fearful blows dealt by the Five Nations, the Susquehannas sent an
embassy to offer them aid against the common enemy. (_Gendron,
Quelques Particularitez du Pays des Hurons_, p. 7). Nor was the offer
one of little value, for the Susquehannas could put in the field
1,300 warriors (_Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1647–8, p. 58)
trained to the use of fire arms and European modes of war by three
Swedish soldiers whom they had obtained to instruct them. (_Proud’s
Pennsylvania_, I, p. 111; _Bozman’s Maryland_, II, p. 273.) Before
interposing in the war, they began by negotiation, and sent an embassy
to Onondaga to urge the cantons to peace. (_Relation_, 1648, p. 58).
The Iroquois refused, and the Hurons, sunk in apathy, took no active
steps to secure the aid of the friendly Susquehannas.
That tribe, however, maintained its friendly intercourse with its
European neighbors, and in 1652 Sawahegeh, Auroghteregh, Scarhuhadigh,
Rutchogah and Nathheldianeh, in presence of a Swedish deputy, ceded to
Maryland all the territory from the Patuxent river to Palmer’s island,
and from the Choptauk to the northeast branch north of Elk river.
(_Bozman’s Maryland_, II, p. 683).
Four years later the Iroquois, grown insolent by their success in
almost annihilating their kindred tribes north and south of Lake Erie,
the Wyandots, Dinondadies, Neuters and Eries, provoked a war with the
Susquehannas, plundering their hunters on Lake Ontario. (_Relation de
la Nouvelle France_, 1657, pp. 11, 18).
It was at this important period in their history that Alsop knew and
described them to us.
In 1661 the small-pox, that scourge of the native tribes, broke out
in their town, sweeping off many and enfeebling the nation terribly.
War had now begun in earnest with the Five Nations; and though the
Susquehannas had some of their people killed near their town (_Hazard’s
Annals_, 341–7), they in turn pressed the Cayugas so hard that some of
them retreated across Lake Ontario to Canada (_Relation de la Nouvelle
France_, 1661, p. 39, 1668, p. 20). They also kept the Senecas in such
alarm that they no longer ventured to carry their peltries to New York,
except in caravans escorted by six hundred men, who even took a most
circuitous route. (_Relation_, 1661, p. 40). A law of Maryland passed
May 1, 1661, authorized the governor to aid the Susquehannas.
Smarting under constant defeat, the Five Nations solicited French
aid (_Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1662–3, p. 11, 1663–4, p. 33;
_Charlevoix_, II, p. 134), but in April, 1663, the Western cantons
raised an army of eight hundred men to invest and storm the fort of the
Susquehannas. They embarked on Lake Ontario, according to the French
account, and then went overland to the Susquehanna. On reaching the
fort, however, they found {120} it well defended on the river side,
and on the land side with two bastions in European style with cannon
mounted and connected by a double curtain of large trees. After some
trifling skirmishes the Iroquois had recourse to stratagem. They sent
in a party of twenty-five men to treat of peace and ask provisions to
enable them to return. The Susquehannas admitted them, but immediately
burned them all alive before the eyes of their countrymen. (_Relation
de la Nouvelle France_, 1663, p. 10). The Pennsylvania writers,
(_Hazard’s Annals of Pennsylvania_, p. 346) make the Iroquois force one
thousand six hundred, and that of the Susquehannas only one hundred.
They add that when the Iroquois retreated, the Susquehannas pursued
them, killing ten and taking as many.
After this the war was carried on in small parties, and Susquehanna
prisoners were from time to time burned at Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca and
Cayuga (_Relations de la Nouvelle France_, 1668 to 1673), and their
prisoners doubtless at Canoge on the Susquehanna. In the fall of 1669
the Susquehannas, after defeating the Cayugas, offered peace, but the
Cayugas put their ambassador and his nephew to death, after retaining
him five or six months; the Oneidas having taken nine Susquehannas
and sent some to Cayuga, with forty wampum belts to maintain the war.
(_Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1670, p. 68.)
At this time the great war chief of the Susquehannas was one styled
Hochitagete or Barefoot (_Relation de la Nouvelle France_, 1670, p.
47); and raving women and crafty medicine men deluded the Iroquois
with promises of his capture and execution at the stake (_Relation_,
1670, p. 47), and a famous medicine man of Oneida appeared after death
to order his body to be taken up and interred on the trail leading to
the Susquehannas as the only means of saving that canton from ruin.
(_Relation_, 1672, p. 20.)
Towards the summer of 1672 a body of forty Cayugas descended the
Susquehanna in canoes, and twenty Senecas went by land to attack
the Susquehannas in their fields; but a band of sixty Andasté or
Susquehanna boys, the oldest not over sixteen, attacked the Senecas,
and routed them, killing one brave and taking another. Flushed with
victory they pushed on to attack the Cayugas, and defeated them also,
killing eight and wounding with arrow, knife and hatchet, fifteen or
sixteen more, losing, however, fifteen or sixteen of their gallant
band. (_Relation_, 1672, p. 24.)
At this time the Susquehannas or Andastés were so reduced by war and
pestilence that they could muster only three hundred warriors. In 1675,
however, the Susquehannas were completely overthrown (_Etat Present_,
1675, manuscript; _Relation_, 1676, p. 2; _Relations Inédites_, II, p.
44; _Colden’s Five Nations_, I, p. 126), but unfortunately we have no
details whatever as to the forces which effected it, or the time or
manner of their utter defeat.
A party of about one hundred retreated into Maryland, and occupied
some abandoned Indian forts. Accused of the murder of some settlers,
apparently slain by the Senecas, they sent five of their chiefs to
the Maryland and Virginia troops, under Washington and Brent, who
went out in {121} pursuit. Although coming as deputies, and showing
the Baltimore medal and certificate of friendship, these chiefs were
cruelly put to death. The enraged Susquehannas then began a terrible
border war, which was kept till their utter destruction (S. F.
Streeter’s Destruction of the Susquehannas, _Historical Magazine_,
I, p. 65). The rest of the tribe, after making overtures to Lord
Baltimore, submitted to the Five Nations, and were allowed to retain
their ancient grounds. When Pennsylvania was settled, they became known
as Conestogas, and were always friendly to the colonists of Penn, as
they had been to the Dutch and Swedes. In 1701 Canoodagtoh, their king,
made a treaty with Penn, and in the document they are styled Minquas,
Conestogos or Susquehannas. They appear as a tribe in a treaty in 1742,
but were dwindling away. In 1763 the feeble remnant of the tribe became
involved in the general suspicion entertained by the colonists against
the red men, arising out of massacres on the borders. To escape danger
the poor creatures took refuge in Lancaster jail, and here they were
all butchered by the Paxton boys, who burst into the place. Parkman in
his _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, p. 414, details the sad story.
The last interest of this unfortunate tribe centres in Logan, the
friend of the white man, whose speech is so familiar to all, that we
must regret that it has not sustained the historical scrutiny of Brantz
Mayer (_Tahgahjute; or, Logan and Capt. Michael Cresap_, Maryland Hist.
Soc., May, 1851; and 8vo, Albany, 1867). Logan was a Conestoga, in
other words a Susquehanna.
_Note_ 47, _page_ 71.
The language of the Susquehannas, as Smith remarks, differed from that
of the Virginian tribes generally. As already stated, it was one of the
dialects of the Huron-Iroquois, and its relation to other members of
the family may be seen by the following table of the numerals:
Susquehanna
or Minqua. Hochelaga. Huron. Mohawk. Onondaga.
1. Onskat, Segada, Eskate, Easka, Unskat.
2. Tiggene, Tigneny, Téni, Tekeni, Tegni.
3. Axe, Asche, Hachin, Aghsea, Achen.
4. Raiene, Honnacon, Dac, Kieri, Gayeri.
5. Wisck, Ouiscon, Ouyche, Wisk, Wisk.
6. Jaiack, Indahir, Houhahea, Yayak, Haiak.
7. Tzadack, Ayaga, Sotaret, Jatak, Tchiatak.
8. Tickerom, Addegue, Attaret, Satego, Tegeron.
9. Waderom, Madellon, Nechon, Tiyohto, Waderom.
10. Assan, Assem, Oyeri.
{122}
_Note_ 48, _page_ 73.
Smith thus describes them: “Sixty of those Sasquesahanocks came to vs
with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, swords and Tobacco pipes for
presents. Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene, for
they seemed like Giants to the English; yea and to the neighbours, yet
seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained
from adoring vs as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those
Countries, both in language and attire; for their language it may well
beseeme their proportions, sounding from them as a voyce in a vault.
Their attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolues, some have Cassacks
made of Beares heads and skinnes, that a mans head goes through the
skinnes neck, and the eares of the Beare fastened to his shoulders,
the nose and teeth hanging downe his breast, another Beares face split
behind him, and at the end of the Nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeues
comming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares and the armes through
the mouth with the pawes hanging at their noses. One had the head of a
Wolfe hanging in a chaine for a Iewell, his tobacco pipe three-quarters
of a yard long, prettily carued with a Bird, a Deere or some such
devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out ones braines; with
Bowes, Arrowes and Clubs, suitable to their greatnesse. They are scarce
known to Powhatan. They can make near 600 able men, and are palisadoed
in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes, their mortal
enemies. Five of their chief Werowances came aboord vs and crossed the
Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in
the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was three-quarters of a yard about,
and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that
he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hayre, the one side
was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crowue like a
cocks combe. His arrowes were five-quarters long, headed with the
splinters of a White christall-like stone, in form of a heart, an inch
broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore in a Woolues
skinne at his backe for his quiver, his bow in one hand and his club in
the other, as described.”—_Smith’s Voyages_ (Am. ed.), I, p. 119–20.
Tattooing referred to by our author, was an ancient Egyptian custom,
and is still retained by the women. See _Lane’s Modern Egyptians_, etc.
It was forbidden to the Jews in _Leviticus_, 19: 28.
_Note_ 49, _page_ 74.
“_Purchas, his Pilgrimage_, or Relations of the World, and the
Religions observed in all Ages and Places discovered, from the Creation
unto this present,” 1 vol., folio, 1613. In spite of Alsop, Purchas is
still highly esteemed. {123}
_Note_ 50, _page_ 75.
As to their treatment of prisoners, see _Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages_,
II, p. 260.
_Note_ 51, _page_ 75.
Smith thus locates their town: “The Sasquesahannocks inhabit vpon the
cheefe spring of these foure branches of the Bayes head, one day’s
journey higher than our barge could passe for rocks,” vol. I, p. 182.
Campanius thus describes their town, which he represents as twelve
miles from New Sweden: “They live on a high mountain, very steep
and difficult to climb; there they have a fort or square building,
surrounded with palisades. There they have guns and small iron cannon,
with which they shoot and defend themselves, and take with them when
they go to war.”—_Campanius’s Nye Sverige_, p. 181; Du Ponceau’s
translation, p. 158. A view of a Sasquesahannock town is given in
_Montanus, De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld_ (1671), p. 136, based
evidently on Smith. De Lisle’s Map, dated June, 1718, lays down Canoge,
Fort des Indiens Andastés ou Susquehanocs at about 40° N.; but I find
the name nowhere else.
_Note_ 52, _page_ 77.
Scalping was practiced by the Scythians. (_Herodotus_, book IV, and in
the second book of _Macchabees_, VII, 4, 7). Antiochus is said to have
caused two of the seven Macchabee brothers to be scalped. “The skin
of the head with the hairs being drawn off.” The torture of prisoners
as here described originated with the Iroquois, and spread to nearly
all the North American tribes. It was this that led the Algonquins to
give the Iroquois tribes the names Magoué, Nadoué or Nottaway, which
signified cruel. _Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages_, II, p. 287.
_Note_ 53, _page_ 78.
The remarks here as to religion are vague. The Iroquois and Hurons
recognized Aireskoi or Agreskoe, as the great deity, styling him also
Teharonhiawagon. As to the Hurons, see _Sagard, Histoire du Canada_, p.
485. The sacrifice of a child, as noted by Alsop, was unknown in the
other tribes of this race, and is not mentioned by Campanius in regard
to this one. {124}
_Note_ 54, _page_ 78.
The priests were the medicine men in all probability; no author
mentioning any class that can be regarded properly as priests.
_Note_ 55, _page_ 78.
The burial rites here described resemble those of the Iroquois
(_Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages_, II, pp. 389, 407) and of the Hurons,
as described by Sagard (_Histoire du Canada_, p. 702) in the manner of
placing the dead body in a sitting posture; but there it was wrapped
in furs, encased in bark and set upon a scaffold till the feast of the
dead.
_Note_ 56, _page_ 79.
Sagard, in his _Huron Dictionary_, gives village, _andata_; he is in
the fort or village, _andatagon_; which is equivalent to _Connadago_,
_nd_ and _nn_ being frequently used for each other.
_Note_ 57, _page_ 80.
For the condition of the women in a kindred tribe, compare _Sagard,
Histoire du Canada_, p. 272; _Grand Voyage_, p. 130; _Perrot, Moeurs et
Coustumes des Sauvages_, p. 30.
_Note_ 58, _page_ 80.
Among the Iroquois the husband elect went to the wife’s cabin and sat
down on the mat opposite the fire. If she accepted him she presented
him a bowl of hominy and sat down beside him, turning modestly away. He
then ate some and soon after retired.—_Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages_,
I, p. 566.
_Note_ 59, _page_ 81.
Sagard, in his _Histoire du Canada_, p. 185, makes a similar remark as
to the Hurons, a kindred tribe, men and women acting as here stated,
and he says that in this they resembled the ancient Egyptians. Compare
_Hennepin, Moeurs des Sauvages_, p. 54; _Description d’un Pays plus
grand que l’Europe, Voyages au Nord_, V, p. 341. {125}
_Note_ 60, _page_ 96.
This characteristic of the active trading propensities of the early
settlers will apply to the present race of Americans in a fourfold
degree.
_Note_ 61, _page_ 96.
One who brought goods to Maryland without following such advice as
Alsop gives, describes in Hudibrastic verse his doleful story in the
_Sot Weed Factor_, recently reprinted.
_Note_ 62, _page_ 96.
For an account of this gentleman, see ante, p. 13.
_Note_ 63, _page_ 97.
The rebellion in Maryland, twice alluded to by our author in his
letters, was a very trifling matter. On the restoration of Charles II,
Lord Baltimore sent over his brother Philip Calvert as governor, with
authority to proceed against Governor Fendall, who, false alike to all
parties, was now scheming to overthrow the proprietary government. The
new governor was instructed on no account to permit Fendall to escape
with his life; but Philip Calvert was more clement than Lord Baltimore,
and though Fendall made a fruitless effort to excite the people to
opposition, he was, on his voluntary submission, punished by a merely
short imprisonment. This clemency he repaid by a subsequent attempt to
excite a rebellion.—_McMahon’s History of Maryland_, pp. 213–14, citing
Council Proceedings from 1656 to 1668, liber H. H., 74 to 82.
THE END.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Original spelling and grammar have been generally retained, with
some exceptions noted below. Original small caps (and also one
phrase in bold type) are now uppercase. Italics look _like this_.
Enlarged curly brackets, used to combine information from two or
more lines of text have been discarded. The transcriber produced
the cover image and hereby assigns it to the public domain.
The primary source of page images was archive.org—search for
“characterofprovi00alsorich”. Secondary sources, also at archive.org,
were “characterofprovince00also” and “gowansbibliothec00gowaiala”
There were two series of page numbers printed on each page of the
main text. One series, printed with gaps from 10 to 125, was printed
at the top of each page in an ornamented header. This series has been
retained, and is shown in curly brackets like this: {52}. Page one of
this series, inferred by counting back from ten, is the title page of
_Gowans’ Bibliotheca Americana 5_, New York, William Gowans, 1869. The
other series, printed with gaps from 417 to 533, in smaller type at the
bottom of each page, has been discarded. The book actually transcribed
herein was a reissue of _Gowans’ Bibliotheca Americana 5_, titled
_Fund-Publication, No. 15. A Character of the Province of Maryland_,
The Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, 1880.
Page 106. Changed “capaple” to “capable”.
Page 117. Changed “p. II, 397” to “II, p. 397”.
Page 119. Changed “p. 7),” to “p. 7).”. Changed “1647–8. p. 58)” to
“1647–8, p. 58)”. Also “p. 273. Before” to “p. 273.) Before”.
Page 121. “Waderom,” to “Waderom.”, in the last column of the table.
Page 122. Added left double quotation mark to ‘_Purchas, his
Pilgrimage_, or Relations’, to match the one after ‘this present,’.
Page 124. Changed “p, 566” to “p. 566”.