the fight. All the
twenty-two galleys became prizes to Lauria, and the glorious news was
at once sent to Syracuse, spreading joy and gladness throughout the
island. The castle and town of Malta surrendered, and both Malta and
Gozo were transferred from the possession of Charles of Anjou to that
of the Aragonese rulers of Sicily. The return of the fleet to Sicily
was the occasion of great rejoicing. En Roger was received as a hero
at Syracuse, Aci Reale, Taormina, and most of all at Messina, where
the victorious fleet finally anchored. Such was the next reply to the
Pope’s curses.
Very earnest requests had been made by both parties to King Edward of
England to act as umpire for the proposed duel, for he was known to
be the most upright and just prince in Christendom. Both Pedro and
Charles had sworn to be on the spot on the day appointed. But it came
to the knowledge of King Edward that his cousin of France and his
papal uncle were not playing the game. Instead of a hundred knights,
they were coming to the neighbourhood of Bordeaux with an army of
twelve thousand men, intending to kill En Pedro and all who came with
him. Edward therefore resolved not to come, for he would be unable to
ensure fair play; and he sent to tell the King of Aragon that, under
the circumstances, he was absolved from his oath. En Pedro then set out
upon the wildest and most romantic adventure that ever was undertaken
even in that age of romance. The French King and his uncle of Anjou
had actually come to Bordeaux with a large army; had set out the
field of combat, with a stand at one end for the King of England as
umpire, and a chapel at the other. The English Seneschal of Bordeaux
received them with courtesy, but told them the reason why his master
would not be present. In spite of the warnings from King Edward and
of his own intelligence, En Pedro was determined that nothing should
prevent him from keeping his oath to be at the appointed place on the
appointed day. He knew that his own people would never consent to his
entering upon such a madcap adventure. Whatever was done must be done
in profound secrecy. Pedro had an envoy in Bordeaux, named Gilbert
de Cruilles, who was empowered to treat with the English Seneschal;
but even he was not in the secret at first, though he constantly sent
reports of the French proceedings.
The King of Aragon went to Jaca, in the heart of the Pyrenees, with a
few attendants, and sent for a horse-dealer of his acquaintance, upon
whose secrecy and probity he could rely. This merchant, named Domingo
de la Figuera, was a man of considerable influence, carrying on an
extensive trade in horses between Bordeaux and Navarre, Castille, and
Aragon. He knew intimately every road and path in the Pyrenees, every
man who frequented them, and every post and tavern. The King explained
his wild scheme to En Domingo. The horse-dealer was to provide
twenty-seven horses, nine to be stationed along the road from Jaca to
Bordeaux, nine on the route from Bordeaux to Navarre, and nine for a
return journey in Castille. En Domingo was to ride post as master,
while the King and a young knight named Bernardo de Peratallada, son of
the envoy Gilbert de Cruilles, were to follow as his servants, suitably
dressed, with light saddle-bags. They were to ride at a great pace
all day, stopping at an inn at dusk. At early dawn they were to mount
fresh horses, which were to be ready saddled. The King was to act as a
squire, holding the stirrup of En Domingo when he mounted, serving him
at table, while En Bernardo fed the horses; and then the King and En
Bernardo were to sup together at a table apart, before lying down to
sleep. En Domingo was to post the horses at proper distances in charge
of men on whom he could rely, but who were not to be in the secret. En
Domingo undertook to arrange all these details, and a day was fixed
for departure which would bring them to Bordeaux on the eve of the
appointed time. Not a soul was in the secret save the King himself, En
Domingo, and En Bernardo.
All being settled, the King went to Zaragoza to pass a few days
with his wife and children, taking a tender farewell of them on his
departure; but they little knew why he took leave of them with more
affection than usual and to what risks he was about to expose himself.
All being prepared, the three companions started from Jaca. The King
wore strong gaiters, a doublet of canvas, and over all a very old and
shabby smock, with a cap, and a kind of hood concealing his face. En
Bernardo was dressed in the same way; while En Domingo rode as their
master in a handsome dress and broad hat, fine gauntlets, and with a
smart saddle-cloth. En Bernardo carried a great sack, containing six
loaves of bread to be eaten during the day, without stopping. At the
first inn the people asked En Domingo why he came so late, to which
he replied that it was to keep the horses out of the sun; and while
he conversed with people outside, the King got the supper ready and
En Bernardo fed the horses. The King then held the ewer of water for
En Domingo’s hands, served him at table, and when En Bernardo came
in, he and the King had their suppers together at another table, then
lying down and sleeping until dawn. Fresh horses were ready, and they
went off at a gallop. On the third evening they were within a league
of Bordeaux, where they stopped at a house whose owner was a friend
of En Domingo. Here they had supper and rested for the night. At dawn
they were mounted again and riding to the field, it being the actual
day appointed for the duel. The master of the house went to Gilbert de
Cruilles, who was lodged near, to tell him what had happened, and both
rode off to the field, where, to his amazement, Gilbert saw the King
and his own son. En Pedro took him aside and told him to go at once to
the English Seneschal of Bordeaux and tell him that a knight from the
King of Aragon had arrived and wished for speech with him; and to ask
him to bring with him his notary, six knights whom he could trust, and
no one else.
En Gilbert went at once to the Seneschal, who was with the King of
France, and delivered his message. The Seneschal then told the King
that a knight of Aragon had come who desired to speak with him. ‘Go,’
said the King, ‘and afterwards come and tell me what he had to say.’
So the Seneschal went at once, with the best notary at the English
Court and with six knights of distinction. He found the King on the
field, who saluted him courteously, saying: ‘Sir Seneschal, I am here
on the part of the King of Aragon, this being the day on which he
and King Charles have sworn to encounter each other in this field. I
therefore ask you whether the King can come in safety, in the event of
his appearing this day?’ The Seneschal replied, in the name of the
King of England, that he could in no way guarantee his safety; for he
knew for a certainty that, if he came, he, and all who came with him,
would be killed, that being the intention of the King of France and
his uncle Charles, who were here with twelve thousand armed horsemen.
‘Very good,’ replied En Pedro. ‘Let this be written down by the notary
and witnessed’; and the Seneschal gave the order for this to be done.
The notary wrote it down, and when he came to the name of the Aragonese
knight the Seneschal asked him for it. ‘Can all here be trusted?’ asked
En Pedro. ‘Certainly,’ was the answer, ‘on the faith of the King of
England.’ ‘Then, Seneschal, you know me,’ said the King of Aragon, and
he threw back his hood. The Seneschal recognised him at once, and went
down on his knee, saying, ‘Oh, sir, what is this that you have done?’
‘I have come here,’ replied the King, ‘to keep my oath; and I desire
that all you have told me and all I do may be written down in full by
the notary, certifying that I have come this day in person, and that
I have searched out all the field.’ He then rode down the field and
to every part of it, in the presence of the witnesses, and while the
notary was writing. After he had galloped up and down several times,
he dismounted at the chapel and offered up thanks to God that he had
been enabled to keep his oath. They then all rode back to the house of
the host of the previous night, and the King dismounted and went in to
thank and take leave of his hostess, who was overcome by the honour
when she heard who her guest was. En Pedro sent a request through
the Seneschal to the King of England that his host might receive a
suitable reward. He also requested that fair copies of the notary’s
statement might be drawn up, one to be delivered to the Seneschal
for transmission to the King of England, and the other to Gilbert de
Cruilles for the King of Aragon. The perilous return journey was then
commenced, the Seneschal accompanying the party for about a league.
On taking his leave he told En Domingo on no account to return by the
way he came, nor even by Navarre, because the King of France had sent
orders in all directions to seize anyone in the service of the King of
Aragon.
The travellers took the road to Castille, travelling with great speed,
not a single arrangement made by En Domingo failing them in their need.
They went by Soria and crossed the Aragonese frontier at Moanquels.
On reaching Calatayud the King found that the news of his gallant
adventure had preceded him, and the people were in transports of joy.
At Zaragoza there were processions headed by the bishops and clergy,
in spite of the Pope’s excommunication, to offer up thanks for their
chivalrous King’s safety.
When the Seneschal considered that the King of Aragon was safe, he
went to King Philip of France and his uncle Charles of Anjou and told
them all that had taken place. On hearing such news they made the
sign of the cross more than a hundred times, and were dumfounded.
Then they went to the field to see the marks of King Pedro’s horse’s
hoofs; and Philip expressed admiration at the chivalrous daring of
his brother-in-law. Next day he broke up his camp and marched away to
Toulouse, with his uncle of Anjou.
During four days there were festivities at Zaragoza, joined in by the
Queen and her children, when the two faithful companions of the King,
En Bernardo and En Domingo, were fêted and richly rewarded. Then En
Gilbert de Cruilles arrived from Bordeaux with the attested copy of
the notary’s statement, and with the news of the astonishment and
departure of the French King and his uncle of Anjou: how they kept
watch all night, expecting to be attacked, and how they went to look
at En Pedro’s horse’s hoof-marks; which gave rise to much laughter at
Zaragoza. In this way did the brave and chivalrous King of Aragon keep
his tryst.