This letter I presented personally, & af_The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Volume 1 (of 3) To Headwaters of the Mississippi River Through Louisiana Territory, and in New Spain, During the Years 1805-6-7.

learned its contents, through an interpreter, he observed

in reply That having found those men, on his arrival from

Europe, to take the command of the internal provinces of

New Spain, in the dungeons of St. Louis Potosi, he had

demanded them of the Vice-Roy, and brought them to

Chihuahua, where their irons were struck off, and every

indulgence allowed them which his responsibility would

admit--that he had felt a particular desire to serve Fero,

but whose haughtiness of soul would not permit him to be

under any obligation to the government, further than his

allowance of twenty-five cents per day. That he had

reported their situation to the King, and consequently must

await the orders of his majesty; that with respect to the

letters, they had always been permitted to correspond

through him, with their friends--but that I might use my

own pleasure as to taking letters, but he thought the

peculiar delicacy of my own situation, should prevent me

from taking any written communication out of the country.

Thus ended the conference, and thus stands the situation of

those unfortunate men at present. But as I knew some part

of the general's information to be incorrect, and

especially as it related to the freedom of communication

with their friends, I felt no such peculiar delicacy as to

prevent my bringing out letters--but brought every one

intrusted to my care.

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

The records I have examined do not show Captain Pike's movements for

the next few months. But imagination easily forges the missing links

of the return of an intrepid and successful explorer who had been a

captive in foreign lands, given up by his friends as lost to them

forever--a loved husband, whom _domus et placens uxor_ awaited--a

hero, whose story remained to be told to a public eager to hear of El

Dorado. He was in Washington soon--most likely before the end of the

year, certainly in Jan., 1808--and already in hot water. For he took

a header into the political caldron, which perpetually boils there,

but had been superheated for him in consequence of his supposed

confidential relations with his military commander-in-chief.[M-13] His

name came before Congress in a way which ruffled his plumes, and

extorted the following mettlesome effusion:

WASHINGTON 22 Feby 08.

SIR

The Honorable John Rowan of the House of representatives

from Kentucky; has this day made some observations before

that Honarable body from which a tacit inference might be

drawn that my late Tour to the Westward was founded on

Views intirely unknown to the Government; and connected

with the nefarious plans of Aaron Burr and his associates.

Had those insinuations arisen in any other quarter I should

have concieved that my early choice of the military life,

the many ardious and confidential duties I have performed,

with the perfect knowledge which the Goverment must have of

my military and political Character; would have been a

sufficient justification for me to have passed over them in

silence: but comeing from so respectable a source. I feel

it a duty to myself; my family; and my profession; to

request of you a testimonial which may shut the mouth of

Calumny--and strike dumb the voice of slander. I have

therefore to request of you Sir! to Honor me with a

communication which may be calculated to present to the

Speaker of the House of representatives; or a Committee of

their Body, who have been appointed to inquire whether any,

or what, extra Compensation should be made me & my

Companions; for our late Voyages of Discovery, and

exploration; and that I may have permission to give

publicity to this letter which I have the Honor to address

you, and your answer.

I am Sir with High Consideration

Your ob^t. Ser^t.

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE Cap^t 1^st.

UStates Reg^t. Infy

The Hon.

HENRY DEARBORNE

Sec. War. Dep^t.

On the same sheet of paper which has this letter, General Dearborn

drafted a reply, with many interlineations and erasures, to be copied

in a fair clerk's hand and signed by himself. In its final form, as

received by Captain Pike, it was published, with other papers relating

to Congressional action, as a part of Document No. 6 of the App. to

Pt. 3 of the orig. ed. of this work: see p. 844. Its first form is as

follows:

Feb: 24. 1808, WAR DEPT.

SIR. In answer to your letter of the 22^d Inst. I with

pleasure observe that alth'o the two exploring expeditions

you have performed were not previously ordered by the

President of the U. S. there were frequent communications

on the subject of each, between Gen^l. Wilkinson & this

Department, of which the President of the U. S. was

aquainted from time to time, and it will be no more than

what justice requires to say, that your conduct in each of

those expeditions met the approbation of the President; and

that the information you obtained and communicated to the

Executive in relation to the sources of the Mississippi &

the natives in that quarter and the country generally as

well on the uper Mississippi as that between the Arkansas &

the Missouri, and on the borders of the latter extensive

river to its source, and the adjacent countries, has been

considered as highly interesting in a political,

geographical & historical view. And you may rest assured

that your services are held in high estimation by the

President of the U. S.; and if opinion of my own can afford

you any satisfaction I can very frankly declare that I

consider the public very much indebted to you for the

enterprising persevering and judicious manner in which you

have performed them.

[No signature.]

To the above Pike made reply at once:

WASHINGTON CITY 26 Feby 08

SIR!

Suffer me to offer through you, to the president of the

United States the effusions of a Heart impress'd with

Gratitude for the very honarable testimonial of his

approbation received by the Medium of Your Communication of

the 24 Inst.

The Confidence of the Executive, and the respect of our

fellow Citizens, must be the grand desiderata of every man

of Honor, who wears a sword in the republican Armies of the

United States; to acquire which has been the undeviateing

pursuit of the earliest part of my life, & shall mark the

colour of my future actions.

Suffer me to add Sir! that I feel myself deeply impressed

by the Sentiments of personal respect and consideration

with which you was pleased to Honor me--and shall always be

proud to be considered as one who holds for your person and

character Sentiments of the Sincerest Respect & Esteem

I am Sir

Your ob Sert

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE Capt

The Hon^l.

HEN. DEARBORNE

Sec War Dep^t.

Meanwhile Captain Pike was panting for promotion--dear to every

soldiers heart, and in his case well deserved. His majority was in

sight but not in hand. There appears to have been a technical obstacle

in his way. We often smile at the witticism expressed in the phrase:

"the United States and New Jersey." Like most such things, it is not

new. Being a Jerseyman, Captain Pike was required to establish the

fact that he was not an alien to the United States--not for that

reason, perhaps--still he was required to produce certain evidence of

citizenship, as the following curious correspondence shows:

NEW-JERSEY. TRENTON 23^d March 1808.

It appears by the records of this State, that Cap^t. John

Pike, in the Year 1666, was one of the Original purchasers

of & Settlers in Woodbridge--a magistrate & member of

Council under the Proprietory government.--I have been well

acquainted with Major Zebulon Pike, from my Childhood and

with Capt. John Brown (Lieuten^t. of Cavalry in the

revolutionary War) also a Native of Woodbridge--and whose

daughter Cap^t. ZM. Pike married; so that Cap^t Pike has

good reason to claim New-Jersey, not only as his Native

State, but as the residence of his family for near a

Century & a half.

[Signed] Joseph Bloomfield

The above certificate of Governor Bloomfield was inclosed by Pike to

the War Department with the following letter:

WASHINGTON CITY 4 Apl 1808

SIR!

Having received the enclosed document from Gov^r.

Bloomfield on the 27^th Ult^o.--who has particularly

interested himself in my promotion in the profession my

inclination has induced me to persue; I should not have

conceived it necessary to have laid it before you had I not

understood that you expressed a doubt as to the place of my

nativity; and whether, the state of Jersey, was that of

which I had a right to claim a Citizenship. I had not

conceived that it would be requisite for a native of

America who had served his country in Arms for Years (And

his forefathers before him) to establish the Locality of

his birth right but the prevoy prevoyance of my respected

friend His Excells Gov^r. Bloomfield has laid it in my

power to satisfy Gen^l. Dearborne on that Subject--I hope

I shall be pardoned for thus intrudeing myself on the time

of the Sec^y of War, and beg leave to offer assurances of

High respect & Esteem----

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE

The Hon^l.

HEN^RY DEARBORNE.

Sec^y War Dep^t.

Having thus proven that he was a citizen of New Jersey and of the

United States, the captain could feel that the coveted majority was

his. His commission as major of the 6th Infantry, of date May 3d,

1808, was acknowledged by him in the following letter, which I have

also chosen as the one to be reproduced in facsimile for the present

work:

[Illustration: Facsimile of Letter]

WASHINGTON 5 May. 1808

SIR

I have the Honor to acknowledge the receiipt of yours,

notifying me of my appointment to a Majority in the 6th

Regt. of Infantry in the Service of the United States. You

will please Sir! to receive this as my acceptance of the

same, and believe me to be

With High Consideration

Your Ob^t. Ser^t.

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE

The Hon^l.

HENRY DEARBORNE

Sec. War Dep.

Among other things which had engaged Major Pike's attention was of

course his book--that story of his adventures which he had fondly

dreamed would immortalize his name, and respecting which his dream was

realized. He had already made such progress in his literary work that

he entered into official correspondence with the Secretary of War on

that subject. For instance:

WASHINGTON, 14^th, April 1808.

SIR:--

[A two-page letter concluding thus:]

I shall in a day or two address an unofficial letter to the

President, requesting the favour of his advice, on the

Subject of the publication of my Voyages, on which, he

having read them, in Manuscript, will be a Competent

Judge--In this I shall speak as having the permission of

your Department for the publication.--

I am Sir,

with great Consideration,

Your obt. servt.

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE Captain.

The inside history of books which the world will not let die is always

interesting. Here is a letter which speaks for itself:

PHILADELPHIA 27 May. 1808.

D^r. SIR!

I have entered into an agreement with the firm of Conrad,

Lucas & C^o of this place to print and publish my Tours,

for which I allow them 20 pr. Cent on all the sales, and

pay besides the expences of printing &c.--This, with bad

debts and other Casualties will leave to myself but an

extreame small profit but as a soldiers views are more

Generally directed to fame than interest I hope that one

object will at least be accomplished.--The Work will not

exceed four dollars pr. Copy but the exact price we cannot

yet ascertain but hope Gen^l. Dearborne will give it all

the patronage which he may deem it entitled to; and Signify

to Mess^rs. Conrad and Lucas the number of Copies you

will take on ^ac of your Department. I have taken the

Liberty of encloseing under cover to you a letter addressed

to Nau [the draughtsman] which the Secy can read, and if he

does not wish to retain that man, in the Service of the

Goverment at the present time he will be good enough to

have the letter presented to him, and should the Goverment

wish his services in the Autumn or after he has done my

business he can return to Washington: But if he cannot be

spared by the Depart^t. the letter can be distroyed look

out for another person--

I beg leave to remind the Secy of War of the applications

which have been made in favour of my friend Doc^r.

Robinson--and hope he may yet be brought in for a Company

Vice some one who did not accept.

Will Gen^l. Dearborne accept of my sincere acknowledgements

for the many favours he has conferred on me and believe me

to be with sincere respect and Esteem.

His ob^t Ser^t

[Signed] Z M PIKE

The War Department proved to be a liberal subscriber; for General

Dearborn indorsed the above in his own handwriting, "We will take 50

copies."

Matters thus being satisfactorily arranged for the publication of his

book, Major Pike seems to have returned at once, or very soon, to

military duty in his new rank--unless he went to see his wife on leave

of absence. We find him at Belle Fontaine in August of this year, as

evidenced by a letter I will transcribe in part, epitomizing the rest:

CAMP BELLE FONTAIN--

18 Aug^t. 1808.

SIR!

Co^l. Hunt[M-14] deceased last night at half past 12 O. C.

after an illness of some weeks--He has left a distressed

widow and nine children unprovided for, and unprotected.

[The letter recommends military appointments for Col.

Hunt's two sons, George and Thomas; states that the command

of the district has devolved on Capt. James House of the

artillery; that Capt. Clemson's company of the 1st Infantry

had marched 10 days before for Fire Prairie, 25 miles up

the Missouri, and Capt. Pinckney's company was to march in

about 10 days for the Des Moines r., which would leave only

one company of artillery at Belle Fontaine; wishes to know

when he shall have definite orders to join his battalion in

New Jersey; expects to be at Pittsburgh next October; and

continues:] which is my anxious wish as from appearances we

shall again have to meet the European Invaders of our

country and if I know myself, I feel anxious to have the

honor of being amongst the first to rencounter their

boasted phalanx's--and to evence to them that the sons are

able to sustain the Independence handed down to us by our

Fathers

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Maj^r.

6^th Reg^t Inf

Before the year closed Major Pike had come East, and found his hands

full, no doubt, in presenting to Congress the claims of himself and

his men to the generous consideration of that body, in the little

matter of an appropriation for their benefit. Those who have ever had

occasion to cool their heels in the halls of greatness, till the

mercury of their hopes congealed in the bulbs of their thoroughly

refrigerated boots, will best appreciate Pike's plight. The novelist's

realism of little Miss Flite in Chancery is out-realized in the Bleak

House on Capitol Hill, which William McGarrahan haunted for a

lifetime, and from which his injured ghost may not yet be freed. The

following letter was written when Pike had not lost hope:

CAPITOL HILL, 2 Decem^r. 08.

SIR

I am informed by M^r. Montgomery that some members of the

committee (on the resolutions moved in favour of my late

exploreing parties) wish to have our members officially

notified; and the time we were employed in each Expedition,

which information you requested from General

Wilkinson--Inclosed you have a return of the party on each

tour and the commencement & expiration, but as all the

intervening time between my return from the source of the

Mississippi to our departure to the West we were employed

in prepareing for the second tour; I submit to your

Judgment whether the whole should not be engrossed--Also

there being a number of men still in new Spain the time

will necessarily be extended to them. [This matter makes

chap. vi., pp. 840-855, beyond.]

The Committee meet to-morrow morning will Gen^l. Dearborne

have the goodness to furnish them with the necessary

information by that time--I would have waited on you

personally but am this day to set on General Court Martial

which convenes at 9 OC. A. M.

I am Sir with High Respect

& Esteem your ob. ser^t

[Signed] Z M PIKE Maj^r.

6 Reg^t Infy

The Hon^l.

HENRY DEARBORNE

Sec W. Dep^t.

Nothing came of this move. Pike was less fortunate than Lewis and

Clark. The difference did not all depend upon merit; simply, he had no

political "pull." His expeditions originated with General Wilkinson;

they were military movements with which the President had nothing to

do. Jealousy is the most nearly universal of human weaknesses, in high

as well as low places; besides which, Thomas Jefferson had his own

opinion of James Wilkinson. Whatever Major Pike may have thought of

it, he certainly lost little time in dancing attendance on Congress;

he was not built for a lobbyist. In Dec., 1808, we find him on

military duty at Fort McHenry, Md., as appears from various official

letters of his before me, but which need not be transcribed, as they

represent merely the routine correspondence of an army officer. At

some period in 1809 he was transferred to the West; and he was on duty

as military agent in New Orleans from Sept. 13th, 1809, to Mar. 10th,

1810, or later, by virtue of the following order:

CAMP TERRE AU BŒUF,

Sep^t. 13^th. 1809--

SIR

The Situation of the public service and the impossibility

of finding a suitable Character in private life to

undertake the temporary duties of Military Agent, Obliges

me to impose that Office on you.... [instructions follow.]

[Signed] J. WILKINSON

Maj^r. Z. M. PIKE

During his tour of duty in New Orleans Major Pike became

lieutenant-colonel of the 4th Infantry Dec. 31st, 1809. One of

Lieutenant-Colonel Pike's letters shows that he did not forget

"Baroney," his quondam companion in arms on the Arkansaw:

NEW ORLEANS

March 4^th. 1810

SIR

Ensign Vasquez of the 2^d Infantry who was late Interpreter

on the tour of Discovery to the source of the Arkansaw &^c

presented himself to me at this place. After being three

years in the United States service without receiving any

settlement I made a statement of his accounts and gave him

an advance in Cash and a draft for the balance, in order

that if the form of settlement did not meet your

approbation they might be corrected. He has been absent

going on four years, and begs permission to return to St

Louis to see his Aged parents, which I hope will be granted

him by the Hon^l. Secretary of War. The French language is

his proper one; but he speaks Spanish very well, and is

beginning with the English, but very imperfectly as yet.

Under those circumstances I should conceive his services

would be most important on the Spanish Frontiers. As he is

about to embark for the City of Washington, I shall furnish

him with a duplicate of this letter, and remain Sir, with

the highest Respect & Esteem

Your Obdt. Servt.

Z. M. PIKE

The Hon^l WILLIAM EUSTIS}

Secretary War Department}

There is little to mark Lieutenant-Colonel Pike's career in 1810-11,

or until the breaking out of the war of 1812. From many letters I have

seen by which he can be traced in these years, uneventful for him, I

select one which shows the workings of his mind at this time, as well

as his readiness to ventilate the views which he entertained.

Characters such as his have visions which they may freely express

without carrying conviction to others. The following communication was

received at the War Department from Mississippi Territory:

CANTONMENT, WASHINGTON June 10, 10

SIR

Although, it may be deemed unmilitary in me (a Subordinate

in Command) to address myself immediately to the War

Department yet the purport of this Communication being

principally of a private nature, I presume it will not, be

deemed a great deviation from propriety.--I entered the

Army at the early age of fifteen, and have continued to

pursue my profession with enthusiasm to the present time a

period upwards of Sixteen years during which I have had

every practical experience which the times offered of

becoming a Soldier.--Together with a Careful perusal of

numerous Millitary authors in the French & English

languages.--But hapily for my Country her Councils have

been guided by Such Judicious Measures; That the

opportunity which I have so long panted for, of Calling

into Action, The Experience I possess, has never

Occured.--Knowing that it must be the interest of the U.S

to keep at peace with the world, and despairing of ever

being Call^d Into actual service I should some time since

have resign^d the sword and became a farmer, (The only

proffession I can acquire) only for the unsettled state of

our foreign affairs.--Fortune has at length placed me

(Through the instrumentality of General Hampton) at the

Head of the Compleatest body of Infantry in the US.--If

this Regiment should be Consolidated and the Co^l. not

join, I should be very happy to retain the Command and

remain in this quarter.--If not I would hope to be ordered

to join my Regiment in New England, a quarter of the Union

I should be gratify^d. in spending some time in.--Should I

remain here and be permitted to introduce the modern

Discipline--into the Corps I would pledge my existance it

would be equal to any in the U S. in one year. This is a

subject of much diversity of Oppinion, as many gentlemen

wish to Confine us to Stuben.[M-15]--The value of whose

system no man appreciates more justly than myself. But the

Battle of Jena but too fatally evinced to the Prusian

Monarch that the mordern improvements in the Art of War had

been such, as entirely to overturn the principles of

manourvres of the Malboroughs--Eugenes and Fredericks. The

Millitary Establishment of the United States can only be

viewed as the nuclues of an Army in Case of War, from

whence Could be drawn Staff Officers well versed in tactics

and police--In the foregoing observations I mean to cast no

reflections on my superior officers;--but Conceive at the

same time the Ideas may not be deemed obtrusive On the

Hon^l Secty of War.--Whilst makeing this unofficial

Communication I think it my duty to intimate the situation

in which the neighbouring province of Florida now stands.

The Goverment is in a Compleat state of Lethargie.--The

Citizens are forrming committees and appear to be disposed

to offer their allegiance to the U S. when if it should be

refused, they will Make it a tender to Great Britain this

would have been done some time since had they not feared

the Isle of Cuba.--That Cuba is competant to keep them in

Subjection by force is extremely doubtful; But what line of

Conduct the U. S will persue on the Occasion is an

important question.--our views should only be turned to the

effect our interferance would have abroad for we have

disposible force in this territory & Orleans when joined to

the Malcontents amply sufficient to secure possession of

the province; But with respect to the effect this would

have on Mexico is seriously to be taken into concideration

Mexico including all the possessions of Spain North of

Terra Firma [Tierra Firme], must constitute ere long a

great and independant power of at least seven millions of

souls, with more of the precious metals than any other

nation in the world will it not be an object of the first

Magnitude for the U S to secure the trade, friendship and

alliance of this people. They never will become a maratime

or manufactoring nation they are at present pastorial and

On trial will prove Warlike. I hesitate not to say they Can

pour forth thousans of Calvary surpass'd by none in the

World. To this power We might become the Carryers and

Manifactories, for which no Nation Could vie with us; which

would be sources of immence Wealth.--And an Augmentation of

our power.--To this very important object I humby Conceive

a too early attention Cannot be paid--On this subject I

have probaly intruded my oppinion on Mr. Eustis, but I

could not forbear giveing those intimations which I

conceived might be beneficial to my Country.--I had a

brother in the Millitary Academy from whom I have not heard

for some time should he merit the favour of his

Country;--or if his Fathers Thirty Years service or my own

claim some small indulgence for him, I hope he may be

appointed an Ensign of Infantry and sufferd to join the

Regiment to which I may be attached; the latter part of

this request is not made from a desire that I may have it

in my power to shew him any favour;--far from it,--but

that, I may have him near me to Restrain the Disposition

which all youths evince for irregularities. And point out

to him the paths of propriety and Honor, also that he may

benefit [by] the few years he can appropriate to study by

the use of a variety of Millitary Authors I have

collected.--Such are my reasons for wishing my brother with

me. I hope this may meet the approbation of the Hon^be

Secr^ty.--And this letter may be attributed to its true

motives, and that the Honble Secty may beleive me as I am

from Duty and inclination Sincerely devoted to my Country

and his obedt

Hble Sert--

[Signed] Z M PIKE

The Hon^l.

WM. EUSTIS

Secy War Dep^t--

Lieutenant-Colonel Pike's "despair of ever being called into service"

was of short duration. He was soon to be called upon to lay down his

life for his country on the battlefield. From April 3d, 1812, to July

3d of that year he had been deputy quartermaster-general. He was

promoted to the colonelcy of the 15th Infantry July 6th, 1812. The war

was upon us. Colonel Pike's qualifications for the command of a

regiment may be best estimated in the terms of his military

biographer, General Whiting, who says, pp. 309-311:

Probably no officer in the army, at that time, was held in

higher estimation. This was not because he had seen much

actual service, for he had hardly been in the presence of

the enemy before the day on which he fell. It was on the

promise, rather than the fulfilment, that the public mind

rested his character for boldness and enterprise; and his

fitness to direct and control men had been determined, to

an extent that warranted much confidence, by his

expeditions in the north-west and the south-west. He had

there given such proofs of those qualities, as established

a reputation in advance. He had exhibited, moreover, an

indefatigable activity in the drill of his regiment,

requiring of all under his command an unwearied devotion to

duty, and an exact and prompt obedience to orders.

His regiment became an example of zeal, discipline, and

aptitude in movements; his men had an unbounded belief in

his capacity, and his officers looked up to him with

unusual respect and affection. He inspired that confidence

in all under his orders, which is almost a certain evidence

that it is merited.

At the opening of the war of 1812, we were almost without

any fixed guides in tactics and discipline. The standard of

the latter part of the revolution, and of subsequent times,

"Old Steuben," which had been approved by Washington, and

had led to some of the best triumphs of the closing years

of that glorious period, had become obsolete, even before

any substitute was provided. Hence, when new regiments came

into service by scores in 1812, nothing was prescribed for

regulation or for drill. The old regiments had their forms

and customs, which preserved in them the aspect of

regulars. But even these presented no uniform example. Some

adopted the "nineteen manœuvres" of the English; others,

the ninety-and-nine manœuvres of the French; while a few

adhered to old Dundas; and fewer still to older Steuben.

Nothing was laid down by the proper authority; therefore

all manner of things were taken up without any authority at

all. Amid this confusion, or wide latitude of choice,

General Pike, though brought up in the old school, was

often tempted, by his ambitious desire for improvement, to

run into novelties. With a prescribed rule, he would have

been the most steady and uncompromising observer of it.

But, in such a competition for beneficial change, he most

naturally believed himself as capable as others of changing

for the better.

In this spirit of innovation, the 15th regiment underwent

many changes, and exhibited, even in times when novelties

and singularities were no rarities, perhaps the widest

departure from common standards of any regiment in service.

Adopting the French system of forming in three ranks, his

third rank was armed in a manner peculiar to itself, having

short guns, being the ordinary musket cut off some inches,

and long pikes. It was said, by the wags of the day, that

his own name suggested the manner, and the regiment was

often called "Pike's regiment of pikes."

These pikes presented a formidable appearance on drill and dress

parade, when the men could display their tactics with the precision of

automata. They were even retained in the assault of Fort York. But at

the first engagement after the fall of General Pike, the men threw

them away, together with the cut-off pieces, and picked up English

muskets to fight with. The experiment of putting his regiment on

snow-shoes which Pike tried--doubtless remembering their

serviceability to himself and his company on the upper Mississippi in

the winter of 1805-6--does not seem to have proven any more lasting or

decided a success.

Colonel Pike's sword was stronger than his pen, as we know; but he

could sharpen either weapon on occasion, as the following spirited

repulse of a newspaper attack on his regiment will show:[M-16]

CAMP NEAR PLATTSBURG [N. Y.], _Oct. 12th, 1812_.

SIR:

However incompatible it may be with the character and

profession of a soldier, to enter into the party politics

of the day, yet when the honor of the government, the corps

he commands, and his personal fame are wantonly attacked,

and attempted to be sacrificed to satiate the malignant

venom of party purposes, it becomes his duty as a man, a

patriot, to come forward and boldly contradict the base

calumniator. The following piece "from the Connecticut

Herald" and republished in the New York Herald of October

3d, is not only calculated to bring disrepute on the

government, but to hold up our army as a mob wanting in

discipline as well as in patriotism. The piece alluded to

is as follows, viz.:

"The multiplied proof of folly, or of madness, or some

worse cause, that have driven the nation into a ruinous,

offensive war, are accumulating with every day's

experience. Barely to enumerate the evidence would occupy

columns. Two or three facts of recent occurrence, which

have come to my knowledge, are in point and worthy of

record. It is then a fact (for I state it on the best

authority) that either the national treasury is so

miserably empty, or the proper department so deficient in

duty, that the army under General Dearborn, which has so

long been idling away their time near Albany, was not only

unpaid, but unprovided with the common necessaries of a

camp; and when, a few days since, a part of these troops

were ordered to the frontiers, one whole regiment (Colonel

Pike's) absolutely refused, and deliberately stacked their

arms, declaring they would not move until paid. In this

refusal they were justified by their colonel, and an old

soldier, who admitted they ought not to march unless the

government would first pay the arrears due them. It

fortunately happened that Mr. Secretary Gallatin was then

at Albany, and on learning the state of affairs at the

encampment, he borrowed $20,000 from one of the banks on

his private credit, by which means the troops were paid,

and cheerfully followed their commander."

In contradiction to this statement it will be sufficient to

give the following facts:

[Firstly]--That the regimental paymaster had in his hands

funds to pay the whole regiment up to the 31st. And [that]

within three days of the period when the troops moved,

three companies were paid previous to the march and the

balance so soon as the troops halted a sufficient time to

give the officers an opportunity to adjust the rolls and

prepare the accounts of the recruits.

Secondly--That those funds were received by the regimental

paymaster from the district paymaster, Mr. Eakins, who was

then at Albany, and not from Mr. Gallatin whom, it is

believed, did not arrive till after the regiment moved from

Greenbush.

These facts can be corroborated by every officer of the

15th Infantry, who one and all deem the paragraph published

in the Herald a base calumny, a direct attack on their

honor as soldiers, and declare that the author, whoever he

may be, has asserted gross untruths. As for myself, I have

had the honor to serve in the army from the rank of

volunteer to the station I now hold, during the

Administration of Gen. Washington, Mr. Adams, Mr.

Jefferson, and Mr. Madison, and can affirm that I have

known some troops under the three first to have been upward

of a year without a payment, and under the latter for eight

months. This was owing to the dispersed state of our troops

on the western frontiers. But never did I hear of a corps

shewing a disposition to refuse to do their duty, because

they had not received their pay; nor do I believe the

American army has been disgraced by an instance of the kind

since the Revolutionary War. But ask any man of

consideration, what time it requires to organize an army,

or a corps of new recruits--if, owing to the want of a

knowledge of the officers to forms of returns, accounts,

etc., it will not be some time before a new corps can be as

well equipt, or appear as much like soldiers, as an old

one? Every soldier will reply that it will require two

years at least to teach both officers and men to reap the

same benefit from the same supplies as old soldiers. And

although at this time the 15th regiment has been as

regularly supplied as any other corps with clothing, pay,

arms, and accoutrements, even to watch coats to protect the

centinel against the winter storms, yet were there an old

regiment laying by their side, who had received the same

supplies, they would most indubitably be better equipped

and make themselves more comfortable, having the saving of

two or more years' supplies on hand. But whether ill or

well supplied, the soldiers and officers have too just a

sense of the duty they owe their country and their own

honor, ever to refuse to march against the enemy. And the

colonel begs leave to assure the author of the above

paragraph, that he hopes he will forbear any future attempt

to injure his reputation by praising an action which, if

true, must have forever tarnished the small claim he now

has to a military character.

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE,

_Colonel 15th U. S. Infantry_.

Colonel Pike seldom had occasion to make proclamations of a

politico-military character. But one such which he issued while he was

in command of a district may be here cited. It is not dated, in the

printed form before me, but was no doubt given out in Jan., 1813, as

it appears in Niles' Register for the week ending Jan. 30th, III. No.

22, p. 344:

_To all whom it may concern._ The state of hostility which

exists between the Kingdom of Great Britain and the United

States makes it necessary that the intercourse which may

take place between this country and the adjacent province

of Canada should be regulated on the principles which

govern belligerent nations. I have had it in charge from

the commanding general, Chandler [John Chandler, of New

Hampshire, d. 1841] that no person should be permitted to

pass in or out of Canada without his permission, or, in his

absence, the permission of the commandant of the district

of Champlain. This order has been communicated to the

commanding officer on the lines, and will be strenuously

enforced.

Some members of the community have been found so void of

all sense of honor, love of country, or any other principle

which has governed the virtuous of all nations and ages, as

to hold correspondence with and give intelligence to our

enemies. It therefore becomes my duty to put the laws in

full force. The two following sections of the rules and

articles of war, which are equally binding on the citizen

and the soldier, are published for the information of the

public, that no one may plead ignorance, as from this time

henceforward they shall be enforced with the greatest

severity.

"Art. 56. Whosoever shall relieve the enemy with money,

victuals, or ammunition, or shall knowingly harbor or

protect an enemy shall suffer DEATH, or such other

punishment as shall be ordered by the sentence of a

court-martial.

"Art. 57. Whosoever shall be convicted of holding

correspondence with, or giving intelligence to, the enemy,

either directly or indirectly, shall suffer DEATH, or such

other punishment as shall be ordered by the sentence of a

court-martial."

[Signed] _Z. M. Pike, Col. 15th Regt. Inf.

Commanding West Lake Champlain_.

During the winter of 1812-13, when the 15th regiment was stationed on

the northern frontier, in view of the operations to be undertaken

against the posts of the enemy on the lakes, great confidence in this

well-disciplined and zealous body of troops was felt by General Henry

Dearborn, formerly secretary of war, and then the senior major-general

of the army, in immediate command. As we have just seen, General Pike

was in charge of a military district on Lake Champlain; his command

was then of about 2,500 men. Various desultory demonstrations against

the enemy had proved futile, in some cases fatuous and disgraceful.

The War Department determined upon a more consistent and apparently

feasible plan of concerted operations, which had in view the reduction

of all the British posts on the St. Lawrence river and Lake Ontario.

The capture of Kingston (site of old Fort Frontenac) was a measure of

first importance. The garrison was supposed to be small, and lulled in

a sense of security, owing to the rigors of the season and the

numerical insignificance of our troops at Sackett's Harbor; nor was

Kingston likely to be re-enforced from below, as the British forces

were menaced on the Lower St. Lawrence by Pike's troops on Lake

Champlain. It was proposed to transport these in sleighs to the foot

of Lake Ontario with such promptitude that the movement could not be

counteracted. General Dearborn also proposed to concentrate other

forces at Sackett's Harbor, to which place his headquarters at Albany

were to be moved at once. This was in Feb., 1813. But while these

measures were pending, Sir George Prevost, Governor-General of the

Canadas, prorogued the Parliament then in session, and moved to

Kingston with re-enforcements for that place. According to General

Dearborn's dispatches of Mar. 3d from Sackett's Harbor, this

demonstration seemed so alarming that operations against Kingston were

suspended in favor of others which had regard to the safety of

Sackett's Harbor; though it appears in General Armstrong's History of

the War that Sir George Prevost had executed a clever ruse with few

troops, and "countervailed his antagonist only by dexterous and

well-timed reports," Whiting's Pike, p. 290 _seq._

The proposed attack on Kingston over the ice having been abandoned,

the Secretary of War's alternative plan of reducing in succession the

several posts on and about Lake Ontario engaged General Dearborn's

attention. The Secretary indicated the order in which the successive

attacks were to be made, viz.: Kingston and York on Lake Ontario;

George and Erie on the Niagara river. But this sequence was not

strictly regarded by General Dearborn, who determined to attack

Kingston last instead of first; considering the rotation of the

assaults to be of minor consequence, in view of the main features of a

campaign which had for its object the reduction of all the posts named

in the order of the Secretary. The general commanding, on consultation

with Commodore Isaac Chauncey, concluded to make York the initial

point of attack; George to come next, and then Kingston.

The prospect held out by this plan of the campaign was

certainly very promising. It had all such probabilities in

its favor as could be commanded by those who control only

one side of the current of events. The force that could and

would be brought to bear on each point of attack was ample,

and left as little to hazard as prudence would suggest. The

plan was founded on the best principles of strategy, and

highly creditable to the generalship which dictated it. Had

it been carried out with the spirit and perseverance with

which it was commenced, there was every reasonable prospect

of a successful issue. The causes of its failure were

obvious: delays, without proper objects, after the capture

of Fort George; and a change of command, wholly unnecessary

and inexpedient, which led to the waste of nearly an entire

season of inactivity (Whiting, p. 297).

As noted by this military critic and historian, General Dearborn was

relieved from command early in July, 1813, his successor being

enjoined to rest on his arms, except in the event of certain

improbable contingencies which never arose, until the arrival of

General Wilkinson, who did not reach Fort George until September, or

resume operations until Oct. 1st; so that "nearly three months were

utterly wasted by a body of 4,000 troops."

But I have digressed from the attack on Fort York, with which alone

are we here concerned.

In the latter part of April, 1813, the navigation of Lake Ontario was

open, and no molestation was apprehended, as it was known that Sir

James Yeo's fleet was not operative. Agreeably with the plan of the

campaign above briefly noted, therefore, General Dearborn embarked on

board Commodore Chauncey's fleet, with about 1,700 troops, under the

immediate command of Brigadier-General Pike, Apr. 25th. On the morning

of the 27th the fleet reached York harbor, where it was intended to

debark for the assault on Fort York. This military post defended the

place which had been known as Toronto till 1793, and was then called

York till 1834, when it resumed its aboriginal name.

* * * * *

The true signification of the Iroquois word which has settled in the

form _Toronto_, after long fluctuation of all its vowels, is

uncertain, or at any rate, is still questioned. It is now most

frequently translated "trees in the water," or by some equivalent

phrase, with reference to the formerly wooded, long, low spit of land

which still encompasses the harbor of Ontario's metropolis.

Irrespective of its etymology, the various connotations of _Toronto_

in successive historical periods are to be carefully discriminated. If

we turn to old maps, we see that the present Georgian bay of Lake

Huron was Toronto bay; the present Lake Simcoe was Toronto lake;

present Severn river and the Humber were each of them Toronto river.

In the seventeenth century, Toronto was the official designation of a

region between Lake Simcoe and the Georgian bay--the country of the

Hurons, on the large peninsula which intervenes between Lake Huron and

Lake Ontario. The comparatively narrow neck of this peninsula offered,

by means of Humber river and certain portages, a convenient way to

pass between these two great lakes--it was, in fact, an Indian

thoroughfare. The mouth of the Humber consequently became an Indian

rendezvous, and the name of the whole region thus became best known in

connection with the locality of the present city. As the southern

terminus of this highway, on Lake Ontario, offered an eligible site

for a trading-post, advantage was taken of such an opportunity to cut

off trade from Chouagen (Oswego) by planting the original

establishment of the Whites near the mouth of the Humber. Such was the

French Fort Rouillé, built in 1749, and named in compliment to Antoine

Louis Rouillé, Comte de Jouy, then colonial minister. This post was

destroyed in 1756, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the

English. It became better known as Fort Toronto than it had been by

its proper French name, and later on passed into history as Old Fort

Toronto, in distinction from the two other establishments to which the

name was successively bequeathed. Fort Rouillé, by whatever name

called, was never lost sight of entirely. Lossing's Field Book of the

War of 1812, New York, 1868, p. 593, has a cut which shows its

appearance when it had been to some extent renovated in 1812-13. The

exact site is now marked by a monument, lying alongside which is an

inscribed stone. These memorials are pointed out to visitors, on the

lake shore, in the southwest corner of the present Exposition grounds,

on the western side of the city of Toronto. After the abandonment of

old Fort Rouillé the region round about remained for nearly half a

century a wild whose solitude may have been only relieved by the

lodges of a few Misisagas--those Indians of Ojibwa affinities who had

become members of the Iroquois confederation in 1746, three years

before the fort was built. In 1791, Upper and Lower Canada were

instituted by parliamentary measures which Pitt guided to success; the

latter was practically the province of Quebec; the former became the

province of Ontario, the refuge and future home of the United Empire

Loyalists. For the capital of Ontario, a site was to be chosen in then

unbroken wilds. The first provincial Parliament of the new province of

Upper Canada was held in May, 1793, at Newark, the present town of

Niagara, where the river of that name enters Lake Ontario. But this

place was ineligible; the river became an international boundary; the

guns of the United States Fort Niagara could be trained upon Newark;

and in August of the same year the seat of government of the new

province was transferred to the new site which had been surveyed to

that end by Bouchette, and selected for the purpose by General and

Governor John Graves Simcoe (b. Feb. 25th, 1752, d. Oct. 6th, 1806).

To this place Simcoe gave the name of York, after the duke, second son

of George III. The evolution of this embryo of future greatness was

slow; for many years "Little York," or "Muddy York," as it was styled

by some in derision, had but a few hundred inhabitants; its

maintenance was mainly due to the United Loyalists already mentioned.

In April, 1813, the works by which York was defended, and which

General Pike carried by assault, were those called Fort York; later

they were known as Fort Toronto, or "the Fort at Toronto." The town

which Simcoe had christened York did not resume the original

designation of the locality till 1834, when it was incorporated as the

city of Toronto.

This magnificent metropolis, which so admirably illustrates the effect

of American momentum upon English stability, is situated upon the

north side of Lake Ontario, 39 miles northeast of Hamilton (which

occupies the _fond du lac_) and 310 miles west-southwest of Montreal;

at the observatory the position is calculated to be in latitude 43°

39' 35" N. and longitude 79° 23' 39" W. of the Greenwich meridian.

The city extends westward from the vicinity of the Don in the

direction of the Humber, across the small stream known as Garrison

creek. It thus has several miles of lake front on the south, at the

bay or harbor of Toronto, partly shut off from the lake by low land

which was once a peninsula, and some small islands, with an entrance

only from the west; but the peninsula has been artificially cut off

from the mainland. At its end stood a blockhouse, in a position known

as Gibraltar point; another blockhouse stood at the mouth of the Don,

on the left or east bank of that river. One now drives a few blocks

from any hotel in the heart of the city to "old" Fort York, at present

dismantled, but very much in evidence still of the scene of General

Pike's victory and mortal hurt. The visitor will be warned off the

premises by the functionary who has these _disjecta membra_ in charge,

as Lossing had been before I was; but may nevertheless keep on the

main street or road through the frowning earthworks, and will

presently find himself on Garrison Common. This is the large level

piece of ground, the middle of the lake front of which is occupied by

the present barracks, or "new fort." At points included within the

present garrison and parade ground were the positions of two outer

defenses of old Fort York, respectively called at that time the

Western and the Half Moon battery; these were the first and second

obstacles for Pike to surmount in advancing upon the main defenses of

York. Crossing Garrison Common in a few minutes we enter the

Exposition grounds, at the further corner of which, to the left, and

directly upon the lake shore, stand the Rouillé monument and inscribed

cairn already mentioned, together with a historical cabin; a pier juts

into the lake close by these objects. The direct distance between the

Rouillé monument and old Fort York is about 6,000 feet--little over a

mile by the road; the present barracks are nearly midway between those

two places. Old Fort York occupies a position about the mouth of

Garrison creek, between Front Street and the water's edge, at the foot

of Tecumseh Street, and close to Queen's Wharf, in the midst of

railroad tracks, freight houses, and depots. The magazine, which was

exploded at the cost of many American and some British lives, stood in

a depression at or near the mouth of the creek, with its top nearly on

a level with higher ground on either hand; it is said that its

existence was not suspected by the enemy. It was a comparatively large

structure of its kind, solidly built of heavy stone masonry, and

contained a great quantity of powder, shot, and shell. All the

positions here in mention may be inspected in a leisurely drive of an

hour. Those who have not been over the ground, or have not a city map

at hand, will be helped to a clear understanding of the situation by

the diagram given in Lossing, p. 590; together with the sketches there

given of York, of Fort York, of the magazine which was blown up by

General Sheaffe's order, and of the Western battery whose explosion

was accidental. Of the latter, the picture represents the remains as

they were in 1860.

The conflicting accounts of uninformed, unconsciously biased, or

willfully mendacious writers have shrouded in obscurity the clear and

intelligible relation which can be given of the battle of York.

Especially have the two explosions which occurred during the assault

been confounded and falsified in history. It is necessary, at the

outset, to dissociate in mind these two catastrophes, namely: (1) The

accidental explosion of a portable magazine at the Western battery

during the advance of the Americans upon the main works. (2) The

intentional explosion of the fixed magazine during the retreat of the

British from the main works. The latter was somewhat premature, owing

to overmuch zeal of the soldier who had been ordered to fire the

train; but it was premeditated.

A diligent comparison of many different descriptions of the battle of

York has satisfied me that the account in Whiting, Pike's most formal

biographer, leaves much to be desired, and that Lossing's relation is

decidedly preferable in most particulars. The latter gives, on the

whole, the clearest and truest picture which any modern historian has

painted. Lossing consulted the official reports of the commanders,

both British and American; the accounts given by Thompson, Perkins,

James, Auchinleck, Armstrong, Christy, Ingersoll, and others;

Whiting's Biography of Pike; Hough's County histories; Roger's

Canadian History; Smith's Canada; Cooper's Naval History; Niles'

manuscripts of actors in the scene, besides various verbal relations;

and he went over the ground in person. In the following sketch I shall

lean more heavily upon Lossing than upon Whiting; but for numerous

particulars shall refer back of both to contemporaneous records and

official reports, on both sides. I shall also adduce a certain obscure

author, P. Finan, who is among those who witnessed the fight, and who

describes what he saw in his little-known Journal of a Voyage to

Quebec in the Year 1825, with Recollections of Canada during the late

American War in the Years 1812-13, Newry, printed by Alexander

Peacock, 1828. H. A. Fay's Collection of Official Documents, etc., 1

vol., 8vo, New York, 1817, gives General Dearborn's and Commodore

Chauncey's reports to the Secretary of War and of the Navy,

respectively, and the terms of the capitulation after the capture.

Brannan's Official Letters, etc., 1 vol., 8vo, Washington, 1823, gives

in full Pike's vigorous and rigorous brigade order, pp. 144-146; the

reports said of Dearborn and of Chauncey; and various other items.

These and many other materials are also contained in earlier form in

Niles' Weekly Register, IV. Mar.-Sept., 1813. What here follows is

derived mainly from the sources I have thus indicated, but also

includes a certified copy of the most important one of the original

Sheaffe documents in the Archives of Ontario at Ottawa.

General Pike's brigade order for the attack on York appears as follows

in Niles' Register, IV. pp. 229, 230:

SACKETT'S HARBOR, April 25, 1813.

BRIGADE ORDER. When the debarkation shall take place on the

enemy's shore, Major Forsyth's light troops, formed in four

platoons, shall be first landed. They will advance a small

distance from the shore, and form the chain to cover the

landing of the troops. They will not fire unless they

discover the approach of a body of the enemy, but will make

prisoners of every person who may be passing, and send them

to the general. They will be followed by the regimental

platoons of the first brigade, with two pieces of Brooks'

artillery, one on the right and one on the left flank,

covered by their musketry, and the small detachments of

riflemen of the 15th and 16th Infantry. Then will be landed

the three platoons of the reserve of the first brigade,

under Major Swan.[M-17] Then Major Eustis, with his train of

artillery, covered by his own musketry. Then Colonel

M'Clure's volunteers, in four platoons, followed by the

21st regiment, in six platoons. When the troops shall move

in column, either to meet the enemy or take a position, it

will be in the following order, viz.: First, Forsyth's

riflemen, with proper front and flank guards; the regiments

of the first brigade, with their pieces; then three

platoons of reserve; Major Eustis' train of artillery;

volunteer corps; 21st regiment; each corps sending out

proper flank guards. When the enemy shall be discovered in

front, the riflemen will form the chain, and maintain their

ground until they have the signal (the preparative) or

receive orders to retire, at which they will retreat with

the greatest velocity, and form equally on the two flanks

of the regiments of the first brigade, and then renew their

fire. The three reserve platoons of this line under the

orders of Major Swan, 100 yards in the rear of the colors,

ready to support any part which may show an unsteady

countenance. Major Eustis and his train will form in the

rear of this reserve, ready to act where circumstances may

dictate.

The second line will be composed of the 21st Infantry in

six platoons, flanked by Colonel M'Clure's volunteers,

equally divided as light troops. The whole under the orders

of Colonel Ripley.[M-18]

It is expected that every corps will be mindful of the

honor of the American arms, and the disgraces which have

recently tarnished our arms; and endeavor, by a cool and

determined discharge of their duty, to support the one and

wipe off the other. The riflemen in front will maintain

their ground at all hazards, until ordered to retire, as

will every corps of the army. With an assurance of being

duly supported, should the commanding general find it

prudent to withdraw the front line, he will give orders to

retire by the heads of platoons, covered by the riflemen;

and the second line will advance by the heads of platoons,

pass the intervals, and form the line, call in the light

troops, and renew the action. But the general may find it

proper to bring up the second line on one or both flanks,

to charge in columns, or perform a variety of manœuvres

which it would be impossible to foresee. But as a general

rule, whatever may be the directions of lines at the

commencement of the action, the corps will form as before

directed. If they then advance in line, it may be in

parallel eschelons of platoons, or otherwise, as the ground

or circumstances may dictate.

No man will load until ordered, except the light troops in

front until within a short distance of the enemy, and then

charge bayonets; thus letting the enemy see that we can

meet them in their own weapons. Any man firing or quitting

his post without orders, must be put to instant death, as

an example may be necessary. Platoon officers will pay the

greatest attention to the coolness and aim of their men in

the fire; their regularity and dressing in the charge.

Courage and bravery in the field do not more distinguish

the soldier than humanity after victory; and whatever

examples the savage allies of our enemies may have given

us, the general confidently hopes that the blood of an

unresisting or yielding enemy will never stain the weapons

of the soldiers of his column.

The unoffending citizens of Canada are many of them our own

countrymen, and the poor Canadians have been forced into

the war. Their property must therefore be held sacred, and

any soldier who shall so far neglect the honor of his

profession as to be guilty of plundering the inhabitants,

shall, if convicted, be punished with death. But the

commanding general assures the troops that, should they

capture a large quantity of public stores, he will use his

best endeavors to procure them a reward from his

government.

This order shall be read at the head of each corps and

every field officer shall carry a copy, in order that he

may at any moment refer to it; and give explanations to his

subordinates.

All those found in arms in the enemy's country, shall be

treated as enemies; but those who are peaceably following

the pursuits of their various avocations, friends--and

their property respected.

By order of Brigadier-general Z. M. PIKE.

CHARLES G. JONES,[M-19]

Assistant aid-de-camp.

Of quite another character than the foregoing order is the next word

which reaches us from General Pike--probably from the last letter he

ever wrote. It is always the soldier, but now the son and not the

officer who speaks, in this letter addressed to his father. The

extract is undated and unsigned, but was penned at Brownsville, near

Sackett's Harbor, on the day before the expedition sailed from the

latter place. I cite from Niles' Register of Saturday, July 10th,

1813, p. 304, these affecting passages:

"I embark to-morrow in the fleet at Sackett's Harbor, at the head of a

column of 1,500 choice troops, on a secret expedition. If success

attends my steps, honor and glory await my name--if defeat, still

shall it be said we died like brave men, and conferred honor, even in

death, on the AMERICAN NAME.

"Should I be the happy mortal destined to turn the scale of war, will

you not rejoice, O my father? May Heaven be propitious, and smile on

the cause of my country. But if we are destined to fall, may my fall

be like Wolfe's--to sleep in the arms of victory."

His aspiration was answered, for he turned the scale of war; his dream

of glory came true, for he fell asleep, like Wolfe, in the arms of

victory!

Commodore Isaac Chauncey's fleet, which conveyed the American troops

from Sackett's Harbor to York, consisted of 14 vessels: the Madison,

flagship; Oneida, Fair American, Hamilton, Governor Tompkins,

Conquest, Asp, Pert, Julia, Growler, Ontario, Scourge, Lady of the

Lake, and the transport Raven.

On that fateful 27th of April, 1813, about seven o'clock in the

morning, when this fleet had reached York, the intention was to land

the troops at old Fort Rouillé, whence the advance to the assault of

Fort York would have been only about a mile, along the lake front,

over the level ground of present Garrison Common. But a strong east

wind drove the boats "a considerable distance" leeward, to some wooded

point in the direction of the Humber. Exactly how far this was does

not appear; but there is evidence that it was not more than some

fraction of a mile--probably not as far west of Fort Rouillé as the

latter was west of Fort York. General Dearborn says, "about a mile and

a half" from Fort York, which would be about half a mile west of Fort

Rouillé; and the place called Grenadier Point has been named in this

connection. Doubtless the whole of the troops were not landed at

precisely the same spot. General Dearborn remained with the fleet,

which was to bombard York after landing the troops under the command

of General Pike. The former's official report to Hon. John Armstrong,

Secretary of War, dated Headquarters, York, Upper Canada, Apr. 28th,

1813, includes this passage (Brannan, p. 149):

I had been induced to confide the immediate command of the

troops in action to General Pike, from a conviction that he

fully expected it, and would be much mortified at being

deprived of the honor, which he highly appreciated.

As rendered in Niles' Register, IV. p. 179, it is to the same effect,

but somewhat differently worded:

To the general I had been induced to confide the immediate

attack, from a knowledge that it was his wish and that he

would have been mortified had it not been given to him.

We will hear from Pike himself once more before he falls. It is before

any landing has been effected. Forsyth's boats are nearing the shore;

they are fired upon from the woods, but have not yet answered a shot.

Pike is standing on the deck of the flagship, surrounded by his staff,

straining his eager eyes impatiently at the boats, which he sees have

been driven beyond the intended point of debarkation. "'By God! I

can't stay here any longer!' and addressing himself to his

staff--'Come, jump into the boat!' which we immediately did, the

commodore having reserved a boat specially for him and his suite; the

little coxswain was ordered immediately to steer for the middle of the

fray, and the balls whistled gloriously around; probably their number

was owing to seeing so many officers in one boat; but we laughed at

their clumsy efforts as we pressed forward with well-pulled oars."[M-20]

The first troops which effected a landing were Forsyth's[M-21] Rifles,

conveyed in two boats. Their debarkation was promptly resisted by a

choice body of light troops from Fort York, consisting of a company of

Glengary Fencibles, with some Indians, under Major Givens. From an

advantageous position in the woods which had been taken up, the enemy

opened a galling fire as our troops left the boats. Concerning this

opening engagement I cite Whiting, pp. 300-303:

The riflemen were formed on the bank as promptly as

possible, when the boats returned to the fleet for other

troops. In the meantime, this gallant little band, assisted

by some few other troops that were thrown on shore in other

boats, sustained the brunt of the combat. The numbers in

this initial struggle were about equal, and it became a

fair and close fight, to be turned either way as

re-enforcements should happen to arrive. The British light

troops were choice men, and commanded by a brave officer.

Forsyth's men were undisciplined, but had seen some

desultory service on the Ogdensburg frontier, and had

unbounded confidence in their leader, who was rather an

extraordinary man, and regarded as a most promising

partisan officer. He had peculiar notions as to the manner

of training men. The common rules of discipline were looked

upon by him with the utmost contempt. All he seemed to

require of those under him was, that they should be good

marksmen, and ready to follow him....

At the time of this expedition, Major Forsyth was a fat

man, probably weighing some 200 pounds. The uniform of his

men was green, and, at the time he landed, he wore a

broad-skirted coat of that color, which was unbuttoned and

thrown back, displaying a white vest spread over his ample

chest, that afforded a mark for an enemy equal to the

chalked circle of a common infantry target. He had on his

head a broad-brimmed black hat. Soon after the landing, the

armorer of his regiment, a favorite of both himself and his

men, was killed. The skill of this man was such as enabled

him to give the rifle its most deadly character; and the

efficiency of the regiment was consequently supposed, both

by officers and men, to depend much upon him. When he fell,

every man felt as if a deed had been perpetrated by the

enemy that demanded revenge; and the whole detachment, from

Major Forsyth down to the most indifferent marksman,

entered into the combat with a fierce spirit of retaliation

that, no doubt, contributed much to the obstinacy of the

stand they made, and the unusual loss sustained by the

enemy immediately opposed to them.

Taking to the woods in which the British light troops were

posted, the riflemen, after their loose manner, placed

themselves behind trees, and thus carried on the contest

with their more concentrated, better ordered, and,

therefore, more exposed opponents. It is said that Major

Forsyth continued, throughout the action, to move to and

fro, armed only with a light sword, immediately in the rear

of his men, pointing out with an earnest solemnity that

partook both of sorrow and anger, to one rifleman and

another, some one of the enemy, and exclaiming that he was

the man who had killed the favorite armorer. This

suggestion was almost sure to be fatal to the enemy thus

specially branded with the guilt of having taken off the

best man of the corps. The British light troops were nearly

all left on the ground they first occupied, being too

strong to retreat while the landing was only partially

made, and too much exposed to stand before such expertness

of aim, rendered so fierce and unyielding by one of the

chance shots of an opening fight.

The force under Forsyth was soon supported by Major King's[M-22]

battalion of the 15th Infantry, consisting of three companies--Captain

John Scott's, Captain White Youngs', and that of Captain John Lambert

Hoppock, who had been mortally wounded in the boats. When General Pike

had landed with the whole body of his troops, the attacking force was

represented by the 6th, 15th, 16th, and 21st Infantry, Colonel

Maclure's 3d regiment of New York Militia, and several pieces of

artillery.

At the first sharp collision, as we have seen, the British were

defeated, not without much loss on both sides. On their retreat, the

bugles sounded the advance, and the troops pressed forward along the

lake shore toward Fort York, which was meanwhile bombarded from the

fleet. One of General Pike's staff says: "Our march was by the lake

road in sections, but the route was so much intersected by streams and

rivulets, the bridges over which had been destroyed by the enemy as

they retreated, that we were considerably retarded in our progress. We

collected logs, and by severe efforts at length contrived to pass over

one field piece and a howitzer, which were placed at the head of our

column, in charge of Captain Fanning[M-23] of the 3d Artillery; and thus

we proceeded through a spacious wood, as we emerged from which we were

saluted by a battery of 24-pounders. The general then ordered one of

his aids (Fraser) and a sergeant to proceed to the right of the

battery, in order to discover how many men were in the works. We did

so, and reported to him the number, and that they were spiking their

own guns. The general immediately ordered Captain Walworth of the 16th

[_sic_] with his company of grenadiers to make the assault. Walworth

gallantly ordered his men to trail arms and advance at the accelerated

pace; but at the moment when they were ordered to recover and charge

the enemy, the enemy broke in the utmost confusion, leaving several

men wounded on the ground which they abandoned."

This first serious obstacle to Pike's advance was the Western battery

already described, p. lxvii, where the explosion occurred before

Captain Walworth[M-24] could carry out the order to charge this work.

This accident caused some loss of life to the defenders, but none to

the assaulters. Lossing has, concerning it:

The wooden magazine of the battery, that had been

carelessly left open, blew up, killing some of the men, and

seriously damaging the defences. The dismayed enemy spiked

their cannon and fled to the next, or Half Moon battery.

Walworth pressed forward, when that, too, was abandoned,

and he found nothing within but spiked cannon. Sheaffe and

his little army, deserted by the Indians, fled to the

garrison near the governor's house, and there opened fire

upon the Americans. Pike ordered his troops to halt, and

lie flat upon the grass, while Major Eustis,[M-25] with his

artillery battery, moved to the front, and soon silenced

the great guns of the enemy.

Finan is more circumstantial in describing the casualty which did so

much to decide the fate of the day:

While this part of our force was contending with the enemy

in the woods, an unfortunate accident occurred in the

battery opposed to the fleet which proved a death blow to

the little hope that might have been entertained of a

successful issue to the proceedings of the day. A gun was

aimed at one of the vessels, and the officers, desirous of

seeing if the ball would take effect, ascended the bastion:

In the meantime the artilleryman, waiting for the word of

command to fire, held the match behind him, as is usual

under such circumstances; and the traveling magazine, a

large wooden chest, containing cartridges for the great

guns, being open just at his back, he unfortunately put

the match into it and the consequence, as may be supposed,

was dreadful indeed! Every man in the battery was blown

into the air, and the dissection of the greater part of

their bodies was inconceivably shocking! The officers were

thrown from the bastion by the shock, but escaped with a

few bruises; the cannons were dismounted, and consequently

the battery was rendered completely useless.

I was standing at the gate of the garrison when the poor

soldiers who escaped the explosion with a little life

remaining, were brought in to the hospital, and a more

afflicting sight could scarcely be witnessed. Their faces

were completely black, resembling those of the blackest

Africans; their hair frizzled like theirs, and their

clothes scorched and emitting an effluvia so strong as to

be perceived long before they reached one. One man in

particular presented an awful spectacle: he was brought in

a wheelbarrow, and from his appearance I should be inclined

to suppose that almost every bone in his body was broken;

he was lying in a powerless heap, shaking about with every

motion of the barrow, from which his legs hung dangling

down, as if only connected with his body by the skin, while

his cries and groans were of the most heart-rending

description.

Although Spartan valour was evinced by our little party, it

proved unavailing against the numbers that pressed them

upon all sides; and in consequence of the loss of the

battery, and the reduction that had been made in the number

of our troops, their ground was no longer tenable; but

after nobly and desperately withstanding their enemies for

several hours, a retreat towards the garrison became

inevitable, although every inch of the ground was

obstinately disputed.

It is remarkable that Whiting's relation of the attack has nothing

about this marked affair; it is in fact impossible to follow the

course of events in his narrative, between the conclusion of the

opening engagement and the final explosion of the main magazine.

Lossing, having brought our troops to a halt, when they were lying

upon the grass, continues with the result of Major Eustis' operations:

The firing from the garrison ceased and the Americans

expected every moment to see a white flag displayed from

the blockhouse in token of surrender. Lieut. Riddle[M-26] was

sent forward to reconnoitre. General Pike, who had just

assisted, with his own hands, in removing a wounded soldier

to a comfortable place, was sitting upon a stump conversing

with a huge British sergeant[M-27] who had been taken

prisoner, his staff standing around him. At that moment was

felt a sudden tremor of the ground, followed by a

tremendous explosion near the British garrison. The enemy,

despairing of holding the place, had blown up their powder

magazine, situated upon the edge of the water at the mouth

of a ravine, near where the buildings of the Great Western

Railway stand. The effect was terrible. Fragments of

timber, and huge stones of which the magazine walls were

built, were scattered in every direction over a space of

several hundred yards. When the smoke floated away, the

scene was appalling. Fifty-two Americans lay dead, and 180

were wounded. So badly had the affair been managed that 40

of the British also lost their lives by the explosion.[M-28]

General Armstrong states, in his History of the War of 1812, that

General Sheaffe said this explosion was accidental, his own soldiers

having been involved in its effects. General Whiting repeats this. But

both Armstrong and Whiting are clearly in error. If General Sheaffe

ever said this, he said what he knew was untrue. His words--such as

they may have been--may have referred to the earlier explosion at the

Western battery and been mistaken to apply to the main explosion. We

have his own reiterated writings, that the magazine was exploded by

his order. One of these statements is made in a hurried letter, whose

almost illegible handwriting betrays the state of mind to which this

gentleman had been reduced. It was written while he was on his retreat

to Kingston, and is addressed to his superior officer, Sir George

Prevost. The published text before me reads in part as follows

(italics editorial):

HALDIMAND, 30th April.

MY DEAR SIR GEORGE,--I have the mortification of reporting

to you that York is in the possession of the enemy, it

having on the 27th inst. been attacked by a force too

powerful to resist with success. Sixteen vessels of various

descriptions full of men, including their new ship the

Madison, formed their flotilla. The Grenadiers of the

King's suffered first in the action with the enemy (in

which Captain W. Neale was killed), and afterwards

severely, in connection with other corps, by the accidental

explosion of a battery magazine, which at the same time

disabled the battery. _I caused our grand magazine to be

blown up...._

I am, my dear Sir George, your very faithfully devoted servant,

R. H. SHEAFFE.

Another letter from General Sheaffe, dated Kingston, May 5th, when he

had become more composed in mind than he seems to have been during

his inglorious if not disgraceful flight, gives a more coherent

account and many further details. I cite it in full, from the original

MS. now in the Department of Archives at Ottawa, as kindly copied and

certified for me by Mr. L. P. Sylvain of the Library of Parliament:

KINGSTON, 5^th May, 1813.

SIR,

I did myself the honour of writing to Your Excellency on my

route from York to communicate the mortifying intelligence

that the Enemy had obtained possession of that place on the

27^th of April, and I shall now enter into a fuller

detail, than I was enabled to do at the date of that

letter.

In the evening of the 26^th of April I received

information that many Vessels had been seen from the

Highlands to the Eastward of York, soon after daylight the

next morning the Enemy's Vessels were discovered lying to

not far from the shore of the peninsula in front of the

town; they soon afterwards, sixteen in number of various

descriptions, made sail with a fresh breeze from the [_p.

2_] eastward, led by the Ship lately built at Sackett's

harbour, and anchored off the point where the french fort

[Rouillé] formerly stood; many boats full of troops were

soon discovered assembling near the Commander's Ship,

apparently with an intention of effecting a landing on the

ground off which he was anchored: our troops were ordered

into the Ravine in the rear of the Government Garden and

fields; Major Givens and the Indians with him were sent

forward through the wood to oppose the landing of the

Enemy--the Company of Glengary Light Infantry was directed

to support them, and the Militia not having arrived at the

Ravine, The Grenadiers of the King's Regiment and the small

portion of the Royal Newfoundland Fencibles belonging to

the Garrison of York were moved on, led by L^t Colonel

Heathcote of that corps, commanding the Garrison; this

movement was directed to be made within the wood, [_p. 3_]

parallel to the Lake-side, and only so far from it, as not

to be discovered by the Enemy's Vessels, several of which

were not at a great distance from the shore: Captain

Eustace's company of the King's Regiment, and some Militia

that were quartered at the east end of the town, and had

been left there during the night, lest the Enemy might make

some attempt on that flank, were ordered, with the

exception of a small party of the Militia, to join these

troops--which was soon effected: while these operations

were going on Major General Shaw, Adjudant General of

Militia led a portion of the Militia on a road at the back

of the wood to watch our rear, and to act according to

circumstances; by some mistake he led the Glengary company

away from the direction assigned to it, to accompany this

detachment, so that it came late into action, instead of

being near the Indians at its commencement; the movement of

the other troops was retarded [_p. 4_] by the difficulty of

the wood, while the Enemy being aided by the wind, rapidly

gained the shore under cover of a fire from the commodore's

ship and other vessels, and landed in spite of a spirited

opposition from major Givens and his small band of Indians;

the Enemy was shortly afterwards encountered by our handful

of troops, Captain McNeal of the King's Regiment was early

killed while gallantly leading his Company which suffered

severely: the troops fell back. I succeeded in rallying

them several times, and a detachment of the King's with

some Militia, whom I had placed near the edge of the wood

to protect our left Flank repulsed a column of the Enemy

which was advancing along the bank at the Lake side: but

our troops could not maintain the contest against the

greatly superior and increasing numbers of the Enemy--they

retired under cover of our batteries, which were engaged

with some of their Vessels, that had begun to beat up

towards [_p. 5_] the harbour, when their troops landed,

occasionally firing, and had anchored at a short distance

to the westward of the line from the Barracks to Gibraltar

Point; from that situation they kept up a heavy fire on our

batteries, on the Block House and Barracks, and on the

communications between them, some of their Guns being

thirty two pounders; to return their fire, we had two

complete twelve pounders, and old condemned guns without

trunnions (---- eighteen ---- pounders) which, after being

proved had been stocked and mounted under the direction of

Lieut. Ingouville of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, whom

I had appointed Assistant Engineer; a twelve pounder of the

same description was added during the Engagement; with

these defective means the Enemy was kept at bay for some

time, _when, by some unfortunate accident, the traveling

Magazine at the Western battery blew up and killed and

wounded a considerable number of men_ [italics editorial];

many of them belonging to the [_p. 6_] Grenadier Company of

the King's Regiment, the battery was crippled, the platform

being torn up, and one of the eighteen pounders overturned:

the Magazine was replaced and the battery restored to some

order, but it was evident that our numbers and means of

defence were inadequate to the task of maintaining

possession of York against the vast superiority of force

brought against it, though providentially little mischief

had hitherto been done by the long continued cannonade of

the Enemy, except to some of the buildings: _the troops

were withdrawn towards the town, and the grand Magazine was

at the same time blown up_ [italics editorial], the Enemy

was so near to it, that he sustained great loss, and was,

for a time, driven back by the explosion; some of our own

troops were not beyond the reach of fragments of the

stone, though they escaped with very little injury; Captain

Loring, my aide-de-camp, received a severe contusion, and

[_p. 7_] the horse he rode was killed.

The troops were halted at a ravine not far to the westward

of the ship yard, I there consulted with the Superior

Officers, and it being too apparent that a further

opposition would but render the result more disastrous,

some of the Enemy's vessels indicating an intention to move

up the harbour, in order to co-operate with their land

forces, I ordered the troops of the line to retreat on the

road to Kingston, which was effected without any annoyance

from the Enemy; when we had proceeded some miles we met the

Light Company of the King's Regiment on its march for Fort

George, I had sent an express the preceding evening to

hasten its movement, but it was at too great a distance to

be able to join us at York.

The ship on the stocks and the naval stores were destroyed

to prevent the Enemy from getting possession of them. [_p.

8_] An attempt to set fire to the Gloucester that was

fitting out for purposes of transport, proved abortive; she

was aground a mere hulk, her repairs not being half

finished: I have been informed that the enemy succeeded in

getting her off, and putting her into a state to be towed

away; a number of shipwrights having arrived from Sackett's

harbour with the expectation of employing them in a similar

task on our new ship.

The accounts of the number of the Enemy landed vary from

eighteen hundred and ninety to three thousand [!], our

force consisted of a Bombardier and twelve Gunners of the

Royal Artillery to assist whom men were drawn from other

corps, two companies of the 8th or King's Regiment, one of

them, the Grenadiers, being on its route for Fort George,

about a company in number, of the Royal [_p. 9_]

Newfoundland regiment, and one of the Glengary Light

Infantry, and about three hundred Militia and Dock Yard

men; the quality of some of these troops was of so superior

a description, and their general disposition so good, that

under less unfavourable circumstances we might have

repulsed the Enemy in spite of his numbers, or have made

him pay dearly for success; as it was, according to the

reports that have reached me, his loss was much greater

than ours, a return of which I have the honour of

transmitting, except of that of the Militia, of which a

return has not yet been received; but I believe it to have

been inconsiderable: Donald McLean Esqr Clerk of the House

of Assembly gallantly volunteered his services with a

musket, and was killed.

[_p. 10_] Captain Jarvis of the Incorporated Militia, a

meritorious Officer, who had a share in the successes at

Detroit and Queenston, had been sent with a party of

Militia in three batteaux for the Militia Clothing, which

had been left on the road from Kingston, he came to me

during the action to report his arrival, and soon

afterwards he was severely wounded: a few of the Indians

(Missasagus & Chipeways) were killed and wounded, among the

latter were two chiefs.

Thinking it highly probable that the Enemy would pay an

early visit to York, I had remained there long beyond the

period I had originally assigned for my departure to fort

George, in order to expedite the preparations which the

means in my power enabled me to make for the defence of the

place; Your [_p. 11_] Excellency knows that I had intended

to place Colonel Myers, Acting Quarter Master General, in

the command there, at least for a time; I afterwards learnt

that Colonel Young was in movement towards me with the 8th

or King's Regt. I then decided to give him the Command to

avoid the inconvenience of seperating (_sic_) the head of a

department from me, and being informed that he was to move

up by himself as speedily as possible, I was for some time

in daily expectation of seeing him; at length, having

reason to believe that he was to accompany one of the

divisions of his Regiment, I wrote to him both by the land

and by the water route to come to me without delay; about

the 25th of April I received certain intelligence, of what

had been [_p. 12_] before rumoured, that he was detained at

Kingston by a severe illness, and on the 26th I learnt that

Colonel Myers was to leave Fort George that day for York, I

therefore determined to wait for his arrival, and to leave

him in the command until Colonel Young might be in a state

to relieve him; it was in the evening of the same day that

I heard of the approach of the Enemy: I have thought it

proper to enter into this explanation, as Your Excellency

may have expected that I had returned to Fort George before

the period at which the attack was made on York. I propose

remaining here until I shall have received Your

Excellency's Commands.

I have the honour to be,

With great respect,

Your Excellency's

Most obedient

humble servant

[Signed] R. H. SHEAFFE.

M. Gen. Command.

His Excellency

SIR. GEORGE PREVOST. Bt

et. et. et.

Certified a true copy of the original letter in the

Department of Archives, Ottawa.

[Signed] L. P. SYLVAIN, Assist. Libr., Nov. 2d, 1894.

Here is the clear and intelligible testimony of the British commanding

general to the facts that there were two explosions, one of which was

accidental and destructive to his own men, the other designed and

executed by his own command. It is believed to have been a little

premature, in the confusion of an evacuation that was nothing short of

a rout, before the defenders were quite out of reach of its effects;

but that they suffered little from what wrought such havoc with the

Americans, is incontestable. The ethics of the catastrophe I leave to

be discussed by professional military critics; but it seems to me that

General Sheaffe was justified in inflicting the utmost possible injury

upon the enemy, and that he would have been chargeable with culpable

neglect of duty if he had allowed valuable munitions of war to fall

into their hands.

Before resuming the main thread of this painful narration I will

introduce two accounts, both by eye-witnesses.

One of these is contained in an extract of a letter from a field

officer in the force which landed at York, name not given, to the War

Department, as published in Niles' Register, IV. p. 193. It is

explicit regarding both explosions, though loose in statement of

numbers killed by each, and in some other respects:

The column of attack consisted of the 6th, 15th, 16th, and

21st regiments of infantry, and a detachment of the light

and heavy artillery. Major Forsyth's corps of riflemen, and

Lieut. Col. M'Clure's corps of volunteers acted on the

flanks. There was a long piece of woods to go through,

which offered many obstructions to our heavy ordnance. As

was expected, we were there annoyed on our flanks by a part

of the British and Indians, with a six-pounder and two

howitzers. One of the enemies batteries [the Western]

accidentally blew up, by which they lost 50 men of the 8th

regiment. A part of our force was detached from our column,

as it came into the open ground, who carried the second

battery by storm. The troops were halted a few minutes to

bring up the heavy artillery to play on the blockhouse.

General Sheaffe, despairing of holding the town, ordered

fire to be put to the magazine, in which there were 500

barrels of powder, many cart loads of stone, and an immense

quantity of iron, shells and shot. The explosion was

tremendous. The column was raked from front to rear.

General Pike and his three aids, and 250 officers and men

were killed or wounded in the column. Notwithstanding this

calamity and the discomfiture that might be expected to

follow it, the troops gave three cheers, instantly formed

the column, and marched on toward the town. General

Sheaffe fled and left his papers and baggage behind

him.[M-29]

Finan gives a vivid picture of what he saw of the catastrophe. It must

be taken with some allowance, perhaps, for the force of the impression

which the terrible scene made upon him at the moment, and the

subsequent insistence with which his memory dwelt upon such a

spectacle; but it can hardly be much overdrawn:

The governor's house, with some smaller buildings, formed a

square, at the center battery, and under it the grand

magazine, containing a large quantity of powder, was

situated. As there were only two or three guns at this

battery, and it but a short distance from the garrison, the

troops did not remain in it, but retreated to the latter.

When the Americans commanded by one of their best generals,

Pike, reached this small battery, instead of pressing

forward, they halted, and the general sat down on one of

the guns; a fatal proceeding--for, in a few minutes, his

advance guard, consisting of about 300 men and himself,

were blown into the air by the explosion of the grand

magazine.

Some time before this horrible circumstance took place, the

vessels had commenced firing upon the garrison, which

obliged the females, and children, &c. to leave it; we

therefore retired into the country, to the house of an

officer of the militia, where we remained a short time; but

feeling anxious to know the fate of the day, I left the

house without the knowledge of my mother, and was

proceeding toward the garrison when the explosion took

place. I heard the report, and felt a tremendous motion in

the earth, resembling the shock of an earthquake; and,

looking towards the spot, I saw an immense cloud ascend

into the air. I was not aware at the moment what it had

been occasioned by, but it had an awfully grand effect; at

first it was a great confused mass of smoke, timber, men,

earth, &c. but as it rose, in a most majestic manner, it

assumed the shape of a vast balloon. When the whole mass

had ascended to a considerable height, and the force by

which the timber, &c. were impelled upwards became spent,

the latter fell from the cloud and spread over the

surrounding plain. I stopped to observe the cloud, which

preserved its round shape while it remained within my view.

I then advanced towards the garrison, but had not proceeded

much farther until I discovered our little party collected

in a close body between the town and that place, which

latter they had been obliged to evacuate.

It is said, "Death loves a shining mark." One of the missiles that

hurtled down on that devoted band sought out their heroic leader with

fatal effect. A piece of rock fell on General Pike's back, and "broke

in upon the very springs of life," to use Whiting's words. A sadly

realistic memento of the speedily fatal injury reaches us from one of

his aids, who was by his side and was himself gravely wounded.

Lieutenant Fraser says, in a private letter he wrote by Pike's special

injunction, which appeared in the Aurora, and afterward in Niles'

address you at the particular order of the late General Pike. After he

had been mortally wounded, his words were exactly these: '... I am

mortally wounded--my ribs and back are stove in--write my friend D...

and tell him what you know of the battle--and to comfort my ....' Some

things else he said, on which I shall again write you; and many

things he said for your ear have escaped me through the severity of my

own bruises."

The dying general was carried to a boat at the lake side and conveyed

to the Pert, whence he was taken aboard the flagship Madison. Some

recorded words of his last moments need not be scanned with critical

eye. When those who bore their fallen leader reached the boat the

huzza of the troops fell upon his ears. "What does it mean?" he feebly

asked. "Victory!" was the reply; "the Union Jack is coming down,

General--the Stars and Stripes are going up!" The dying hero's face

lighted up with a smile of ecstasy. His spirit lingered a few hours.

Before the end came, the British flag was brought to him. He made a

sign to place it under his head; and thus he expired.[M-30]

Military history hardly furnishes a closer parallel than that between

the death of Pike before York and of Wolfe before Quebec. Each led to

the assault; each conquered; each fell in the arms of victory; each is

said to have pillowed his head on the stricken colors of the

defenders. On the other hand, no contrast could be more obtrusive than

that between the fall of Brock before Queenstown Heights and the

conduct of his successor, Sheaffe, at York. The latter fled on the

heels of disaster across the Don and on toward Kingston; even his

personal baggage and papers fell into the hands of his enemy; the very

terms of the surrender of York were agreed upon by others, in the

absence of its late defender. But it is needless to pursue this

subject. General Sheaffe has by none been more severely criticised

than by British writers.

When General Pike fell, the command devolved by seniority upon

Colonel Pearce,[M-31] of the 16th Infantry, until General Dearborn

arrived upon the scene. Lieutenant Riddle's detachment was so near the

place of explosion that it escaped the deadly shower; but the

Americans scattered in dismay at the catastrophe. They were rallied by

Brigade-Major Hunt and Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell of the 3d

Artillery. The column was formed again and led into the captured town

without further resistance. Colonel Pearce sent a flag, demanding

immediate and unconditional surrender--and surrender it was, with the

single stipulation that private property should be respected. As soon

as practicable General Dearborn left the fleet for York, where he was

in command before night fell. His first dispatch to the Secretary of

War appears as follows in the text of Fay's Collection, p. 81, and is

substantially the same in Niles' Register, IV. p. 178:

HEADQUARTERS, YORK, CAPITAL OF U. C.

April 27, 1813--8 o'clock, P. M.

SIR--We are in full possession of this place, after a sharp

conflict, in which we lost some brave officers and

soldiers. General Sheaffe commanded the British troops,

militia, and Indians, in person.--We shall be prepared to

sail for the next object of the expedition, the first

favourable wind. I have to lament the loss of the brave and

active Brig. Gen. Pike.

I am, &c.

H. DEARBORN.

Hon. J. ARMSTRONG.

The official reports of General Dearborn and of Commodore Chauncey to

their respective Secretaries of War and of the Navy appear in full in

Niles' Register, IV. pp. 178-180; in Brannan's Official Letters, pp.

146-149, and in Fay's Collection of Official Documents, pp. 81-85. The

text of Dearborn's in Niles is in greater part as follows:

HEADQUARTERS, YORK, CAPITAL OF UPPER CANADA,

April 28, 1813.

SIR:

After a detention of some days by adverse winds, we arrived

at this place yesterday morning, and at eight o'clock

commenced landing the troops, about three miles westward

from the town, and one mile and a half from the enemy's

works. The wind was high and in unfavorable direction for

the boats, which prevented the landing of the troops at a

clear field, the scite of the ancient French fort Toronto

[Rouillé]. It prevented, also, many of the armed vessels

from taking positions which would have most effectually

covered our landing, but everything that could be done was

effected.

The riflemen under Major Forsyth first landed, under a

heavy fire from the Indians and other troops. General

Sheaffe commanded in person. He had collected his whole

force in the woods near the point where the wind compelled

our troops to land. His force consisted of 700 regulars and

militia, and 100 Indians. Major Forsyth was supported as

promptly as possible; but the contest was sharp and severe

for nearly half an hour, and the enemy were repulsed by a

number far inferior to theirs. As soon as General Pike

landed with 700 or 800 men and the remainder of the troops

were pushing for the shore, the enemy retreated to their

works. Our troops were now formed on the ground originally

intended for their landing, advanced through a thick wood,

and after carrying one [the Western] battery by assault,

were moving in columns toward the main work; when within 60

rods of this, a tremendous explosion took place from a

magazine previously prepared, which threw out such immense

quantities of stone as most seriously to injure our troops.

I have not yet been able to collect the returns of the

killed and wounded; but our loss will I fear exceed 100

[see p. xci]; and among those I have to lament the loss of

that brave and excellent officer, Brigadier-General Pike,

who received a concussion from a large stone, which

terminated his valuable life within a few hours. His loss

will be severely felt.

Previously to this explosion the enemy had retired into the

town, excepting a party of regulars, to the number of 40,

who did not escape the effects of the shock....

General Sheaffe moved off with the regular troops and left

the commanding officer of the militia to make the best

terms he could. In the mean time all further resistance on

the part of the enemy ceased, and the outlines of a

capitulation were agreed on....

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.,

[Signed] HENRY DEARBORN.

HON. GEN. JOHN ARMSTRONG,

Secretary of War, Washington.

The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Volume 1 (of 3) To Headwaters of the Mississippi River Through Louisiana Territory, and in New Spain, During the Years 1805-6-7. · 第 10 / 19 章

This letter I presented personally, & after the general had