for the surrender of the town of York, in Upper Canada, to the Army
and Navy of the United States, under the command of Major-General
Dearborn and Commodore Chauncey," appear as follows, in Niles'
Register, IV. p. 180--omitting the clauses which relate to the
disposition of individuals as prisoners of war:
That the troops, regular and militia, at this post, and the
naval officers and seamen, shall be surrendered prisoners
of war. The troops, regular and militia, to ground their
arms immediately, on parade, and the naval officers and
seaman to be immediately surrendered.
That all public stores, naval and military, shall be
immediately given up to the commanding officers of the army
and navy of the United States. That all private property
shall be guaranteed to the citizens of the town of York.
That all papers belonging to the civil officers shall be
retained by them. That such surgeons as may be procured to
attend the wounded of the British regulars and Canadian
militia shall not be considered prisoners of war.
These articles bear the signatures of: Lieutenant-Colonel G. E.
Mitchell,[M-32] 3d U. S. Artillery; Major S. S. Conner,[M-33] aid-de-camp
to General Dearborn; Major William King, 15th U. S. Infantry;
Lieutenant Jesse D. Elliott, U. S. Navy; Lieutenant-Colonel W.
Chewitt, commanding 3d regiment of York Militia; Major W. Allen (or
Allan), of the same; and F. Gaurreau, "lieut. M. Dpt."--the last name
perhaps misprinted.
General Pike's body was prepared at York and conveyed to Sackett's
Harbor for interment. It was first buried at Fort Tompkins, at a
little distance from the shiphouse, together with that of his
aid-de-camp, Captain Nicholson,[M-34] who had been mortally wounded by
his side. Among the defenses of Sackett's Harbor was one named Fort
Pike, which stood on Black River bay. A view of this work, as it was
in 1855, is given by Lossing. Madison Barracks was built close by Fort
Pike, soon after the war, and in the burying-ground there were
deposited the remains of several officers, to whose memories a simple
wooden monument was erected in 1819. Lossing figures this, p. 617, as
it was when he examined it in July, 1855, "more leaning than the Pisa
tower." In 1860 it was rapidly crumbling into dust; the urn which had
surmounted it was gone, and the inscription was illegible. A part of
the legend on the west panel, copied by Lossing at his previous visit,
had been: "In memory of Brigadier General Z. M. Pike, killed at York,
U. C. 27th April, 1813."
A tablet to the memory of General Pike has for many years been set in
St. Michael's church, at Trenton, N. J. For a description of this
object and a copy of the inscription I am indebted to the courteous
attentions of the rector, Rev. O. S. Bunting. It consists of a marble
slab, about 36 inches high by 20 inches wide, inserted in the outer
wall of the church on the east side, the base being about two feet
from the ground. On this slab is carved in relief an urn, which
occupies the whole surface, as nearly as the shape of an urn can fill
a rectangle; and on the urn is engraven the following inscription:
Sacred
to the memory of
GEN. Z. M. PIKE,
of the U. S. Army,
who fell in defence
of his country
on the 27th April
A. D. 1813,
at York
Upper Canada.
On the base is inscribed: "This small tribute of respect is erected by
his friend, Z. R." The stone is in a good state of preservation, and
its position affords considerable security. Mr. Bunting has no
particulars of the erection of the tablet, and does not identify
"Z. R."
Upon the fall of York, the press of the whole country teemed with
jubilant notices of the auspicious event--the first signal success of
our arms after a period of defeat, doubt, and almost despair. The
death of Pike was on every tongue, in terms of affection for the man
and honor to his name, coupled with expressions of horror and
detestation of the manner in which he and so many of his companions
had met their fate. The feeling in the latter regard was spontaneous
and natural under the circumstances--it appears differently in the
cold gray light of history. Among uncounted tributes to Pike's memory,
a few may be selected for reproduction in the present biography.
The editor of Niles' Register was in the habit of dedicating a
completed volume. The fourth volume, from Mar. to Sept., 1813, is
inscribed: "In Testimony of Respect to the Memory of ZEBULON
MONTGOMERY PIKE, Brigadier-General: who fell gloriously before York,
in Upper Canada. And JAMES LAWRENCE, Captain in the Navy: Killed on
board the Chesapeake frigate, fighting the Shannon. This volume of the
Weekly Register, is dedicated. The former happily expired on the
conquered flag of the foe, the latter died exclaiming, 'Don't give up
the ship.'"
The same volume prints the following tribute in No. 14, for the week
ending June 5th, 1813, pp. 228, 229:
It has been the lot of few men, unassisted by many
adventitious circumstances to acquire and possess that high
confidence and respect of all classes of his
fellow-citizens, the late General Pike so happily enjoyed.
Without the splendor of achievement that surrounds the
fortunate hero, and commands the applause of the populace,
the lamented man forced his way into the public affection
by the power of his virtues and strength of his talents
alone. Careless of popularity, a great and good name was
"buckled on him" by a discriminating people. He was an
_ægis_ of the army; and the soldiery looked upon him with
admiration and reverence; love, mixed with the fear of
offending his nice ideas of right, governing them all. He
was a severe disciplinarian; but had the felicity to make
his soldiers assured that his strictness had for its object
their glory--their ease--their preservation and safety.
With a mind conscious of its own rectitude, he was not
easily diverted from his purpose; and difficulty only
invigorated exertion. To all the sweetness of a familiar
friend, he added a strength of remark and pungency of
observation, that delighted all around him. Though the camp
was his delight, he was fitted for any company; and could
make himself agreeable on every proper occasion. His
courage was invincible, for it was the result of his
reason; and his death is a proof of it. The pride of his
countrymen in arms, the pattern for a military life, he
fell, at the moment of victory, on the first opportunity
that had been afforded to reduce to practice the perfection
of his theory--"but he fell like a man." His transcendent
qualities were opening to the view; but they were nipped in
the bud by the base stratagem of a beaten foe.[M-35] His name
is unperishable; and will descend to posterity with the
Warrens, Montgomerys and Woosters, of the other war. Though
dead, he shall yet speak to the army of the United States.
His scheme of tactics and practice of discipline shall be
the criterion of the soldier's worth. He has left behind
him many accomplished scholars, who, "while memory holds
her seat," shall teach his rules to others, and sacredly
preserve them as landmarks whereby to govern themselves.
The labors of the illustrious dead are not lost. His body
has descended to the tomb, and the gallant spirit taken its
flight to Him that gave it--but his virtues shall live, and
be with us, many generations.
Mr. Niles' eulogy concludes with a dramatic incident which commends
itself for insertion here, in further illustration of the strong hold
General Pike acquired upon public sentiment:
It may not be amiss, perhaps, to notice a humble mark of
respect offered by the managers of the Baltimore theatre, a
few evenings ago, to the memory of the general. The house
was crowded in consequence of several spectacles designed
in honor of the day (the review of the Baltimore brigade).
Between the second and third acts of the play the curtain
slowly, but unexpectedly, rose to solemn music, and
exhibited a lofty obelisk on which was inscribed "Z. M.
Pike, Brigadier General--Fell gloriously before York--March
[April] 27, 1813." On the left hand of the monument was
that elegant actress, Mrs. Green, in character as Columbia,
armed, kneeling on one knee, and pensively pointing with
her spear to the name of the hero. Her dress was uncommonly
splendid and very appropriate to the idea [she] designed to
sustain. On the other side was a lady, an elegant figure,
dressed in the deepest mourning, gracefully leaning against
the pedestal, immovably fixed, "in all the solemn majesty
of woe." The curtain being fairly raised, a death-like
silence for a considerable time reigned in the house, the
music excepted; which did not interrupt the pleasing
melancholy by any ill-timed boisterousness: but soon the
feelings of the people burst forth in one unanimous
expression of applause, such has been rarely witnessed,
certainly never surpassed in any country, on a similar
occasion.
In the House of Representatives of the national Congress, on Tuesday,
July 27th, 1813, the following resolution was submitted by Mr. Nelson:
_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed to examine and
report on the propriety of conferring public honors on the
memory of James Lawrence, late of the U. States frigate
Chesapeake, and of Zebulon M. Pike, late a
brigadier-general in the armies of the U. States, whose
distinguished deaths in the service of their country add
lustre to the character of the American nation; the
propriety of adopting, as the peculiar children of the
Republic, the sons of those distinguished heroes; and the
propriety of making provision for the support and comfort
of the families of these deceased officers.
Among the many measures which were adopted to honor General Pike's
name and fame, there is perhaps none more marked than the action of
the officers of the regiment of which he was the colonel. We have a
glimpse of the hearts that still beat for him in the proceedings
recorded in the Register of May 14th, 1814, VI. p. 176:
BURLINGTON, _April 29, 1814_.
At a meeting of the Board of Honor of the 15th, or Pike's
regiment held on the 24th inst., it was resolved, that the
following articles of the constitution governing said Board
be carried into effect.--"Article 2d. Each succeeding 27th
April, the day on which the immortal Pike fell; the
standard will be dressed in mourning; each officer to wear
crape, and all unnecessary duties dispensed with during the
day, as a token of respect for our departed friend and
commander," and that captain Vandalsem, captain Barton, and
lieutenant Goodwin be a committee of arrangement for the
day.[M-36]
Agreeably to the above resolution, the regiment formed at
eleven o'clock a. m. on the grand parade, and proceeded in
funeral order through town, to the court house square, and
from thence through Pearl street, to the cantonment, where
by the request of the commanding officer, lieutenant
Goodwin delivered the following pertinent address:
Fellow soldiers--Thus far have we solemnized this day in
commemoration of the immortal father of our regiment, our
beloved Pike. When our political horizon was darkened by
the confusion that pervaded the whole world, he was among
the first that advanced to meet our barbarous and unjust
enemy. Stimulated by a love of country, and a thirst for
glory, he solicited with ardor, the honor of facing the
enemy's batteries on all occasions, he panted to invade in
the just cause of his country, and lived with the lively
hope of perpetuating our freedom and handing it down
unpolluted to future generations.
As an officer, the remotest corners of our country are
filled with his fame. Let the learned record his deeds, and
let us improve the principles he has left imprinted in our
minds, and like him live but "for honor and happiness in
this life, and fame after death." Nor let us confound him
with the list of ordinary heroes. He will compare with
[Joseph] Warren and [Richard] Montgomery, for like them he
fell at the head of his column, bravely fighting in his
country's cause.
With body shattered by an inhuman and unequalled explosion,
he smiled in death, while our flag waved triumphant in his
sight, and expired without regret, on a pillow purchased
with his life.
May the omnipotent hand which directs all things, cause his
spirit to hover around our councils in the field, and at
all times be with his beloved regiment.
After which the regiment fired three vollies and retired to
their quarters.
WHITE YOUNGS,[M-37] capt 15th inf.
President of the Board, _pro tem._
DANL. E. BURCH,[M-38] lt. 15th inf.
Secretary of the Board, _pro tem._
Within some months, probably, of General Pike's death, a man-of-war
was named in his honor. The Register for Aug. 7th, 1813, p. 374,
describes it: "The _General Pike_ is a strong, stout, and well built
vessel. Length on deck 140 feet, beam 37 feet, burthen about 900
tons--has 14 ports on a side, and carries on the main deck long
24's--has also long 24's on the forecastle and poop, (one each),
moving on a circle, and four guns on her top gallant forecastle; in
all 34 guns." General A. W. Greely, who interested himself to procure
the information, tells me that this frigate, a twin ship with the
_Madison_, was built in 63 days and launched on Lake Ontario, at
Sackett's Harbor, where she barely escaped destruction by fire, owing
to the mistaken zeal of an officer who applied the torch, supposing
the American victory to be a defeat; and that it does not appear that
the vessel was ever brought into action.
I have already alluded to the Fort Pike on Lake Ontario. There was
another Fort Pike, the name of which still finds place in current
gazetteers. This was a military post on Petites Coquilles island, in
Orleans parish, Louisiana, 35 miles E. N. E. of New Orleans. While it
is not probable that all the counties, towns, etc., called "Pike" were
named for our hero, certainly most of them bear his own name, alone or
in combination or composition. There is a Pike county in Alabama,
Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Mississippi, Missouri,
Ohio, and Pennsylvania. There are about 20 Pike townships in different
counties of Indiana, Kansas, Missouri, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Pike is
the name of several small places in Illinois, New York, North
Carolina, and Ohio. Pike City is a village in Sierra Co., Cal. Pike
Creek is a township of Shannon Co., Mo., and another township, of
Morrison Co., Minn., besides designating the stream itself which flows
through the latter: see beyond, pp. 104, 123, 316. Pike Five Corners
is a hamlet of Wyoming Co., N. Y. Pikeland is a station on the
Pickering Valley R. R., in Chester Co., Pa. Pike Mills is a hamlet in
Pike township, Potter Co., Pa. Pike rapids are those in the
Mississippi, otherwise Knife rapids: see pp. 100, 104, 122. Pike's bay
is the gulf at the southern part of Cass lake: see pp. 157, 158, 324.
Pike's fork of the Arkansaw river, is present Grape creek: see pp.
463, 482. Pike's island, in the Mississippi at the mouth of the
Minnesota river, is historic: see pp. 76, 197, 239. Pike's mountain is
the range of bluffs opposite Prairie du Chien: see p. 37. Pike's Peak
is not only the famous mountain so called, but a hamlet in Brown Co.,
Ind., a hamlet in Wayne Co., Mich., and a mining-camp in Deer Lodge
Co., Mont. Pike Station is a village in Wayne Co., O. Piketon is a
hamlet in Stoddard Co., Mo., and a village in Pike Co., O. Piketon or
Pikeville is the capital of Pike Co., Ky. Pikesville or Pikeville is a
village in Baltimore Co., Md.; a hamlet in Pike township, Berks Co.,
Pa.; the capital of Marion Co., Ala.; a post-office of Pike Co., Ind.;
a hamlet in Pikeville township, Wayne Co., N. C.; a village in Darke
Co., O.; and the capital of Bledsoe Co., Tenn. Some of these places
are no doubt named for other persons of the same surname; some are
called for the pike, a fish, as is the case with several Pike rivers,
creeks, or ponds not included in the above list; and some may refer to
a turnpike road, or have yet another implication.
To those of the foregoing geographical and political names which
commemorate our hero is to be added the designation of "Pikes" as an
epithet of the "Forty-niners" and later emigrants who navigated the
great plains with their "prairie schooners." Thus Mr. Prentis, in the
address already cited, says, pp. 193, 194:
To these people thus described, and to all who bore to them
a family resemblance, and who in 1849 and in subsequent
years crossed the Plains to California, came to be applied,
by whom I know not, the general name of "Pikes." Various
explanations have been given of the origin of the name. The
most reasonable one is, that, there are in Missouri and
Illinois two large counties named Pike, and separated from
each other by the Mississippi river. In 1849 an immense
emigration set in from these counties to California. In
consequence, the traveler bound for the States, meeting
teams, and asking the usual question, "Where are you from?"
was answered frequently with, "Pike county" meaning in some
cases one Pike county, in some cases the other. This led to
the general impression that everybody on the road was from
Pike county, or that the inhabitants of Pike had all taken
the road. Hence the general name of "Pikes," as applied to
emigrants, especially to those traveling from Missouri,
and, generally, those migrating from southern Illinois and
southern Indiana. Thus the popular song--the only poetry I
ever heard of applied to this class of "movers," commences:
"My name it is Joe Bowers,
I've got a brother Ike;
I'm bound for Californy,
And I'm all the way from Pike."
Pike County, Ill., and Pike County, Mo., are certainly both named for
the general, and I have no doubt that Mr. Prentis' explanation of
"Pikes" is correct. With the above doggerel compare the slang phrase
noted beyond, p. 454, and duly legended as the head-line of p. 457.
Another curious word, to which Pike has given rise indirectly, is
"Peaker," as a designation of persons who came to the vicinity of
Pike's Peak. Thus, we read in Colonel Meline's book, p. 89: "Most of
the people who have settled on these farms [between Colorado Springs
and Denver] were disappointed 'Peakers'--either those who had thrown
down the shovel to take up the plough, or those who, with exhausted
means, found a long mountain journey still before them after they had
reached the Peak."
There is a sameness about the many published portraits of Pike which
shows that they were probably all taken from one original painting.
Lossing's cut looks a little different from the rest, as it faces the
other way, but it is the same picture reversed in copying, no doubt
with the camera lucida. There is no mistaking the extremely long,
large nose, above the full compressed lips, denoting the forceful
character which Pike displayed conspicuously throughout his career,
whether in leading a handful of men through an unbroken wilderness, or
in heading the columns which assaulted an intrenched foe. The same
uniform coat, with its epaulets, its high standing, embroidered
collar, unbuttoned across the breast and the flap turned down on one
side, appears in all these likenesses. Such are inserted in some of
the editions of Pike's work; one of the reproductions forms the
frontispiece of an early popular history of the war, and is called "a
striking likeness" on the title page. They are all doubtless traceable
to the painting which has long hung and still hangs in the historical
gallery of Independence Hall at Philadelphia, alongside the portraits
of Meriwether Lewis, William Clark, and many other noble men who loved
and lived for their country. The painting which hangs in one of the
rooms of the Minnesota Historical Society at St. Paul is believed to
be a copy of this, though it differs in the introduction of a spirit
hand, extended from an invisible arm, holding a wreath over the
head--an attempt at symbolism in which the unknown artist has not been
very successful. This portrait is dim and much cracked. I am informed
by Mr. William M. Maguire of Denver, that a prominent citizen of
Colorado has recently executed a bronze bust of Pike, to be placed in
Manitou. Facsimiles of Pike's signature are seldom seen in print;
Lossing gives one with the portrait on p. 586 of his Field Book. I am
not aware that any facsimile of a letter in Pike's handwriting has
hitherto been published. That one which is given in the present volume
was selected from among many I have examined in the archives of the
War Department, both for its intrinsic historical interest, and for
the unusually well-formed signature it bears--that of one who died, as
he had lived, for his country--of one whose fame that country will
never permit to perish.
FOOTNOTES:
[M-1] Henry Whiting of Massachusetts entered the army as a cornet of
Light Dragoons Oct. 29th, 1808; he became a second lieutenant Sept.
15th, 1809, and a first lieutenant Aug. 20th, 1811; was transferred to
the 5th Infantry May 17th, 1815; promoted to be captain Mar. 3d, 1817;
and transferred to the 1st Artillery June 1st, 1821. He became major
and quartermaster Feb. 23d, 1835; lieutenant-colonel and deputy
quartermaster-general, July 7th, 1838; colonel and assistant
quartermaster-general, Apr. 21st, 1846. He was repeatedly brevetted
for faithful and meritorious service, and on Feb. 23d, 1847, received
the brevet of brigadier-general for gallantry in the battle of Buena
Vista. General Whiting died Sept. 16th, 1851.
[M-2] Access to these records was given in the following terms:
WAR DEPARTMENT,
WASHINGTON, D. C.,
January 29, 1894.
SIR:
As requested in your letter of the 22nd instant, I take
pleasure in advising you that you will be afforded an
opportunity at such time as you may call at the Department
to examine for historical purposes such records as are on
file covering the expedition of Z. M. Pike, a publication
of whose travels you state first appeared in 1810.
Very respectfully,
[Signed] DANIEL S. LAMONT,
Secretary of War.
DR. ELLIOTT COUES,
Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, D. C.
[M-3] See beyond, p. lix, for a document bearing on the Pike family, in
connection with a letter of Zebulon M. Pike, both introduced in their
proper chronological order in this memoir. But I find no better place
than this for a letter from his father, which has never been published
before and will be read with interest:
Indiana Territory
Dear born County
July 15^th 1807
Sir
I have taken the liberty of making out my accounts of Pay
Forrage and Subsistance from the 1^t of January to the 31^t
ins^t and forwarded them to the Pay Master for payment
which I pray may meet your approbation
Permit me to request the Honor of a few lines informing if
Z. M. Pike received orders for His Government on His late
exploring expedition, from The President, Yourself, or
Gen^l Wilkinson, and if any or how late the last
information or communications from Him. I need not mention
how disagreeable a state of Suspense is, nor, to move your
sympathy, to say more than that the anxiety and concern,
exhibited for His safety, by an affectionate Mother and
Wife, is Great. By way of consolation to the former, I have
thought proper to extend the probable Period of His return,
untill this month; Mrs Pike is now begining to lose
confidence in my opinion, consequently my consolating
influence is daily lesening, and Her afflictions
increasing----
I decline in Strength as regular as Time paseth and However
Painfull the reflection, It is by the Bounty of my Country
Life is rendered Tolerable
Be assured I write in Pain as well that I am
Your Very Obed^t. Serv^t.
Zeb^n Pike----
Henry Dear born
Secretary of War----
This letter is endorsed in General Dearborn's handwriting: "Tell him
his son is safe, and is probably at Natchitoches"--where Captain Pike
had in fact arrived July 1st, 1807. The Secretary of War at the same
time ordered attention to the matter of Major Pike's pay and
allowances, mentioned in the letter.
[M-4] Historical Register of the United States Army, from its
Organization, September 29th, 1789, to September 29th, 1889. By F. B.
Heitman, Clerk, Adjutant General's office, War Department, Washington,
D. C., 1890, 1 vol., large 8vo, pp. 890. I make a point throughout
Pike of identifying as far as possible the officers whose names appear
in his text, giving in brief their official records, and doing the
same for those who are mentioned in my own writing. I am indebted to
Heitman's invaluable work for most such matter.
[M-5] This officer was a native of Canada, appointed to the army from
New York. He had served as a captain in the Revolutionary Army when he
was commissioned as a major of Infantry Sept. 29th, 1789; he was
assigned to the 1st Infantry Mar. 3d, 1791, and arranged to the Second
sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792; he became lieutenant-colonel commandant of
the First sub-Legion Feb. 18th, 1793, and colonel of the 1st Infantry
Apr. 1st, 1802; his death occurred Apr. 11th, 1803. (Another John
Francis Hamtramck, of Indiana, was a sergeant in the 1st Infantry
before he became a cadet at West Point, where he was graduated in
1819, continued to be an officer of the army till 1848, and died in
1858.)
[M-6] The time when these officers were together at Camp Alleghany must
have been prior to Aug. 19th, 1801, when Lieutenant-Colonel David
Strong died. He was from Connecticut; entered the army as a captain of
Infantry Sept. 29th, 1789; became major of the 2d Infantry Nov. 4th,
1791; was arranged to the Second sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792; promoted
to be lieutenant-colonel Feb. 19th, 1793, and held that rank in the 2d
Infantry from Nov. 1st, 1796.--Moses Porter, of Massachusetts, had
served in the Revolutionary Army when he became a lieutenant of
Artillery Sept. 29th, 1789; he was promoted to be captain Nov. 4th,
1791; major May 26th, 1800, and colonel Mar. 12th, 1812; brevetted
brigadier-general Sept. 10th, 1813, for distinguished services, and
died April 14th, 1822.--Edward D. Turner, of Massachusetts, entered
the army as an ensign of the 2d Infantry Mar. 4th, 1791; became a
lieutenant July 13th, 1792; captain, Nov. 11th, 1793, and was brigade
inspector from Nov. 1st, 1799, to April 1st, 1802; he resigned Nov.
30th, 1805.--Richard Humphrey Greaton (not "Graeton"), of
Massachusetts, was made a lieutenant in the 2d Infantry Mar. 4th,
1791; became captain Feb. 18th, 1793, and was honorably discharged
June 1, 1802.--Theodore Sedgwick, of Massachusetts, became an ensign
of the 2d Infantry Mar. 4th, 1791; lieutenant, July 30th, 1792;
captain, Dec. 29th, 1793, and was honorably discharged June 1st,
1802.--Peter Shoemaker, of Pennsylvania, appointed ensign in the 2d
Infantry Apr. 11th, 1793; became lieutenant Mar. 3d, 1793; captain,
Mar. 3d, 1799, and was honorably discharged June 1st, 1802.--Nanning
John Visscher, of New York, entered the army as an ensign in the 2d
Infantry Mar. 16th, 1792; became lieutenant May 1st, 1794, and captain
Nov. 1st, 1799; he was honorably discharged June 1st, 1802; was
afterward made a captain of Rifles Apr. 26th, 1809; resigned Nov.
30th, 1812, and died Dec. 12th, 1821.--Archibald Gray (not "Grey"), of
Virginia, was made an ensign of Infantry Mar. 7th, 1792; lieutenant,
May 1st, 1794; was assigned to the 2d Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; became
captain Nov. 1st, 1799, and resigned July 1st, 1801.--Jesse Lukens, of
Pennsylvania, was appointed an ensign in the Second sub-Legion Feb.
23d, 1793; became lieutenant Oct. 1st, 1793; was assigned to the 2d
Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; promoted to be captain Mar. 3d, 1799, and
died May 21st, 1801.--Ferdinand Leigh Claiborne, of Virginia, was made
an ensign of the First sub-Legion Feb. 23d, 1793; lieutenant, June
30th, 1794; assigned to the 1st Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; promoted to
be captain Oct. 23d, 1799, and resigned Jan. 1st, 1802; he was
afterward a colonel and brigadier-general of Volunteers in the war of
1812-14, and died in February, 1815.--Benjamin Rand, of Massachusetts,
became ensign in the Second sub-Legion May 12th, 1794; was assigned to
the 2d Infantry as such Nov. 1, 1796; became lieutenant Mar. 10th,
1797, and resigned Dec. 29th, 1800.--John Whipple became an ensign in
the 2d Infantry July 10th, 1797; a lieutenant Mar. 2d, 1799; was
transferred to the 1st Infantry April 1st, 1802; made captain Apr.
11th, 1803, and resigned Jan. 31st, 1807.--Peter Shiras (not
"Schiras"), of Pennsylvania, was commissioned a second lieutenant of
the 2d Infantry Mar. 3d, 1799; promoted to be first lieutenant Nov.
22d, 1799, and honorably discharged June 1, 1802.--Moses Hook, of
Massachusetts, was commissioned as a second lieutenant of the 1st
Infantry Mar. 3d, 1799; became first lieutenant Oct. 23d, 1799;
captain, Mar. 13th, 1805, and resigned Jan. 20th, 1808. (Merriwether
Lewis intended to take this officer with him, in the event of William
Clark's declination of his invitation: on this point, see Lewis and
Clark, ed. 1893, pp. xxiv, lxx.)--John Wilson, of Pennsylvania, was a
second lieutenant of the 2d Infantry from Mar. 3d, 1799, to Nov. 22d,
1799, when he became first lieutenant; he was honorably discharged
June 1st, 1802.--James Dill, of Pennsylvania, was made a second
lieutenant of the 2d Infantry Mar. 3d, 1799; a first lieutenant Nov.
1st, 1799, honorably discharged June 15th, 1800.--The above named
Lieut. Williams is not fully identified.--Henry B. Brevoort, of New
York, was commissioned a second lieutenant of the 3d Infantry Feb.
16th, 1801, and retained as an ensign in the 2d Infantry May 7th, 1802
(?); was second lieutenant of the same July 1st, 1802; first
lieutenant Nov. 30th, 1805; captain May 1st, 1811; major in the 45th
Infantry Apr. 15th, 1814, and honorably discharged June 15th,
1815.--Daniel Hughes, of Maryland, was made an ensign of the 9th
Infantry Jan. 8th, 1799; a second lieutenant Mar. 3d. 1799, and
honorably discharged June 15th, 1800; he was reappointed second
lieutenant of the 2d Infantry Feb. 16th, 1801, and transferred to the
1st Infantry Apr. 1st, 1802; became first lieutenant Mar. 23d, 1805;
captain, Dec. 15th, 1808; major of the 2d Infantry Feb. 21st, 1814 and
was honorably discharged June 15th, 1815.--The Lieutenant "Hilton" is
probably an error.--For James B. Many see note 38, p. 210.--Uriah
Blue, of Virginia, was commissioned as a second lieutenant of the 8th
Infantry July 12th, 1799, and honorably discharged June 15th, 1800;
reappointed as a second lieutenant in the 2d Infantry Feb. 16th, 1801,
and honorably discharged again June 1st, 1802; reappointed as first
lieutenant of the 7th Infantry May 3d, 1808; became captain May 9th,
1809; major of the 39th Infantry Mar. 13th, 1814; was honorably
discharged June 15th, 1815, and reinstated Dec. 2d, 1815, as a captain
in the 8th Infantry, to rank as such from May 9th, 1809, and with
brevet of major from Mar. 13th, 1814; he resigned Dec. 3d, 1816, and
died in May, 1836.--Edward Butler, of Pennsylvania, had been a captain
in the levies of 1791, when he was made a captain of Infantry Mar.
5th, 1792, and arranged to the Fourth sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1892;
acted as adjutant and inspector from July 18th, 1793, to May 13th,
1794; was assigned to the 4th Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796, and transferred
to the 2d Infantry April 1st, 1802; died May 9th, 1803. (For Williams
and "Hilton" see these names in Index.)
[M-7] John De Barth Walbach was a native of Germany, who was
commissioned from Pennsylvania as a lieutenant of Light Dragoons Jan.
8th, 1799, and honorably discharged June 15th, 1800. He re-entered the
service as a lieutenant of the 2d Artillerists and Engineers Feb.
16th, 1801, and was retained in the Artillerists April 1st, 1802; he
became captain Jan. 31st, 1806, and was transferred to the Corps of
Artillery May 12th, 1814. During the war he served in various
capacities, with ranks of major and colonel, and was among those
retained as captain of Artillery May 17th, 1815. He became major Apr.
25th, 1818, and was transferred to the 1st Artillery June 1st, 1821;
promoted to be lieutenant-colonel May 30th, 1832, and to be colonel of
the 4th Artillery March 19th, 1842. He was repeatedly brevetted for
gallant, meritorious, and faithful services; his latest brevet being
that of brigadier-general Nov. 11th, 1823. General Walbach died June
10th, 1857. An unpublished letter before me, from General Wilkinson to
the Secretary of War, dated St. Louis, Nov. 26th, 1805, refers to
Lieutenant Walbach in the following terms: "In every cavalry
arrangement I must beg leave to call Walbach to your recollection, as
the ablest horse officer in America, not only in the choice of
animals, but in equipping, training, forming, and heading them to
action."
Alexander Macomb was commander-in-chief of the army from May 29th,
1828, to his death, June 25th, 1841. He was brevetted major-general
Sept. 11th, 1814, and received the thanks of Congress Nov. 3d, 1814,
for distinguished and gallant conduct at Plattsburgh, N. Y. General
Macomb entered the army as a cornet of Light Dragoons Jan. 10th, 1799;
attained the rank of brigadier-general in 1814, and major-general in
1828.
Jonathan Williams, of Massachusetts, was appointed from Pennsylvania a
major of the 2d Artillerists and Engineers Feb. 16th, 1801; he served
as inspector of fortifications from Dec. 14th, 1801, to June 1st,
1802, and was retained as major of Engineers April 1st, 1802. He
resigned June 20th, 1803; was made lieutenant-colonel and chief
engineer Apr. 19th, 1805, and promoted to be colonel Feb. 23d, 1808.
He resigned again July 31st, 1812, and died May 20th, 1815.
[M-8] Note by Lieutenant J. R. Williams, May 19th, 1894: "The foregoing
is a literal copy of the rough draft of John R. Williams' letter to
Major Holton. The fair copy of course is not in my possession, but I
have reason to believe the fair copy must contain several of the
peculiar errors of the writer, whose early education was wholly
French, so that he never, as far as I know, capitalized the initial
letters of such words as _English_ and _French_. John R. Williams,
writer of this letter, entered the 2d U. S. Infantry as a cadet early
in 1800, but appears to have resigned in about six months. He was
subsequently connected with the same regiment for about a year in the
capacity of agent of the contractor for commissary supplies. The title
of general, by which he is well remembered in Detroit, was acquired by
his connection with the militia of Michigan for about 40 years, as
adjutant-general and major-general."
[M-9] This is a remarkable book, which has had a very exceptional
career, the end of which is not even yet. Robert Dodsley, b. 1703, d.
Sept. 23d, 1764, was in early life a menial in the service of Hon.
Mrs. Lowther, but became by his natural talents a wealthy publisher,
as well as a prolific author. In the latter capacity he was scarcely
rated as more than a hack writer in his lifetime, during which he was
probably never suspected of having written an immortal book. Whether
this was a stroke of his own genius or not is questionable; but he
should have the full credit of the book, until an extraneous source of
his inspiration can be instanced. The Œconomy of Human Life was
first published anonymously in a collection of miscellanies, in 1745,
and soon acquired great repute, in part at least due to the fact that
it was commonly attributed to Lord Chesterfield. It ran through many
editions in various styles, some of them finely illustrated. The
earlier ones all preserved the author's anonymity, and in more than
one reprint of very late years his incognito is formally preserved. An
anonymous edition of 1806, which I have handled, consists only of Book
I, Parts i-vii, entitled as follows: The | Œconomy | of | Human
Life, | translated from an | Indian Manuscript, | written by an
Ancient Bramin | -- | London: | printed for W. Gardiner, Pall-Mall;
and | Vernor, Hood, and Sharpe, Poultny. | 1 vol., 12mo, pp. i-x, 1
leaf, pp. 1-116, and many engr. head- and tail-pieces. Another, of
1809, with the authorship avowed, is as follows: The | Economy | of |
Human Life. | In Two Books. | -- | By Robert Dodsley. | -- | With six
elegant engravings by Mackenzie, | from designs by Craig and Unwins. |
-- | London: | [etc., 4 lines of printers' names] | -- | 1809. 1 vol.,
16mo, 1 prel. leaf, vignette title, pp. i-xviii, 5-188; portrait and
memoir of Dodsley, and 5 full-page engravings; said to have been pub.
Jan. 31st, 1809. The copy Pike had was most probably one of the cheap
American reprints which appeared about this time. Dodsley's book
consists of philosophical and moral reflections or aphorisms in curt,
sententious style, of distinctly Oriental flavor; it is feigned to be
based upon manuscripts of immense antiquity, discovered in the capital
of Tibet by an emissary of the emperor of China, and in some occult
manner received in England and translated. I liked the thing so much
that I lately brought out a new edition myself, preserving the
author's feigned origin of the book and his own incognito, transposing
some of the pieces, adding a new "foreword" in antique style, and
modifying the title to--Kuthumi: The True and Complete Oeconomy of
Human Life, etc. In this guise Dodsley's book forms No. 5 of my Biogen
Series, Boston, Estes and Lauriat, 1886; 1 vol., small square 8vo, pp.
i-x, 1-123.
[M-10] Another good editorial version of Pike's Mississippi itinerary
appeared in the tract entitled: Materials for the Future History of
Minnesota, etc., the same being Part V. of the publications of the
Minn. Hist. Soc., 8vo, St. Paul, 1856, pp. about 142. The five
separately issued Parts, dating 1850-56, were in 1872 collectively
republished in a second edition, forming Vol. I. of the Collections of
the Minn. Hist. Soc., 8vo, pp. 1-519. In this reprint the article is
entitled: Pike's Explorations in Minnesota, 1805-06, and occupies pp.
368-416, or 48 pages, being thus about as extensive as the text of
1807. The editor says that his aim was "to make judicious extracts"
from Pike's journal; and he certainly succeeded in this intention. The
editor's name does not appear; but as the footnotes which explain or
amplify various points in the text are signed "W.," an initial of Mr.
J. Fletcher Williams, who was secretary of the society and editor of
its publications for many years, the work is presumably his, being
thus an authentic as well as a genuine account of the Mississippi
voyage. This publication therefore ranks side by side with the
original unknown editor's performance, though the two are separated by
an interval of half a century.
[M-11] Thomas W. Field, Essay towards an Indian Bibl., etc., 1873, p.
313, throws the mantle of charity in the following terms: "Captain
Pike could be charged with no association in this misdemeanor, as the
work was edited and published in his absence on duty." This is true
only in so far as the forerunner of the Mississippi voyage is
concerned (see above, p. xxxiii,) and conveys an erroneous impression
regarding Pike's princeps edition, in which the plagiarism occurs. For
Pike wrote this book himself, and necessarily knew everything there
was in it. See beyond, p. lxi, where the circumstances under which it
was prepared are adduced from hitherto unpublished documents.
[M-12] "REPORT OF A LATE OCCURRENCE IN THIS PROVINCE OF NEW MEXICO.
"On the 15th of February last two Indians of the Ute tribe arrived and
brought into my presence an Anglo-American, a young man of genteel
appearance [joben de presencia fina, as Dr. Robinson appeared to be],
whose statement I heard, and even invited him to dine with me, in
order to satisfy myself he was what I supposed him to be as to
intelligence and good breeding.
"I did not believe him, and suspecting the truth of his statement as
to the nature of his escort, I sent out a small regular detachment and
some provincial troops to reconnoitre, who not only fell in with a
first lieutenant with six soldiers in an excellent fort built on the
Conejos not far from its junction with the Del Norte, two days'
journey from the capital of this province, towards the same direction
[acia el mismo rumbo], but overcoming the obstacles of deep snows,
succeeded in finding the sergeant [Meek] and corporal [meaning Private
Miller] belonging to the detachment, making a total of thirteen
soldiers, two of them [Dougherty and Sparks] with frozen feet, and
having lost nearly all their fingers. [Compare p. 510, beyond.]
"On the 2d of March last, the above-mentioned lieutenant, whose name
is Mungo-Meri-Paike, came in with six men of his detachment, and on
the 18th the remainder of his men. Without any resistance they
acquiesced in the notification made them, that being in my territory
it was absolutely necessary that they should appear before me.
"They did so, with their arms, and I assured them that in no respect
should they be treated as prisoners, saving only that, in accordance
with the orders of the general commanding, it was necessary that they
should appear before him and fully explain the objects of their
mission.
"Paike showed me his instructions from General Wilkinson, his journal,
and a rough sketch of a chart of all the rivers and countries he had
explored.
"Placing all which papers in a trunk, of which I requested him to
retain the key, I delivered the same to the officer [Capitan Antonio
D'Almansa: see p. 611] commanding his escort--not to be opened save in
presence of the aforesaid general commanding.
"From all which circumstances, from what I gathered from Robinson and
from the above named officer, I conclude distinctly that the
expedition of July [last--1806] was specially designed to conciliate
two Indian tribes in behalf of the U. S. Government, to make them
liberal presents, and drawing them into friendship, treaty, and
commerce, to place them under the Anglo-American protection--all this
referring especially to the Comanche tribe, the most powerful of our
allies.
"Furthermore, that the Anglo-American government considers as included
within the boundaries of Louisiana all the rivers that empty into the
Mississippi, and all the territories that extend to the head waters of
the Rio Colorado [meaning that Red r. which is the branch of the
Arkansaw now called the Canadian r. as Meline explains in a footnote],
which rises a few leagues from the pueblo of Taos further to the north
in this province; that it is their intention this year or the next to
establish forts or settlements on all these rivers, in order to
monopolize all the trade and commerce carried on by a large number of
tribes in the province.
"The detachment of Anglo-American troops referred to, went to
Chihuahua to appear before the commanding general, guarded by an
escort, being allowed to carry their arms and ammunition on account of
the danger of hostile Apaches on the route.
"All of which is submitted to the general commanding, reminding him of
the representation made in my communication of the 4th of January last
year, concerning the necessity of placing this province on a
respectable footing, and of having frontier posts and positions thrown
out to oppose the ambitious views of the aforesaid Anglo-American
government, exposing also the wretchedly defenseless condition
actually existing, and so found for years past by whomsoever has been
in command.
"SANTA FÉ, _April 1st, 1807_."
[M-13] The reputation of General Wilkinson for honor and patriotism went
under a cloud, from which it has never been cleared, in connection
with the Burr conspiracy. He was technically acquitted, from lack of
evidence to convict; but the proof that he was a mercenary traitor
subsequently appeared. General Winfield Scott is reported to have
called him an "unprincipled imbecile." Governor Adams has lately put
the case bluntly, but as I believe truthfully, Address, July 12th,
1894, p. 20: "General Wilkinson, then in command of the western army,
has been proven by recently discovered documents to have been 'a
rascal through and through.' He was in sympathy and perhaps in the
confidence of Burr. Wearing the uniform and sword of an American
officer, he was in the pay of Spain, and conspired to create out of
the colonies west of the mountains a Spanish empire. It was Wilkinson
who sent Pike west; but no matter how guilty may have been his
superior in command, Pike certainly had no knowledge of his schemes.
Pike was innocent of any stain. He was a patriot as pure and sincere
as Wilkinson was a traitor base and ungrateful." While there is no
question of Pike's perfervid patriotism, we may doubt that his
lamb's-wool was as white as all that; in fact, Governor Adams himself
goes on to say: "It is not entirely clear that Pike was as innocent as
he professed of his whereabouts when captured in the San Luis valley.
Some believe he knew he was upon the Rio Grande, and not upon the Red
[river], as he pretended to believe. But had it been the Red instead
of the Rio Grande, what right had he to be on the south [_i. e._,
west] side of the river, his rude fort being several miles south
[west] of the stream and under an abeyance treaty upon forbidden
ground? The Spaniards believed that Pike carried secret orders to
intrude upon their territory."
This belief of the Spaniards was well founded: compare my notes at p.
499, p. 504, p. 563, and p. 571. Colonel Meline corroborates the
general tenor and purport of these observations, in the following
terms, p. 313 of his work already cited:
"Wilkinson's bulky and diffuse published memoirs may be searched in
vain for any information concerning Pike's expedition, and his silence
on the subject is, to say the least, suggestive.
"Of his complicity with Burr but little doubt is now entertained and
proofs are not wanting of the existence of his designs upon Mexico,
from the period of his note in cypher to Governor Gayoso de Lemas
(February, 1797), and his dealings with [Captain Philip] Nolan, down
to the conspiracy of 1806.
"It has been stated that Wilkinson himself planned the exploring
expedition of Pike, in order to obtain for his own purposes a more
perfect knowledge of the country, and that he availed himself of his
official authority to have it ordered by the Government. [See note 2,
p. 564.]
"The Mississippi Herald of September 15th, 1807, published the
affidavit of Judge Timothy Kibby, of the Louisiana Territory, acting
Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas for the district of St.
Charles.
"The affidavit sets forth--
"'That in confidential conversation the general (Wilkinson) speaking
of Pike's Expedition, upon inquiry, replied, smiling, that it was of a
_secret nature_, and that Lieutenant Pike himself was not apprised of
the ultimate object of the expedition, but that his destination was
Santa Fé, treating with the Indians as he advanced.
"'He (Wilkinson) intimated that Lieutenant Pike had been dispatched by
_his orders_; that the plan was his own, not emanating from the
Government, but assented to.'"
With these pertinent particulars I could--but need not--forbear to
couple the racy characterization given by Mr. Prentis, p. 198 of his
Kansan Abroad:
"The military officer in charge of the western country at that time
[1806] was General James Wilkinson, a restless, bombastic, fussy old
gentleman, with a rare faculty for getting into difficulties. As an
officer in the Revolutionary army, he was concerned in the [Thomas]
Conway cabal, a plot to supplant Washington, and place in his stead
General Gates, an officer who afterwards got beautifully thrashed by
the British at Camden. He turned up in the army, after being for a
while a merchant at Lexington, Kentucky, in 1791; received Louisiana
from the French in 1803, and contrived to get mixed up in the Burr
business to such an extent that nobody knows to this day, I believe,
which side he was on. He was investigated, court-martialed, and
acquitted; went into the war of 1812; served on the Canadian frontier;
was a conspicuous failure; was court-martialed again [subjected to a
court of inquiry], and again acquitted; and finally, there being in
those days no chance to enter the lecture field, he wrote his memoirs
[1816], and retired to the City of Mexico, where he died.
"General James Wilkinson in his day was probably the subject of more
uncomplimentary remarks than any man of his caliber in the country,
and I deem it no more than justice to say for him, that, with all his
faults, he was the steadfast friend of Zebulon M. Pike."
I may add, that left-hand compliments to this notorious individual
have been current from that day to this, and are still in order. One
of the keenest of them is attributed to a distinguished contemporary
who, it is said, favored his appointment to the command of the army as
the only way of "keeping him out of mischief"!
The following is the formal official record of General Wilkinson: Of
Maryland, appointed from that State colonel and adjutant-general in
Gates' army during the Revolutionary war with brevet of
brigadier-general from Nov. 6th, 1777; lieutenant-colonel commanding
the 2d Infantry Oct. 22d, 1791; brigadier-general March 5th, 1792;
commander-in-chief of the army from Dec. 15th, 1796, to July 13th,
1798, and from June 15th, 1800, to Jan. 27th, 1812; brevet
major-general, July 10th, 1812; major-general, Mar. 2d, 1813;
honorably discharged June 15th, 1815; died Dec. 28th, 1825.
[M-14] Thomas Hunt of Massachusetts had been a captain in the
Revolutionary Army when he was made a captain of the 2d Infantry Mar.
4th, 1791; he was assigned to the Second sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792;
was promoted to a majority Feb. 18th, 1793; was in the 1st Infantry
Nov. 1st, 1796; made a lieutenant-colonel Apr. 1st, 1802, and colonel
April 11th, 1803; he died Aug. 18th, 1808, and it fell to the part of
Pike to announce his death to the War Department.
[M-15] Baron Friedrich Wilhelm August Heinrich Ferdinand von Steuben,
the Prussian-American general, b. Magdeburg, Nov. 17th, 1730, d. New
York, Nov. 28th, 1794. He entered the Prussian military service in
1744, rising to the rank of adjutant-general and staff officer, 1762;
was distinguished at Prague, Rossbach, Kunersdorf, 1757-1759, and at
the siege of Schweidnitz; and later, in 1764, was grand marshal to the
Prince of Hohenzollern. In 1777 he came to the United States, reaching
Portsmouth, N. H., Dec. 1st; was appointed by Washington
inspector-general, with the rank of major-general, May 5th, 1778; and
reorganized the army. He served at Monmouth and Yorktown, and was a
member of the court-martial on André in 1780. His manual for the army
was approved by Congress in 1779; in 1790 he was voted by that body a
life-annuity of $2,500; and New York State gave him 16,000 acres near
Utica. Various places are named Steuben or Steubenville. Life by F.
Bowen in Sparks' Amer. Biogr. Life by F. Kapp, N. Y., 1860.
[M-16] Cited from Hezekiah Niles' Weekly Register, III. No. 9, pp. 133,
134, Oct. 31st, 1812, into which it was copied from the Philadelphia
Aurora, headed "15th Regiment. To the editor of the Aurora." I copy
literally from the Register, but with modern punctuation, as I shall
do in subsequent extracts from the same source.
[M-17] William Swan appears in Heitman's Register as major of the "2
inf" in 1813. On the supposition that this is a typographical error
for 21st Infantry, which was engaged at York, the record may be given
as that of the above-named Major Swan: Of Massachusetts, appointed
from that State a first lieutenant of the 15th Infantry Jan. 8th,
1799; honorably discharged June 15th, 1800; reappointed first
lieutenant in the 1st Infantry Feb. 16th, 1801; captain Nov. 15th,
1807; deputy-quartermaster-general April 3d, 1812; major "2 inf" _i. e._
21st Infantry, Jan. 20th, 1813; colonel and quartermaster-general
from Aug. 7th, 1813, to June 9th, 1814; lieutenant-colonel 20th
Infantry March 13th, 1814; transferred to the 4th Infantry Apr. 30th,
1814; resigned June 9th, 1814; died June 12th, 1872.
[M-18] Eleazar Wheelock Ripley, b. Hanover, N. H., Apr. 15th, 1782,
appointed from Massachusetts lieutenant-colonel 21st Infantry Mar.
12th, 1812; colonel of that regiment Mar. 12th, 1813; brigadier-general
Apr. 15th, 1814; and brevet major-general July 25th, 1814, for
gallantry at the battle of Niagara Falls. On the 3d of November, 1814,
he was by resolution of Congress given a gold medal in testimony of
appreciation of his conduct at the battles of Chippewa, Niagara, and
Erie. He resigned Feb. 1st, 1820; was Democratic member of Congress
from Louisiana 1835-39: and d. in that State Mar. 2d, 1839.
[M-19] Of New York, appointed a captain of the 29th Infantry Mar. 24th,
1813; resigned Mar. 14th, 1814.
[M-20] From the narrative of Lieutenant Fraser, one of Pike's staff
officers, who was wounded by his side; it was published in the
Philadelphia Aurora, and copied into Niles' Register of Saturday, June
5th, 1813, IV. pp. 225, 226, from which I quote.
[M-21] Benjamin Forsyth of North Carolina originally entered the army as
a second lieutenant of the 6th Infantry Apr. 24th, 1800, but was very
soon honorably discharged. He was reappointed as a captain of Rifles
July 1st, 1808; became major Jan. 20th, 1813, and was brevetted
lieutenant-colonel for distinguished services Feb. 6th, 1813. He was
killed in action at Odelltown, N. Y., June 28th, 1814. "The death of
this officer was in harmony with his character. After the taking of
York, finding that the official account of the action gave him little
credit for the conspicuous share he had in it, he became sick and
inactive, and kept himself in sullen seclusion among his own men,
apparently determined that no services should be rendered, either by
himself or his men, since they were so inadequately rewarded, or so
unduly estimated. He did little or nothing the residue of that
campaign. Having been promoted before the following campaign, he, on
the Champlain frontier, was put in command of an advanced party, which
was to engage the enemy and then fall back, in order to draw him into
an ambush. Lieutenant-Colonel Forsyth was the last man who was likely
to fulfill such a plan. As soon as he opened the fight with the enemy,
his instructions to fall back were either forgotten or ignored. His
spirit could not brook a retreat, even for an ultimate advantage. He
rushed on and fell, and lost, with his life, all the success that
would probably have followed more prudence, or strict obedience to
orders." (Whiting, _l. c._)
[M-22] William King of Delaware was appointed from Maryland a second
lieutenant of the 5th Infantry May 3d, 1808; became first lieutenant
Sept. 30th, 1810; captain, 15th Infantry, July 2d, 1812; major, Mar.
3d, 1813. He was made colonel of the 3d Rifles Feb. 21st, 1814; was
transferred to the 4th Infantry May 17th, 1815; honorably discharged
June 1st, 1821; and died Jan. 1st, 1826.
Two officers named John Scott, both of New Jersey, both of the 15th
Infantry, appear in Heitman's Register. The captain above said was
appointed as such Mar. 12th, 1812, resigned Aug. 15th, 1813, and died
in 1839. The other John Scott did not rise above the rank of a
subaltern. Possibly a single record in this case appears as those of
two different persons. For Captain White Youngs, see note 37, p.
cix. Captain Hoppock's name appears as "Hopsock" in some places.
[M-23] Alexander C. W. Fanning of Massachusetts was appointed to a
cadetship at West Point April 14th, 1809; he was made a first
lieutenant of the 3d Artillery Mar. 12th, 1812, and promoted to be a
captain Mar. 13th, 1813; transferred to the corps of artillery May
12th, 1814, and to the 2d Artillery June 2d, 1821; became major of the
4th Artillery Nov. 3d, 1832, and lieutenant-colonel Sept. 16th, 1838;
he was transferred to the 2d Artillery May 24th, 1841. On Aug. 15th,
1814, he was brevetted major for gallant conduct at Fort Erie; on Aug.
15th, 1824, he was brevetted lieutenant-colonel for 10 years' faithful
service in one grade; and on Dec. 31st, 1834, he was brevetted colonel
for gallant and meritorious conduct in battle near the Withlachoochee
under General Clinch and in defending Fort Mellon, Florida; he died
Aug. 18th, 1846.
[M-24] John Walworth of New York was appointed from that State first
lieutenant of the 6th (_sic_--Heitman) Infantry Dec. 12th, 1808; was
made captain Jan. 1st, 1810; major of the 33d Infantry May 1st, 1814,
and honorably discharged June 15th, 1815.
[M-25] Abram Eustis of Virginia, appointed from Massachusetts a captain
of light artillery May 3d, 1808, became major of the same Mar. 15th,
1810. He was transferred to the 4th Artillery June 1st, 1821; became
lieutenant-colonel of the 2d Artillery May 8th, 1822; was transferred
to the 4th Artillery Aug. 2d, 1822; became colonel of the 1st
Artillery Nov. 17th, 1834, and brigadier-general June 30th, 1834; he
died June 27th, 1843.
[M-26] David Riddle of Pennsylvania, who had been appointed a second
lieutenant of the 15th Infantry, was at that time a first lieutenant,
ranking as such from Mar. 13th, 1813. He was transferred to the 8th
Infantry May 17th, 1815, and became captain Dec. 3d, 1816, when he had
already been twice brevetted, for distinguished services at the battle
of Niagara Falls, and for gallant conduct in the sortie from Fort
Erie.
[M-27] Lossing says elsewhere that one of the officers told him his own
life was probably saved by the bulk of this sergeant, who was blown
against him. This officer was Lieutenant Fraser, one of Pike's aids,
whose own words on the subject are given in Niles' Register, IV. p.
226: "The general had just aided in removing a wounded man with his
own hands, and sat down on a stump with a British sergeant we had
taken prisoner, whom the general, with Captain Nicholson and myself,
were examining, when the explosion took place. The general, Captain
Nicholson, and the British sergeant, were all mortally wounded, and I
was so much bruised in the general crash, that it is surprising how I
survived; probably I owe my escape to the corpulency of the British
serjeant, whose body was thrown upon mine by the concussion."
[M-28] The figures, vary, as usual. The official report gives our loss
as 38 killed and 222 wounded by the explosion; which, added to 14
killed and 32 wounded in battle gives a total of 306 army casualties
on our side in the whole affair; to which add 3 killed and 11 wounded
of the navy, making 320 in all. Whiting's figures for killed and
wounded, on the American side, are 320; on the British, in killed,
wounded, and taken, "about 500." The tabular exhibit in Niles'
Register, IV. p. 238, is as follows:
_Killed in battle_--1 subaltern, 2 sergeants, 1 corporal, 2
musicians, 8 privates 14
_Killed by the explosion_--1 captain, 4 sergeants, 4
corporals, 29 privates 38
---
_Total killed_ 52
===
_Wounded in battle_--2 captains (one since dead), 1
subaltern, 3 sergeants, 4 corporals, 22 privates 32
_Wounded by the explosion_--1 brig. gen. (since dead), 1
aid-de-camp, 1 acting aid, 1 volunteer aid, 6 captains, 6
subalterns, 11 sergeants, 9 corporals, 1 musician, 185
privates 222
---
_Total wounded_ 254
===
_Total killed and wounded_ 306
_Of the navy_--2 midshipmen and 1 seaman killed, 11 seamen
wounded 14
===
_Total killed and wounded_ 320
[M-29] The statement that General Sheaffe's retreat was so precipitate
that he lost his papers is confirmed by General Dearborn in a letter
to the Secretary of War, dated Niagara, May 3d, 1813 (Niles' Register,
_ibid._): "York was a magazine for Niagara, Detroit, etc., and
notwithstanding the immense amount which was destroyed by them, we
found more than we could bring off. Gen. Sheaffe's baggage and papers
fell into my hands; the papers are a valuable acquisition. A SCALP was
found in the executive and legislative council chamber, suspended near
the speaker's chair in company with the mace, etc."
This "scalp incident," as it came to be known, and as I may remark in
passing, became the probably groundless pretext for a storm of abuse
of British methods of warfare. In the feverish state of public opinion
which the startling climax of the battle of York excited almost to
frenzy, it was regarded as adding insult to injury, and furthermore
taken as a proof that our dead and wounded would be handed over by the
British to their Indian allies, to be dealt with according to the
customs of savage warfare. Thus, the usually temperate and judicious
editor of the Register could permit himself to say: "The '_mace_' is
the emblem of authority, and the _scalp's_ position near it is truly
symbolical of the _British_ power in _Canada_. Horrible and infamous
wretches! But the reign of the murderers is nearly at an end," p. 190.
And again, p. 259, with "scalp" in large capitals, and various other
typographical methods of relieving his state of mind: "BRITISH
HUMANITY. When major-general _Dearborn_ stated that a SCALP had been
found in the _government-house of Upper Canada_, suspended near the
mace, the emblem of power, many persons affected to doubt the fact;
but most men believed, not only because General Dearborn had stated
the circumstance, but because it was strictly characteristic of the
_British_ government, which is as base and deliberately wicked as any
other in the civilized world. But the horrible fact is further and
conclusively established by commodore _Chauncey_, whose testimony will
not be disputed, openly, by those who _pretended_ to disbelieve gen.
Dearborn. Let us hear no more of '_British humanity_ and
_religion_'--nor permit these great attributes to be lavished upon
murderous villains. It is fact, horrible fact, that the legislature of
'_unoffending Canada_' did sanction (by hanging up in their hall, in
evidence of their authority, a _human scalp_) the murders of our
people by the savages. Great Heaven!" This senseless outburst
concludes with the following letter:
_U. S. Ship Madison, Sackett's Harbor, 4th June, 1813._
SIR--I have the honor to present to you by the hands of lieutenant
Dudley, the British standard taken at York on the 27th of April last,
_accompanied by the mace, over which hung a human_ SCALP.--Those
articles were taken from the _parliament house_ by one of my officers
and presented to me. The scalp I caused to be presented to general
Dearborn, who I believe still has it in his possession. I also send by
the same gentleman, one of the British flags taken at Fort George on
the 27th of May.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your most obedient
humble servant,
[Signed] ISAAC CHAUNCEY.
HONORABLE WM. JONES,
_Secretary of the Navy, Washington_.
It may be here added that the practice of scalping is by no means
confined to the aborigines of North America. Among white Americans, it
has never been too uncommon to excite remark, still less reprobation;
and though it may not have been a regularly recognized and practiced
incident of our warfare with Indians of late years, one has only to
read any of the chronicles of our earlier warrings with Indian,
English, or French foes, to perceive the entire reciprocity of the
custom. It fell into desuetude, on our part, less from any disrepute
than from sheer indifference. Instances are not lacking during the
last century, of our skinning whole Indians, tanning their hides, and
manufacturing the leather into various articles of use or joy; and
when we ceased to scalp as a rule, it was simply because scalps were
no longer worth the trouble of taking. I am myself no stranger to
reeking Apache scalps, taken both by citizens and soldiery. I knew a
young officer of our army who, in a spirit of bravado, fastened an
Apache scalp to each of his spurs, and wore them with the long black
hair trailing at his heels during one of his hunts for Indians in
Arizona. The legislature of one of our Territories passed a bill
offering a reward of a certain sum of money for every "buck" Indian's
scalp which should be produced, and a certain other sum for the scalp
of "anything in the shape of an Indian," _i. e._, woman or child. The
British general, Henry Hamilton, while lieutenant-governor at Detroit,
had a regular tariff of prices both for prisoners and for scalps which
he purchased from Indians and from white renegades, thus acquiring the
soubriquet of "the hair-buying general," applied to him by George
Rogers Clark. Honors are so easy on this score that they do not count
in the game of war which the British played with their American
cousins.
[M-30] "A distinguished officer who was in the battle at York states
that, as he passed the general, after he was wounded, he cried, 'Push
on, my brave fellows, and avenge your general.' As he was breathing
his last the British standard was brought to him; he made a sign to
have it placed under his head, and died without a groan."
[M-31] Cromwell Pearce of Pennsylvania. He had been appointed from his
State a first lieutenant of the 10th Infantry May 3d, 1799, and
honorably discharged June 15th, 1800. His colonelcy of the 16th
Infantry dated from April 25th, 1813; he was honorably discharged June
15th, 1815, and died April 2d, 1852.
[M-32] George E. Mitchell of Maryland became major of the 3d Artillery
May 1st, 1812, and lieutenant-colonel Mar. 3d, 1813; he was brevetted
colonel May 5th, 1814, for gallant conduct in repelling the attack of
British forces on Fort Oswego, N. Y.; transferred to corps of
Artillery May 12th, 1814, and to 3d Artillery June 1st, 1821; he
resigned the same day, and died June 28th, 1832.
[M-33] Samuel S. Conner of New Hampshire was appointed from
Massachusetts major of the 21st Infantry, Mar. 12th, 1812; became
lieutenant-colonel of the 13th Infantry Mar. 12th, 1813; resigned July
14th, 1814, and died Dec. 17th, 1820.
[M-34] Benjamin Nicholson of Maryland, who languished of his wounds till
May 13th. He had been appointed a first lieutenant of the 14th
Infantry Mar. 12th, 1812, and promoted to be captain Mar. 3d, 1813.
[M-35] This is but a mild sample of the epithets by which Sheaffe's
firing of the magazine was stigmatized in phrases current at a time
when invective was invoked till language was exhausted. In the cooling
of overheated passions a sense of humor stole in to the relief of
surcharged feelings, and execration of the shocking catastrophe
subsided from the sublime to the ridiculous. "And it was not until
after the capture of Fort George," says Whiting, p. 306, "that this
explosion ceased to haunt, like a dreadful spectre, the American army.
While preparing for that capture, it seemed to be a settled conviction
in the mind of the commander-in-chief, that explosions were to be the
ordinary means of warfare with the British. On the point opposite Fort
Niagara, and not far from Fort George, stood a lighthouse, which was
made of stone. The common impression was, that these stones were to be
discharged upon our heads whenever we made the attempt to land; it
being taken for granted that we should land between that and a
neighboring wood, as the open grounds there were completely commanded
by the guns of our fort. Many British deserters came over during the
month which elapsed between the capture of York and Fort George. The
question asked of each was, whether the lighthouse were _mined_. No
answer intimated that it was; still it was determined to land at a
safe distance from it, though the point chosen afforded the enemy an
excellent cover, where his batteries could be silenced only by our
vessels. After the landing had been effected, the lighthouse was
approached by stragglers with much caution, until some one, more hardy
or more curious than the rest, entering into it, found within its
recesses, instead of a Guy Fawkes, some women and children, who had
taken shelter there from the dangers of the day."
[M-36] Henry H. Van Dalsem of New Jersey became a captain of the 15th
Infantry Mar. 12th, 1812, and resigned June 15th, 1815.
Joseph L. Barton of New Jersey was appointed a first lieutenant of the
15th Infantry Mar. 12th, 1812, promoted to be captain July 30th, 1812,
and honorably discharged June 15th, 1815.
Abraham Godwin of New Jersey was appointed a second lieutenant of the
15th Infantry Mar. 12th, 1812, became first lieutenant May 13th, 1813,
and was honorably discharged June 15th, 1815.
[M-37] White Youngs of New York was made a captain of the 15th Infantry
Mar. 12th, 1812; transferred to the 8th Infantry May 17th, 1815;
brevetted major Sept. 11th, 1814, for gallant conduct at Plattsburgh,
N. Y.; resigned Mar. 8th, 1819, and died Dec. 8th, 1822.
[M-38] Daniel E. Burch of New Jersey was appointed from that State
ensign in the 15th Infantry Oct. 7th, 1812; became third lieutenant
Mar. 13th, 1813, and second lieutenant Aug. 15th, 1813: he was
regimental paymaster from Mar. 12th, 1814, to June 15th, 1815, and
honorably discharged June 15th, 1815. He re-entered the service as
second lieutenant of the 7th Infantry Jan. 5th, 1817; became first
lieutenant June 7th, 1817, and captain June 30th, 1820; acted as
assistant quartermaster from Oct. 25th, 1822, to June 27th, 1831;
resigned Apr. 30th, 1833, and died May 8th, 1833.
PIKE'S EXPEDITIONS.
Part I.
_THE MISSISSIPPI VOYAGE._
CHAPTER I.
ITINERARY: ST. LOUIS TO ST. PAUL, AUGUST 9TH-SEPTEMBER 21ST, 1805.
Sailed from my encampment, near St. Louis, at 4 p. m., on Friday, the
9th of August, 1805, with one sergeant, two corporals, and 17
privates, in a keel-boat 70 feet long, provisioned for four months.
Water very rapid. Encamped on the east side of the river, at the head
of an island.[I-1]
_Aug. 10th._ Embarked early; breakfasted opposite the mouth of the
Missouri, near Wood creek.[I-2] About 5 p. m. a storm came on from the
westward; the boat lay-to. Having gone out to march with two men
behind a cluster of islands, one of my soldiers swam a channel in the
night, to inform me that the boat had stopped during the storm. I
remained on the beach all night. Distance 28½ miles.[I-3]
_Sunday, Aug. 11th._ In the morning the boat came up and stopped
opposite the Portage De Sioux.[I-4] We here spread out our baggage to
dry; discharged our guns at a target, and scaled out our
blunderbusses. Dined at the cave below the Illinois, at the mouth of
which river we remained some time. From the course of the Mississippi,
the Illinois[I-5] might be mistaken for a part of it. Encamped on the
lower point of an island,[I-6] about six miles above the Illinois; were
much detained by passing the east side of some islands above the
Illinois; and were obliged to get into the water and haul the boat
through.
_Aug. 12th._ In the morning made several miles to breakfast; about 3
o'clock p. m. passed Buffaloe [Cuivre or Copper river] or riviere au
Bœuf, about five miles above which commences a beautiful cedar
cliff. Having passed this, the river expands to nearly two miles in
width, and has four islands, whose lowest points are nearly parallel;
these we called the Four Brothers. Encamped on the point of the east
one. It rained very hard all night. Caught one catfish. Distance 29¾
miles.[I-7]
_Aug. 13th._ Late before we sailed; passed a vast number of islands;
left one of our dogs on shore; were much detained by sand-bars, and
obliged to haul our boat over several of them; observed several
[Indian] encampments which had been lately occupied. Rained all day.
Distance 27 miles.[I-8]
_Aug. 14th._ Hard rain in the morning; but a fine wind springing up,
we put off at half-past six o'clock. Passed a camp of Sacs, consisting
of three men with their families. They were employed in spearing and
scaffolding a fish,[I-9] about three feet in length, with a long flat
snout; they pointed out the channel, and prevented us from taking the
wrong one. I gave them a small quantity of whisky and biscuit; and
they, in return, presented me with some fish. Sailed on through a
continuation of islands for nearly 20 miles; met a young gentleman,
Mr. Robedoux,[I-10] by whom I sent a letter to St. Louis; encamped on an
island; caught 1,375 small fish. Rained all day. Distance 28
miles.[I-11]
_Aug. 15th._ Still raining in the morning. From the continued series
of wet weather, the men were quite galled and sore. Met a Mr.
Kettletas of N. Y., who gave me a line to Mr. Fisher of the Prairie
Des Chein [du Chien]. Passed a small [elsewhere named Bar] river to
the W., with a sand-bar at its entrance; also, passed Salt [elsewhere
called Oahahah] river, which I do not recollect having seen on any
chart; it is a considerable stream, and at high water is navigable for
at least 200 miles. Left another dog. Distance 26 miles.[I-12]
_Aug. 16th._ Embarked early, but were so unfortunate as to get fast on
a log; and did not extricate ourselves until past eleven o'clock,
having to saw off a log under the water. At three o'clock arrived at
the house of a Frenchman, situate on the W. side of the river,
opposite Hurricane island. His cattle appeared to be in fine order,
but his corn in a bad state of cultivation. About one mile above his
house, on the W. shore, is a very handsome hill, which he informed me
was level on the top, with a gradual descent on either side, and a
fountain of fine water. This man likewise told me that two men had
been killed on the Big Bay, or Three Brothers; and desired to be
informed what measures had been taken in consequence thereof. Caught
three catfish and one perch. Encamped four miles above the house.
Distance 18 miles.[I-13]
_Aug. 17th._ Embarked and came on remarkably well; at ten o'clock
stopped for breakfast, and in order to arrange our sail; when the wind
served, we put off and continued under easy sail all day. Passed three
batteaux. Distance 39 miles.[I-14]
_Sunday, Aug. 18th._ Embarked early; about eleven o'clock passed an
Indian camp, on the E. side. They fired several guns; but we passed
without stopping. Very hard head winds part of the day. Caught six
fish. Distance 23 miles.[I-15]
_Aug. 19th._ Embarked early and made fine way; but at nine o'clock, in
turning the point of a sand-bar, our boat struck a sawyer. At the
moment, we did not know it had injured her; but, in a short time
after, discovered her to be sinking; however, by thrusting oakum into
the leak and bailing, we got her to shore on a bar, where, after
entirely unloading, we with great difficulty keeled her sufficiently
to cut out the plank and put in a new one. This at the time I
conceived to be a great misfortune; but upon examination we discovered
that the injury resulting from it was greater than we were at first
induced to believe; for upon inspection we found our provisions and
clothing considerably damaged. The day was usefully and necessarily
employed in assorting, sunning, and airing those articles. One of my
hunters, Sparks, having gone on shore to hunt, swam the river about
seven miles above and killed a deer; but finding we did not come, he
returned down the river, and joined us by swimming. Whilst we were at
work at our boat on the sand-beach, three canoes with Indians passed
on the opposite shore. They cried, "How-do-you-do?" wishing us to give
them an invitation to come over; but receiving no answer they passed
on. We then put our baggage on board and put off, designing to go
where the young man had killed the deer; but after dark we became
entangled among the sand-bars, and were obliged to stop and encamp on
the point of a beach. Caught two fish. Distance 14 miles.[I-16]
_Aug. 20th._ Arrived at the foot of the rapids De Moyen[I-17] at seven
o'clock. Although no soul on board had passed them, we commenced
ascending them immediately. Our boat being large and moderately
loaded, we found great difficulty. The river all the way through is
from three-quarters to a mile wide. The rapids are 11 miles long, with
successive ridges and shoals extending from shore to shore. The first
has the greatest fall and is the most difficult to ascend. The
channel, a bad one, is on the east side in passing the two first bars;
then passes under the edge of the third; crosses to the west, and
ascends on that side, all the way to the Sac village. The shoals
continue the whole distance. We had passed the first and most
difficult shoal, when we were met by Mr. Wm. Ewing,[I-18] who I
understand is an agent appointed to reside with the Sacs to teach them
the science of agriculture, with a French interpreter, four chiefs and
15 men of the Sac nation, in their canoes, bearing a flag of the
United States. They came down to assist me up the rapids; took out 14
of my heaviest barrels, and put two of their men in the barge to pilot
us up. Arrived at the house of Mr. Ewing, opposite the village, at
dusk. The land on both sides of the rapids is hilly, but a rich soil.
Distance 16 miles.[I-19]
_Aug. 21st._ All the chief men of the village came over to my
encampment, where I spoke to them to the following purport:
"That their great father, the president of the United States, wishing
to be more intimately acquainted with the situation, wants, &c., of
the different nations of the red people, in our newly acquired
territory of Louisiana, had ordered the general to send a number of
his young warriors in different directions, to take them by the hand,
and make such inquiries as might afford the satisfaction required.
"That I was authorized to choose situations for their trading
establishments; and wished them to inform me if that place would be
considered by them as central.
"That I was sorry to hear of the murder which had been committed on
the river below; but, in consideration of their assurances that it was
none of their nation, and the anxiety exhibited by them on the
occasion, I had written to the general and informed him of what they
had said on the subject.
"That in their treaty they engaged to apprehend all traders who came
among them without license; for that time, I could not examine their
traders on this subject; but that, on my return, I would make a
particular examination.
"That if they thought proper they might send a young man in my boat,
to inform the other villages of my mission," etc.
I then presented them with some tobacco, knives, and whisky. They
replied to the following purport:
"That they thanked me for the good opinion I had of their nation, and
for what I had written the general. That themselves, their young
warriors, and the whole nation, were glad to see me among them.
"That as for the situation of the trading-houses, they could not
determine, being but a part of the nation. With respect to sending a
young man along, that if I would wait until to-morrow, they would
choose one out. And finally, that they thanked me for my tobacco,
knives, and whisky."
Not wishing to lose any time, after writing to the general[I-20] and my
friends, I embarked and made six miles above the village. Encamped on
a sand-bar. One canoe of savages passed.
_Aug. 22d._ Embarked at 5 o'clock a. m. Hard head winds. Passed a
great number of islands. The river very wide and full of sand-bars.
Distance 23 miles.[I-21]
_Aug. 23d._ Cool morning. Came on 5¼ miles, where, on the west shore,
there is a very handsome situation for a garrison. The channel of the
river passes under the hill, which is about 60 feet perpendicular,
and level on the top; 400 yards in the rear there is a small prairie
of 8 or 10 acres, which would be a convenient spot for gardens; and on
the east side of the river there is a beautiful prospect over a large
prairie, as far as the eye can extend, now and then interrupted by
groves of trees. Directly under the rock is a limestone spring, which,
after an hour's work, would afford water amply sufficient for the
consumption of a regiment. The landing is bold and safe, and at the
lower part of the hill a road may be made for a team in half an hour.
Black and white oak timber in abundance. The mountain continues about
two miles, and has five springs bursting from it in that distance.
Met four Indians and two squaws; landed with them; gave them one quart
of _made_ whisky [_i. e._, about three-fourths water], a few biscuit,
and some salt. I requested some venison of them; they pretended they
could not understand me; but after we had left them they held up two
hams, and hallooed and laughed at us in derision. Passed nine horses
on shore, and saw many signs of Indians. Passed a handsome prairie on
the east side, and encamped at its head.[I-22]
Three batteaux from Michilimackinac stopped at our camp. We were told
they were the property of Mr. Myers Michals. We were also informed
that the largest Sac village was about 2½ miles out on the prairie;
and that this prairie was called halfway from St. Louis to the prairie
Des Cheins.
_Aug. 24th._ In the morning passed a number of islands. Before dinner,
Corporal Bradley and myself took our guns and went on shore; we got
behind a savannah, by following a stream we conceived to have been a
branch of the river, but which led us at least two leagues from
it.[I-23] My two favorite dogs, having gone out with us, gave out in the
prairie, owing to the heat, high grass, and want of water; but,
thinking they would come on, we continued our march. We heard the
report of a gun, and supposing it to be from our boat, answered it;
shortly after, however, we passed an Indian trail, which appeared as
if the persons had been hurried, I presume at the report of our guns;
for with this people all strangers are enemies. Shortly after we
struck the river, and the boat appeared in view; stayed some time for
my dogs; two of my men volunteered to go in search of them. Encamped
on the west shore, nearly opposite a chalk bank. My two men had not
yet returned, and it was extraordinary, as they knew my boat never
waited for any person on shore. They endeavored to strike the
Mississippi ahead of us. We fired a blunderbuss at three different
times, to let them know where we lay. Distance 23½ miles.[I-24]
_Sunday, Aug. 25th._ Stopped on the Sand-bank prairie on the E. side
[about New Boston, Ill.], from which you have a beautiful prospect of
at least 40 miles down the river, bearing S. 38° E. Discovered that
our boat leaked very fast; but we secured her inside so completely
with oakum and tallow as nearly to prevent the leak. Fired a
blunderbuss every hour, all day, as signals for our men. Passed the
river Iowa. Encamped at night on the prairie marked Grant's prairie
[below Muscatine, Ia.]. The men had not yet arrived. Distance 28
miles.[I-25]
_Aug. 26th._ Rain, with a very hard head wind. Towed our boat about
nine miles, to where the river Hills join the Mississippi. Here I
expected to find the two men I had lost, but was disappointed. The
mercury in Reamur [Réaumur] at 13°; whereas yesterday it was 26° [=61¼
and 90½ Fahr.] Met two peroques [_sic_[I-26]] full of Indians, who
commenced hollowing [hallooing] "How do you do?" etc. They then put to
shore and beckoned us to do likewise, but we continued our course.
This day very severe on the men. Distance 28½ miles.[I-27]
_Aug. 27th._ Embarked early; cold north wind; mercury 10°; the wind so
hard ahead that we were obliged to tow the boat all day. Passed one
peroque of Indians; also, the Riviere De Roche [Rock river], late in
the day. Some Indians, who were encamped there, embarked in their
canoes and ascended the river before us. The wind was so very strong
that, although it was down the stream, they were near sinking.
Encamped about four miles above the Riviere De Roche, on the W. shore.
This day passed a pole on a prairie on which five dogs were hanging.
Distance 22 miles.[I-28]
_Aug. 28th._ About an hour after we had embarked, we arrived at the
camp of Mr. James Aird,[I-29] a Scotch gentleman of Michilimackinac. He
had encamped, with some goods, on the beach, and was repairing his
boat, which had been injured in crossing [descending] the rapids of
the Riviere De Roche, at the foot of which we now were. He had sent
three boats back for the goods left behind. Breakfasted with him and
obtained considerable information. Commenced ascending the rapids.
Carried away our rudder in the first rapid; but after getting it
repaired, the wind raised and we hoisted sail. Although entire
strangers, we sailed through them with a perfect gale blowing all the
time; had we struck a rock, in all probability we would have bilged
and sunk. But we were so fortunate as to pass without touching. Met
Mr. Aird's boats, which had pilots, fast on the rocks. Those shoals
are a continued chain of rocks, extending in some places from shore to
shore, about 18 miles in length.[I-30] They afford more water than those
of De Moyen, but are much more rapid.
_Aug. 29th._ Breakfasted at the Reynard village, above the rapids;
this is the first village of the Reynards.[I-31] I expected to find my
two men here, but was disappointed. Finding they had not passed, I lay
by until four o'clock, the wind fair all the time. The chief informed
me, by signs, that in four days they could march to Prairie Des
Cheins; and promised to furnish them with mockinsons [moccasins], and
put them on their route. Set sail and made at least four knots an
hour. I was disposed to sail all night; but the wind lulling, we
encamped on the point of an island, on the W. shore. Distance 20
miles.[I-32]
_Aug. 30th._ Embarked at five o'clock; wind fair, but not very high.
Sailed all day. Passed four peroques of Indians. Distance 43
miles.[I-33]
_Aug. 31st._ Embarked early. Passed one peroque of Indians; also, two
encampments, one on a beautiful eminence on the W. side of the river.
This place had the appearance of an old town. Sailed almost all day.
Distance 31½ miles.[I-34]
_Sunday, Sept. 1st._ Embarked early; wind fair; arrived at the lead
mines [Dubuque, Ia.] at twelve o'clock. A dysentery, with which I had
been afflicted several days, was suddenly checked this morning, which
I believe to have been the occasion of a very violent attack of fever
about eleven o'clock. Notwithstanding it was very severe, I dressed
myself, with an intention to execute the orders of the general
relative to this place. We were saluted with a field-piece, and
received with every mark of attention by Monsieur [Julien] Dubuque,
the proprietor. There were no horses at the house, and it was six
miles to where the mines were worked; it was therefore impossible to
make a report by actual inspection. I therefore proposed 10 queries,
on the answers to which my report was founded.[I-35]
Dined with Mr. D., who informed me that the Sioux and Sauteurs[I-36]
were as warmly engaged in opposition as ever; that not long since the
former killed 15 Sauteurs, who on the 10th of August in return killed
10 Sioux, at the entrance of the St. Peters [Minnesota river]; and
that a war-party, composed of Sacs, Reynards, and Puants
[Winnebagoes[I-37]], of 200 warriors, had embarked on an expedition
against the Sauteurs; but that they had heard that the chief, having
had an unfavorable dream, persuaded the party to return, and that I
would meet them on my voyage. At this place I was introduced to a
chief called Raven, of the Reynards. He made a very flowery speech on
the occasion, which I answered in a few words, accompanied by a small
present.
I had now given up all hopes of my two men, and was about to embark
when a peroque arrived, in which they were, with a Mr. Blondeau, and
two Indians whom that gentleman had engaged above the rapids of Stony
[Rock] river. The two soldiers had been six days without anything to
eat except muscles [mussels], when they met Mr. James Aird, by whose
humanity and attention their strength and spirits were in a measure
restored; and they were enabled to reach the Reynard village, where
they met Mr. B. The Indian chief furnished them with corn and shoes,
and showed his friendship by every possible attention. I immediately
discharged the hire of the Indians, and gave Mr. Blondeau a passage to
the Prairie des Cheins. Left the lead mines at four o'clock. Distance
25 miles.[I-38]
_Sept. 2d._ After making two short reaches, we commenced one which is
30 miles in length; the wind serving, we just made it, and encamped on
the E. side [near Cassville, Wis.], opposite the mouth of Turkey
river. In the course of the day we landed to shoot pigeons. The moment
a gun was fired, some Indians, who were on the shore above us, ran
down and put off in their peroques with great precipitation; upon
which Mr. Blondeau informed me that all the women and children were
frightened at the very name of an American boat, and that the men held
us in great respect, conceiving us very quarrelsome, much for war, and
also very brave. This information I used as prudence suggested. We
stopped at an encampment about three miles below the town, where they
gave us some excellent plums. They dispatched a peroque to the
village, to give notice, as I supposed, of our arrival. It commenced
raining about dusk, and rained all night. Distance 40 miles.[I-39]
_Sept. 3d._ Embarked at a pretty early hour. Cloudy. Met two peroques
of family Indians; they at first asked Mr. Blondeau "if we were for
war, or if going to war?" I now experienced the good effect of having
some person on board who could speak their language; for they
presented me with three pair of ducks and a quantity of venison,
sufficient for all our crew for one day; in return, I made them some
trifling presents. Afterward met two peroques, carrying some of the
warriors spoken of on the 2d inst. They kept at a great distance,
until spoken to by Mr. B., when they informed him that their party had
proceeded up as high as Lake Pepin without effecting anything. It is
surprising what a dread the Indians in this quarter have of the
Americans. I have often seen them go round islands to avoid meeting my
boat. It appears to me evident that the traders have taken great pains
to impress upon the minds of the savages the idea of our being a very
vindictive, ferocious, and warlike people. This impression was perhaps
made with no good intention; but when they find that our conduct
toward them is guided by magnanimity and justice, instead of operating
in an injurious manner, it will have the effect to make them reverence
at the same time they fear us. Distance 25 miles.[I-40]
_Sept. 4th._ Breakfasted just below the Ouiscousing [Wisconsin
river[I-41]]. Arrived at the Prairie des Cheins about eleven o'clock;
took quarters at Captain Fisher's, and were politely received by him
and Mr. Frazer.
_Sept. 5th._ Embarked about half-past ten o'clock in a Schenectady
boat, to go to the mouth of the Ouiscousing, in order to take the
latitude [which I found to be 43° 28' 8" N.], and look at the
situation of the adjacent hills for a post. Was accompanied by Judge
Fisher, Mr. Frazer, and Mr. Woods. We ascended the hill[I-42] on the
west side of the Mississippi, and made choice of a spot which I
thought most eligible, being level on the top, having a spring in the
rear, and commanding a view of the country around. A shower of rain
came on which completely wet us, and we returned to the village
without having ascended the Ouiscousing as we intended. Marked four
trees with A. B. C. D., and squared the sides of one in the center.
Wrote to the general.
_Sept. 6th._ Had a small council with the Puants, and a chief of the
lower band of the Sioux. Visited and laid out a position for a post,
on a hill called the Petit Gris [Grès],[I-43] on the Ouiscousing, three
miles above its mouth. Mr. Fisher, who accompanied me, was taken very
sick, in consequence of drinking some water out of the Ouiscousing,
The Puants never have any white interpreters, nor have the Fols Avoin
[Folle Avoine (Menominee)[I-44]] nation. In my council I spoke to a
Frenchman and he to a Sioux, who interpreted to some of the Puants.
_Sept. 7th._ My men beat all the villagers jumping and hopping. Began
to load my new boats.
_Sept. 8th._ Embarked at half-past eleven o'clock in two batteaux. The
wind fair and fresh. I found myself very much embarrassed and cramped
in my new boats, with provision and baggage. I embarked two
interpreters, one to perform the whole voyage, whose name was Pierre
Rosseau [Rousseau[I-45]]; and the other named Joseph Reinulle
[Reinville[I-46]], paid by Mr. Frazer to accompany me as high as the
falls of St. Anthony. Mr. Frazer[I-47] is a young gentleman, clerk to
Mr. Blakely of Montreal; he was born in Vermont, but has latterly
resided in Canada. To the attention of this gentleman I am much
indebted; he procured for me everything in his power that I stood in
need of, dispatched his bark canoes, and remained himself to go on
with me. His design was to winter with some of the Sioux bands. We
sailed well, came 18 miles, and encamped on the W. bank.[I-48]
I must not omit here to bear testimony to the politeness of all the
principal inhabitants of the village. There is, however, a material
distinction to be made in the nature of those attentions: The kindness
of Messrs. Fisher, Frazer, and Woods, all Americans, seemed to be the
spontaneous effusions of good will, and partiality to their
countrymen; it extended to the accommodation, convenience, exercises,
and pastimes of my men; and whenever they proved superior to the
French, openly showed their pleasure. But the French Canadians
appeared attentive rather from their natural good manners than sincere
friendship; however, it produced from them the same effect that
natural good will did in the others.
_Sept. 9th._ Embarked early. Dined at Cape Garlic, or at Garlic river;
after which we came on to an island on the E. side, about five miles
below the river [Upper] Iowa, and encamped. Rained before sunset.
Distance 28 miles.[I-49]
_Sept. 10th._ Rain still continuing, we remained at our camp. Having
shot at some pigeons, the report was heard at the Sioux lodges, the
same to whom I spoke on the 6th at the Prairie [du Chien]; when La
Fieulle [Feuille[I-50]] sent down six of his young men to inform me
"that he had waited three days with meat, etc., but that last night
they had began to drink, and that on the next day he would receive me
with his people sober." I returned him for answer "that the season was
advanced, time was pressing, and if the rain ceased I must go on." Mr.
Frazer and the interpreter went home with the Indians. We embarked
about one o'clock.[I-51] Frazer, returning, informed me that the chief
acquiesced in my reasons for pressing forward, but that he had
prepared a pipe (by way of letter) to present me, to show to all the
Sioux above, with a message to inform them that I was a chief of their
new fathers, and that he wished me to be treated with friendship and
respect.
On our arrival opposite the lodges, the men were paraded on the bank,
with their guns in their hands. They saluted us with ball with what
might be termed three rounds; which I returned with three rounds from
each boat with my blunderbusses. This salute, although nothing to
soldiers accustomed to fire, would not be so agreeable to many
people; as the Indians had all been drinking, and as some of them even
tried their dexterity, to see how near the boat they could strike.
They may, indeed, be said to have struck on every side of us. When
landed, I had my pistols in my belt and sword in hand. I was met on
the bank by the chief, and invited to his lodge. As soon as my guards
were formed and sentinels posted, I accompanied him. Some of my men
who were going up with me I caused to leave their arms behind, as a
mark of confidence. At the chief's lodge I found a clean mat and
pillow for me to sit on, and the before-mentioned pipe on a pair of
small crutches before me. The chief sat on my right hand, my
interpreter and Mr. Frazer on my left. After smoking, the chief spoke
to the following purport:
"That, notwithstanding he had seen me at the Prairie [du Chien], he
was happy to take me by the hand among his own people, and there show
his young men the respect due to their new father [President
Jefferson]. That, when at St. Louis in the spring, his father [General
Wilkinson] had told him that if he looked down the river he would see
one of his young warriors [Pike] coming up. He now found it true, and
he was happy to see me, who knew the Great Spirit was the father of
all, both the white and the red people; and if one died, the other
could not live long. That he had never been at war with their new
father, and hoped always to preserve the same understanding that now
existed. That he now presented me with a pipe, to show to the upper
bands as a token of our good understanding, and that they might see
his work and imitate his conduct. That he had gone to St. Louis on a
shameful visit, to carry a murderer; but that we had given the man his
life, and he thanked us for it. That he had provided something to eat,
but he supposed I could not eat it; and if not, to give it to my young
men."
I replied: "That, although I had told him at the Prairie my business
up the Mississippi, I would again relate it to him." I then mentioned
the different objects I had in view with regard to the savages who had
fallen under our protection by our late purchase from the Spaniards;
the different posts to be established; the objects of these posts as
related to them; supplying them with necessaries; having officers and
agents of government near them to attend to their business; and above
all to endeavor to make peace between the Sioux and Sauteurs. "That it
was possible on my return I should bring some of the Sauteurs down
with me, and take with me some of the Sioux chiefs to St. Louis, there
to settle the long and bloody war which had existed between the two
nations. That I accepted his pipe with pleasure, as the gift of a
great man, the chief of four bands, and a brother; that it should be
used as he desired." I then eat of the dinner he had provided, which
was very grateful. It was wild rye [rice?] and venison, of which I
sent four bowls to my men.
I afterward went to a dance, the performance of which was attended
with many curious maneuvers. Men and women danced indiscriminately.
They were all dressed in the gayest manner; each had in the hand a
small skin of some description, and would frequently run up, point
their skin, and give a puff with their breath; when the person blown
at, whether man or woman, would fall, and appear to be almost
lifeless, or in great agony; but would recover slowly, rise, and join
in the dance. This they called their great medicine; or, as I
understood the word, dance of religion, the Indians believing that
they actually puffed something into each others' bodies which
occasioned the falling, etc. It is not every person who is admitted;
persons wishing to join them must first make valuable presents to the
society to the amount of $40 or $50, give a feast, and then be
admitted with great ceremony. Mr. Frazer informed me that he was once
in the lodge with some young men who did not belong to the club; when
one of the dancers came in they immediately threw their blankets over
him, and forced him out of the lodge; he laughed, but the young
Indians called him a fool, and said "he did not know what the dancer
might blow into his body."
I returned to my boat; sent for the chief and presented him with two
carrots of tobacco, four knives, half a pound of vermilion, and one
quart of salt. Mr. Frazer asked liberty to present them some rum; we
made them up a keg between us, of eight gallons--two gallons of whisky
[the rest water]. Mr. Frazer informed the chief that he dare not give
them any without my permission. The chief thanked me for all my
presents, and said "they must come free, as he did not ask for them."
I replied that "to those who did not ask for anything, I gave freely;
but to those who asked for much, I gave only a little or none."
We embarked about half-past three o'clock; came three miles, and
encamped on the W. side.[I-52] Mr. Frazer we left behind, but he came up
with his two peroques about dusk. It commenced raining very hard. In
the night a peroque arrived from the lodges at his camp. During our
stay at their camp, there were soldiers appointed to keep the crowd
from my boats, who executed their duty with vigilance and rigor,
driving men, women, and children back, whenever they came near my
boats. At my departure, their soldiers said, "As I had shaken hands
with their chief, they must shake hands with my soldiers." In which
request I willingly indulged them.
_Sept. 11th._ Embarked at seven o'clock, although raining. Mr.
Frazer's canoes also came on until nine o'clock. Stopped for
breakfast and made a fire. Mr. Frazer stayed with me; finding his
peroques not quite able to keep up, he dispatched them. We embarked;
came on until near six o'clock, and encamped on the W. side. Saw
nothing of his peroques after they left us. Supposed to have come 16
miles this day.[I-53] Rain and cold winds, all day ahead. The river has
never been clear of islands since I left Prairie Des Chein. I
absolutely believe it to be here two miles wide. Hills, or rather
prairie knobs, on both sides.
_Sept. 12th._ It raining very hard in the morning, we did not embark
until ten o'clock, Mr. Frazer's peroques then coming up. It was still
raining, and was very cold; passed the Racine[I-54] river; also a
prairie called Le Cross [La Crosse], from a game of ball played
frequently on it by the Sioux Indians. This prairie is very handsome;
it has a small square hill, similar to some mentioned by Carver. It is
bounded in the rear by hills similar to [those of] the Prairie Des
Chein.
On this prairie Mr. Frazer showed me some holes dug by the Sioux, when
in expectation of an attack, into which they first put their women and
children, and then crawl themselves. They were generally round and
about 10 feet in diameter; but some were half-moons and quite a
breastwork. This I understood was the chief work, which was the
principal redoubt. Their modes of constructing them are: the moment
they apprehend or discover an enemy on the prairie, they commence
digging with their knives, tomahawks, and a wooden ladle; and in an
incredibly short space of time they have a hole sufficiently deep to
cover themselves and their families from the balls or arrows of the
enemy. They [enemies] have no idea of taking those subterraneous
redoubts by storm, as they would probably lose a great number of men
in the attack; and although they might be successful in the event, it
would be considered a very imprudent action.
Mr. Frazer, finding his canoes not able to keep up, stayed at this
prairie to organize one of them, intending then to overtake us. Came
on three miles further.[I-55]
_Sept. 13th._ Embarked at six o'clock. Came on to a sand-bar, and
stopped to dry my things. At this place Mr. Frazer overtook me. We
remained here three hours; came on to the foot of the hills, at le
Montaigne qui Trompe a l'Eau [_sic_], which is a hill situated on the
river. Rain all day, except about two hours at noon. Passed Black
river. Distance 21 miles.[I-56]
_Sept. 14th._ Embarked early; the fog so thick we could not
distinguish objects 20 yards. When we breakfasted we saw nothing of
Mr. Frazer's canoes. After breakfast, at the head of an island, met
Frazer's boats. Wind coming on fair, we hoisted sail, and found that
we were more on an equality with our sails than our oars. The birch
canoes sailed very well, but we were able to outrow them. Met the
remainder of the war-party of the Sacs and Reynards before noted,
returning from their expedition against the Sauteurs. I directed my
interpreter to ask "How many scalps they had taken?" They replied,
"None." He added, "They were all squaws"; for which I reprimanded him.
Passed the mountain which stands in the river; or, as the French term
it, which soaks in the river. Came to the Prairie Le Aisle
[_sic_[I-57]], on the west.
Mr. Frazer, Bradley, Sparks, and myself, went out to hunt. We crossed
first a dry flat prairie; when we arrived at the hills we ascended
them, from which we had a most sublime and beautiful prospect. On the
right, we saw the mountains which we passed in the morning and the
prairie in their rear; like distant clouds, the mountains at the
Prairie Le Cross; on our left and under our feet, the valley between
the two barren hills through which the Mississippi wound itself by
numerous channels, forming many beautiful islands, as far as the eye
could embrace the scene; and our four boats under full sail, their
flags streaming before the wind. It was altogether a prospect so
variegated and romantic that a man may scarcely expect to enjoy such a
one but twice or thrice in the course of his life. I proposed keeping
the hills until they led to the river, encamping and waiting the next
day for our boats; but Mr. Frazer's anxiety to get to the boats
induced me to yield. After crossing a very thick bottom, fording and
swimming three branches of the river, and crossing several morasses,
we at twelve o'clock arrived opposite our boats, which were encamped
on the east side. We were brought over. Saw great sign of elk, but had
not the good fortune to come across any of them. My men saw three on
the shore. Distance 21 miles.[I-58]
_Sunday, Sept. 15th._ Embarked early. Passed the riviere Embarrass
[Zumbro river], and Lean Clare [_i. e._, l'Eau Claire; Clear, White
Water, or Minneiska river], on the W., which is navigable 135 miles.
Encamped opposite the river Le Bœuf [Beef or Buffalo river], on the
W. shore.[I-59] At the head of this river the Chipeways inhabit, and
it is navigable for peroques 40 or 50 leagues. Rained in the
afternoon. Mr. Frazer broke one of his canoes. Came about three miles
further than him. Distance 25 miles.