ROOSEVELT'S PRESIDENCY
1901 to 1909
Colonel Roosevelt served as President of the United States from
September 13, 1901, to March 4, 1909. What he accomplished during
those years is still too fresh in the minds of the people of the
United States to justify its recital by me here; suffice it to say
that he gave one of the best Administrations ever known in the
history of the United States. He accomplished more in that term
than any of his predecessors; more laws were enacted, laws of more
general benefit to the people; but above all, his Administration
enforced all laws on the statute books as they had never been
enforced before.
The Sherman Anti-Trust Law was a dead letter until Mr. Roosevelt
instructed the Attorney-General to prosecute its violators, both
great and small. No fear or favor was shown in the enforcement of
the laws against the rich and poor alike. There were many other
notable features of his administration, but that, to my mind, stands
out conspicuously before all the others. By his speeches, by his
public messages, he awakened the slumbering conscience of the
Nation, and he made the violators of the law in high places come
to realize that they would receive the same punishment as the lowest
offenders. He did more than any of his predecessors to prevent
this country from drifting into socialism.
I have known Colonel Roosevelt for many years. I knew him as Civil
Service Commissioner under President Harrison. In that position,
as in every other public office he held, he saw to it that the law
was strictly enforced. I once wrote him a note, when he was Civil
Service Commissioner, requesting him to act favorably on some
matter, which he considered was contrary to his duty. He promptly
returned this characteristic reply: "You have no right to ask me
to do this, and I have no right to do it."
As Assistant Secretary of the Navy under President McKinley, he
was able, aggressive, and pushing in preparing the Navy for the
Spanish-American War. He seemed so interested in what he was doing
that he would appear to an outsider to be nervous and excitable.
My old friend, the Hon. W. I. Guffin, than whom there was no better
man, was visiting the Department with me one day, and I took occasion
to introduce him to Colonel Roosevelt, who was then Assistant
Secretary. Guffin was astonished at Roosevelt's manners and his
way of speaking, and I recall Guffin's remark when we left the
office. I was very much amused at it. He said: "Well, that is
Roosevelt, is it! He is one hell of a Secretary." Doubtless that
was the impression that Colonel Roosevelt left on many people whom
he met in the Navy Department, who did not know him and who had
not yet come to know the degree of promptness and ability with
which he despatched public business.
I was at the Philadelphia Convention which nominated Colonel
Roosevelt for Vice-President. I know that he did not desire the
nomination, but it was thrust on him through the manipulation of
Senator T. C. Platt, of New York, then the acknowledged "easy boss"
of that State. Platt himself said afterwards that he did it to
get rid of him as Governor of New York, and that he regretted it
every day of his life after Roosevelt became President. The
politicians of New York did not want Roosevelt in control at Albany,
and they thought it would be an admirable plan to remove him from
the State, and eventually relegate him to private life--to nominate
him for Vice-President. But the fates willed differently, and the
nomination for Vice-President opened the way for him to become Mr.
McKinley's successor, in which position he made such a splendid
record that no one thought of opposing him for the nomination for
President in 1904.
As President, Colonel Roosevelt was not popular with Senators
generally. Personally, I got along with him very well. In all
the years that he was President, I do not think he ever declined
to grant any favor that I asked of him, with one exception. In
that case, while he declined to give a very distinguished gentleman
in Illinois a position, for which I thought him admirably qualified,
and for which I was urging him, he later tendered him another
office, which my friend declined to accept. His methods of
transacting business were far more expeditious than those of any
of his predecessors. President McKinley, in every case, insisted
on Senators placing in writing their recommendations for Federal
offices; I do not think he ever made an appointment without such
written endorsements; but Colonel Roosevelt never bothered much
about written endorsements. He would either do or not do what you
asked, and would decide the question promptly.
He took a deep interest in the passage of the necessary amendments
to the Interstate Commerce Act, and as I have said elsewhere, had
it not been for Colonel Roosevelt, the Hepburn Bill would not have
been passed. He thought that I could be of very great service in
securing the passage of the amendments which both he and I deemed
necessary to the Interstate Commerce Act, by remaining chairman of
the Senate's Committee on Interstate Commerce, and when the time
came for me to decide whether I should remain chairman of that
committee, or accept the chairmanship of the Committee on Foreign
Relations, he took occasion personally to urge me to remain at the
head of the Interstate Commerce Committee. But at the time the
personnel of the committee was such that I had despaired of securing
favorable action in the committee on an amended Interstate Commerce
Act, and I retired to accept the chairmanship of the Committee on
Foreign Relations.
Colonel Roosevelt has proven over and over again, in every position
he has occupied, from Police Commissioner of New York to the
Presidency itself, that he is a marvellous man, a man of great
resources, great intellect, great energy and courage, and a man of
the highest degree of integrity. He will go down in the history
of this country as the most remarkable man of his day.
The Hon. John Hay, at the urgent request of Colonel Roosevelt,
continued to act as Secretary of State (to which position he had
been appointed by President McKinley) until his death in 1905.
John Hay was the most accomplished diplomat, in my judgment, who
ever occupied the high position of Secretary of State.
I knew him from his boyhood, and knew his father and all the members
of his family. The Hon. Milton Hay, whom I have mentioned elsewhere,
and who was my law partner, was an uncle of John Hay. John was a
student in our law office in Springfield, and as a student of the
law he showed marked intellectual capacity and grasp. It was from
our law office that President Lincoln took him to act as one of
his private secretaries when he left Springfield for Washington to
be inaugurated as President of the United States, and Mr. Hay
continued to act as such until the President's death. He abandoned
the law as a profession and became finally the editor of _The New
York Tribune_. I probably knew him more intimately than any one
else in public life, and when Mr. McKinley became President I urged
him to appoint Hay as Ambassador to Great Britain. He served in
that position with great credit to himself and his country. He
was very popular with the members of the British Government, and
seemed to have more influence, and to be more able to accomplish
important results, than any of his predecessors in that office.
When it was rumored that there was to be a vacancy in the State
Department, by the retirement of Mr. Day, who was ambitious to go
on the Federal Bench, I wrote Mr. McKinley a letter, in which I
told him that he could find no better man to succeed Mr. Day as
Secretary than his Ambassador to Great Britain, John Hay. And he
was appointed.
As Secretary of State, Mr. Hay was successful in carrying to a
triumphant conclusion our Far Eastern diplomacy. For years the
situation in the Far East, and especially in China, had been delicate
and critical to an extreme. The acquisition of Hawaii and the
Philippines gave to the United States an extraordinary interest in
events occurring in the Orient. The United States stood for the
"open door" in China; and as the result of the diplomacy and
influence of Secretary Hay, freedom of commerce was secured, and
the division of China among the powers has been prevented. In our
relations with China, we have pursued a disinterested policy of
disavowal of territorial aggrandizement, and a disposition to
respect the rights of that Government, confining our interests to
the peaceful development of trade. Secretary Hay never hesitated
on all proper occasions to assert our influence to preserve its
independence and prevent its dismemberment.
For many centuries China had been a hermit nation, successfully
resisting foreign influence and invasion; but gradually, on one
pretext or another, she was compelled to open her ports, and Great
Britain, Russia, and Germany had gained special advantages and
exceptional privileges in portions of China, where, under the guise
of "spheres of interest," they were exercising considerable control
over an important part of that Empire. It seemed probable that
not only would these nations absorb the trade of China, but that
the Empire itself would be dismembered and divided among the powers.
To prevent this, Secretary Hay advanced the so-called "open door"
policy and successfully carried it out.
In September, 1899, he addressed communications to the Governments
of Great Britain, Russia, Germany, Italy, and Japan, suggesting
that, as he understood it to be the settled policy and purpose of
those countries not to use any privileges which might be granted
them in China as a means of excluding any commercial rival, and
that freedom of trade for them in that ancient empire meant freedom
of trade for all the world alike, he considered that the maintenance
of this policy was alike urgently demanded by the commercial
communities of these several nations, and that it was the only one
which would improve existing conditions and extend their future
operation. He further suggested that it was the desire of the
United States Government that the interests of its citizens should
not be prejudiced through exclusive treatment by any of the
controlling powers within their respective spheres of interest in
China, and that it hoped to retain there an open market for all
the world's commerce, remove dangerous sources of international
irritation, and promote administrative reform. Secretary Hay
accordingly invited a declaration by each of them in regard to the
treatment of foreign commerce in their spheres of interest. Without
inconsiderable delay the Governments of Great Britain, Russia,
Germany, Italy, and Japan replied to his circular note, giving
cordial and full assurance of endorsement of the principles suggested
by our Government. Thus was successfully begun the since famous
"open door" policy in China.
But this great triumph in the interest of the freedom of the world's
commerce was followed by the Boxer outbreak of 1900. The German
Minister was murdered in the streets of Peking, the legations were
attacked and in a state of siege for a month.
The Boxer outbreak was made the occasion of a joint international
expedition for the relief of the diplomatic representatives and
other foreigners whose lives were in peril. Congress was not in
session, but on Secretary Hay's advice, there was despatched a
division of the American Army composed of all arms of the service.
This almost amounted to a declaration of war, or the waging of war
without the consent of Congress. The Executive was justified,
however, and did not hesitate to assume the responsibility.
In the midst of the intense excitement throughout the world, when
the downfall of the Empire of China seemed almost certain, Secretary
Hay, with the foresight which always distinguished his official
acts, issued a circular note on July 3, 1900, to all the powers
having interests in China, stating the position of the United
States; that it would be our policy to find a solution which would
bring permanent safety and peace to China, preserve its territorial
and administrative entity, protect all rights guaranteed by treaty
and international law, and safeguard for the world the principle
of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire.
Secretary Hay's note gave notice to the world that the United States
would not permit the dismemberment of China, and it was so in accord
with the principles of justice that it met with the approval of all.
After the relief of the legations and the suppression of the Boxer
troubles by the allied powers, there followed a long period of
negotiation, and an enormous and exorbitant demand was made by the
allies as an indemnity. So exorbitant was it as first that China
probably never would have been able to pay. Secretary Hay constantly
intervened to reduce the demands of the powers and cut down to a
reasonable limit the enormous indemnity they were seeking to exact.
Finally the protocol of 1901 was signed, imposing very heavy and
humiliating burdens on China. It has been the province of the
United States to alleviate these burdens, and we have only recently
remitted a very large portion of the indemnity which was to have
come to the United States.
Later, Secretary Hay negotiated a very favorable commercial treaty
with China which further strengthened the "open door," gave increased
privileges to our diplomatic and consular officers, and to our
citizens in China, and opened new cities to international trade
and residence.
One of Secretary Hay's last acts in the State Department was another
diplomatic triumph in the interest of China. It had been apparent
for some time that war between Russia and Japan was inevitable,
and Mr. Hay realized that war might seriously impair the integrity
of China and the benefits of the "open door" policy. Immediately
after the war commenced, therefore, on February 10, 1904, Mr. Hay
addressed to the Governments of Russia, Japan, and China, and to
all other powers having spheres of influence in China, a circular
note in which he said:
"It is the earnest desire of the Government of the United States
that in the military operations which have begun between Russia
and Japan, the neutrality of China, and in all practicable ways
her administrative entity, shall be protected by both parties, and
that the area of hostilities shall be localized and limited as much
as possible, so that undue excitement and disturbance of the Chinese
people may be prevented, and the least possible loss to the commerce
and peaceful intercourse of the world may be occasioned."
Mr. Hay's proposition was commended by the world and was accepted
by the neutral nations, and also by China, Russia, and Japan.
Secretary Hay's measures respecting China were of the greatest
importance and significance, because they not only tended to the
peace of the world, but they have preserved the extensive territory
and enormous population of that empire to the free and untrammelled
trade and commerce of all countries.
In addition to securing from Great Britain, through the Hay-Pauncefote
treaty, the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, thereby making
it possible for the United States to construct the Isthmian Canal,
Secretary Hay succeeded in settling the controversy over the Alaskan
boundary, which had been a subject of dispute between the United
States and Great Britain for half a century. The treaty of 1868,
between the United States and Russia, by which we acquired Alaska,
in describing the boundary of Alaska, adopted the description
contained in the treaty of 1825, between Great Britain and Russia.
Years ago it was discovered that the boundary described in the
treaty of 1825 was incorrect as a geographical fact.
While the country remained unsettled the definite boundary was not
so material, but since the first Cleveland Administration the
Alaskan boundary had been an important subject of dispute. The
feeling among our people in Alaska and among the Canadians became
very bitter. This was one of the principal reasons for the creation
of the Joint High Commission in 1899, whose purpose it was to settle
all outstanding questions between the United States and Canada,
the principal one being the Alaskan boundary. The Joint High
Commission made considerable progress in adjusting these questions,
but failing to reach an agreement as to the Alaskan boundary, the
commission adjourned without disposing of any of the subjects in
controversy. President Roosevelt and Secretary Hay, in view of
our long and undisputed occupation of the territory in question,
declined to allow the reference of the Alaskan boundary to a regular
arbitration at the Hague, but instead, Secretary Hay proposed the
creation of a judicial tribunal composed of an equal number of
members from each country, feeling confident that our claim would
be successfully established by such a body. There was very great
opposition, and there were many predictions of failure, but on
January 24, 1903, a treaty between the United States and Great
Britain was signed, providing for such a tribunal.
The treaty was duly ratified, and the tribunal appointed, and on
October 20, 1903, reached a conclusion which was a complete victory
for the United States, sustaining as it did every material contention
of our Government.
The settlement of the Alaskan boundary was a very notable diplomatic
triumph, and Secretary Hay is entitled to much credit for it.
I cannot go into the many important matters which Mr. Hay disposed
of as Secretary of State. He left a splendid record. I made it
a point to keep in constant touch with him by visiting at his office
frequently, and he always talked with me frankly and freely concerning
the important negotiations in which he was engaged. The only
criticism I have to make of him as Secretary of State is, that he
was disposed, wherever he could possibly do so, to make international
agreements and settle differences without consulting the Senate.
And, in addition, I never could induce him to come before the
Committee on Foreign Relations and explain to the committee personally
various treaties and important matters in which the State Department
was interested. Why he would not do so I do not know. He was an
exceedingly modest man and shrank from all controversy. It is
seldom, however, that the State Department has had at its head so
brilliant and scholarly a man as John Hay. He will go down in
history as among the greatest of our Secretaries of State.
I will make some further references to the important results of
the Roosevelt Administration in what I shall say in a later chapter
concerning the work of the Committee on Foreign Relations.
William Howard Taft, now President of the United States, was
President Roosevelt's Secretary of War, and a very able Secretary
he was. I first knew him in Washington when, as a young man but
thirty-three years of age, he was serving as Solicitor General
under President Harrison. I followed his career very closely from
the time that I first became acquainted with him.
As a United States Circuit Judge, to which position he was appointed
by President Harrison, he was regarded as one of the ablest in the
country. The Circuit Court of Appeals on which he served was a
notable one. It was composed of three men who have since occupied
the highest positions in the United States. William R. Day was
first Assistant Secretary of State, then Secretary of State, one
of the negotiators of the Paris Peace Treaty, Circuit Judge, and
later a Supreme Court Justice. Judge Taft was first civil Governor
of the Philippines, Secretary of War, and then President; and he
has only recently appointed his old colleague, Judge Lurton, the
third member of the Court of Appeals, to the position of Justice
of the Supreme Court of the United States.
Judge Taft has occupied many high positions, all of which he has
filled with great honor and distinction. I doubt whether he has
enjoyed the high office of President of the United States. I myself
have always thought that he would have made one of our greatest
Chief Justices had he been appointed to that position.
Just before the National Convention of 1908 assembled at Chicago,
in which convention I was chairman of the Illinois delegation, when
every one knew that Taft was sure to be the nominee, I called on
him at the War Department, and in the course of the conversation
I took occasion to remark that I had always been in favor of him
for Chief Justice, but it seemed now that he was certain to be the
nominee for President, and his career would consequently go along
another line. He replied: "If your friend Chief Justice Fuller
should retire and the President should send me a commission as
Chief Justice, I would take it now."
It is my purpose to practically close these memoirs with the end
of the Roosevelt Administration, for the reason that I do not feel
at liberty to write in detail of events occurring within the past
two years. All that I will venture to say is that my relations
with Mr. Taft as President have been of the most cordial and friendly
character; and no one can question that he has been thoroughly
conscientious in the discharge of the duties of President of the
United States. That in 1910 the party went down in defeat for the
first time in eighteen years cannot be charged to President Taft.
Nothing that he did as Chief Executive was responsible for that
defeat. I myself believe that it was simply the result of the
people becoming tired of too much prosperity under Republican
administration. The newspaper agitation over the Aldrich-Payne
Tariff Bill was mainly instrumental in turning the House of
Representatives over to the Democracy.
The Hon. Philander C. Knox was Attorney-General in President
Roosevelt's cabinet, as he had been in the cabinet of his predecessor.
He is now serving as Secretary of State under President Taft. He
has had a long and highly distinguished career at the bar, and is
probably one of the greatest lawyers of his day. He served in the
Senate of the United States for some years, and upon entering that
body he at once took his place as a leader on all questions of a
legal and constitutional nature. As a member of the Judiciary
Committee, he had quite a commanding influence on important
legislation coming from that committee. As Secretary of State Mr.
Knox has been successful to an eminent degree, and I have no doubt
that his career as the Premier of the Taft Administration will add
to his great fame as a lawyer and statesman.
I cannot refrain from saying a word in reference to the Hon. James
Wilson, who was appointed Secretary of Agriculture by President
McKinley, in which position he has been retained by both President
Roosevelt and President Taft. He has served as a cabinet officer
for a longer consecutive term than any man in our history.
I have been more or less familiar with the administration of the
Agricultural Department ever since its creation, and I do not
hesitate to say that Mr. Wilson has been the most efficient Secretary
of Agriculture that we have ever had. He has accomplished greater
results in that office than any of his predecessors, and should
remain there as long as he will consent to serve.