[225] A further and more specific parallel between Lotherus and Heremod has

been pointed out by Sarrazin (_Anglia_, XIX, 392). It seems from _Beowulf_

that Heremod went into exile (ll. 1714-15), and apparently _mid Eotenum_

(l. 902) which (in view of the use of the word _Eotena_, _Eotenum_, in the

_Finnsburg_ episode) very probably means "among the Jutes." A late

Scandinavian document tells us that _Lotherus ... superatus in Jutiam

profugit_ (Messenius, _Scondia illustrata_, printed 1700, but written about

1620).

[226] Pointed out by Panzer. A possible parallel to the old man who hides

his treasure is discussed by Bugge and Olrik in _Dania_, I, 233-245

(1890-92).

[227] Cf. Ettmueller, _Scopas and Boceras_, 1850, p. ix; _Carmen de

Beovvulfi rebus gestis_, 1875, p. iii.

[228] _P.B.B._ XI, 167-170.

[229] Sarrazin, _Der Schauplatz des ersten Beowulfliedes_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 170

_etc._); Sievers, _Die Heimat des Beowulfdichters_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 354

_etc._); Sarrazin, _Altnordisches im Beowulfliede_ (_P.B.B._ XI, 528

_etc._); Sievers, _Altnordisches im Beowulf?_ (_P.B.B._ XII, 168 _etc._)

[230] _Beovulf-Studien_, 68.

[231] Sarrazin has countered this argument by urging that since the present

day Swedes and Danes have better manners than the English, they therefore

presumably had better manners already in the eighth century. I admit the

premises, but deny the deduction.

[232] Sedgefield, _Beowulf_ (1st ed.), p. 27.

[233] Schueck, _Studier i Beovulfsagan_, 41.

[234] The brief _Fata Apostolorum_ is doubted by Sievers (_Anglia_, XIII,

24).

[235] Two of these occur twice: _h[=a]tan heolfre_, 1423, 849; _n[=i]owan

stefne_, 1789, 2594; the rest once only, 141, 561, 963, 977, 1104, 1502,

1505, 1542, 1746, 2102, 2290, 2347, 2440, 2482, 2492, 2692. See Barnouw,

51.

[236] 74, 99, 122, 257, 390, 412.

[237] _Christ_, 510.

[238] Lichtenheld omits 2011, _se m[=ae]ra mago Healfdenes_, inserting

instead 1474, where the same phrase occurs, but with a vocative force.

[239] 758, 813, 2011, 2587, 2928, 2971, 2977, 3120.

[240] 1199.

[241] 102, 713, 919, 997, 1016, 1448, 1984, 2255, 2264, 2675, 3024, 3028,

3097.

[242] Saintsbury in _Short History of English Literature_, I. 3.

[243] Morsbach, 270.

[244] Morsbach, 271.

[245] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 4.

[246] "Thus in place of the expression _to widan feore_ we find

occasionally _widan feore_ in the same sense, and even in _Beowulf_ we meet

with _widan feorh_, which is not improbably the oldest form of the phrase.

Before the loss of the final _-u_ it [_widan feorhu_] would be a perfectly

regular half verse, but the operation of this change would render it

impossible and necessitate the substitution of a synonymous expression. In

principle, it should be observed, the assumption of such substitutions

seems to be absolutely necessary, unless we are prepared to deny that any

old poems or even verses survived the period of apocope." Chadwick, _Heroic

Age_, pp. 46-7.

[247] _Heroic Age_, 46.

[248] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 81. See Morsbach, 260.

[249] The most important examples being _breguntford_ (Birch, _Cart. Sax._

No. 115, dating between 693 and 731; perhaps 705): _heffled_ in the life of

St Gregory written by a Whitby monk apparently before 713: _-gar_ on the

Bewcastle Column, earlier than the end of the first quarter of the eighth

century and perhaps much earlier: and many names in _ford_ and _feld_ in

the Moore MS of Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_ (a MS written about 737).

[250] An English Miscellany presented to Dr Furnivall, 370.

[251] Grienberger, _Anglia_, XXVII, 448.

[252] i.e. _flodu ahof_ might stand for _fl[=o]d u[p] [)a]h[=o]f_, as is

suggested by Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 69.

[253] In the Franks casket _b_ already appears as _f_, and the _n_ of

_sefu_, "seven," has been lost.

[254] Birch, _Cart. Sax._ No. 45.

[255] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 67: "In personal names we must clearly allow

for traditional orthography." Morsbach admits this in another connection

(p. 259).

[256] Luebke's preface to Muellenhoff's _Beovulf_. Both the tendencies

specially associated with Muellenhoff's name--the "mythologizing" and the

"dissecting"--are due to the influence of Lachmann. It must be frankly

admitted that on these subjects Muellenhoff did not begin his studies with

an open mind.

[257] "Es ist einfach genug"--_Beovulf_, 110.

[258] Moeller, _V.E._ 140: cf. Schuecking, _B.R._ 14.

[259] Earle, _Deeds of Beowulf_, xlix (an excellent criticism of

Muellenhoff).

[260] Heusler, _Lied u. Epos_, 26.

[261] _Epic and Romance_, Chap. II, s. 2.

[262] _Ballad and Epic_, 311-12.

[263] _Beowulfs Rueckkehr_, 1905.

[264] e.g. _Genesis_.

[265] Chap. IV, pp. 29-33.

[266] Chap. V, pp. 34-41.

[267] Chap. VI, cf. esp. p. 50.

[268] In the portion which Schuecking excludes, we twice have _g[=ae]dh_ =

_g[=a]idh_ (2034, 2055). Elsewhere in the _Return_ we have _d[=o]n_ =

_d[=o]an_ (2166) whilst _fr[=e]a_ (1934), _Hondsci[=o]_ (2076) need to be

considered.

[269] 2069.

[270] 2093.

[271] _Satzverknuepfung im Beowulf_, 139.

[272] _Th[=y]l[=ae]s_ = "lest" (1918); _ac_ in direct question (1990);

_th[=a]_ occurring unsupported late in the sentence (2192); _forth[=a]m_

(1957) [see Sievers in _P.B.B._ XXIX, 313]; _sw[=a]_ = "since," "because"

(2184). But Schuecking admits in his edition two other instances of

_forth[=a]m_ (146 and 2645), so this can hardly count.

[273] _h[=y]rde ic_ as introducing a statement, 62, 2163, 2172; _sidh dhan

[=ae]rest_, 6, 1947.

[274] A similar use of _th[=a]_, 1078, 1988; cf. 1114, 1125, 2135.

[275] _haebbe_, 1928; _g[=e]ong_, 2019.

[276] _thurfe_, 2495.

[277] Schuecking, Chap. VIII.

[278] Cf. Brandl in Herrigs _Archiv_, CXV, 421 (1905).

[279] e.g. Blackburn in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XII, 204-225;

Bradley in the _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760; Chadwick, _H.A._ 49; Clarke,

_Sidelights_, 10.

[280] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.

[281] We may refer especially to the account of Attila's funeral given by

Jordanes. [Mr Chadwick's note.]

[282] Chadwick in _The Heroic Age_, 53.

[283] It is adopted, e.g., by Clarke, _Sidelights_, 8.

[284] Yet this is very doubtful: see Leeds, _Archaeology_, 27, 74.

[285] Notably in Book VIII (ed. Holder, 264) and Book III (ed. Holder, 74).

[286] 'Fasta fornlaemningar i Beowulf,' in _Ant. Tidskrift foer Sverige_,

XVIII, 4, 64.

[287] See Schuecking, _Das angelsaechsische Totenklaglied_, in _Engl.

Stud._ XXXIX, 1-13.

[288] Blackburn, in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ Cf. Hart, _Ballad and

Epic_, 175.

[289] Clark Hall, xlvii.

[290] Blackburn, as above, p. 126.

[291] Chadwick, in _Cambridge History_, I, 30.

[292] Clark Hall, xlvii. See, to the contrary, Klaeber in _Anglia_, XXXVI,

196.

[293] This point is fully developed by Brandl, 1002-3. As Brandl points

out, if we want to find a parallel to the hero Beowulf, saving his people

from their temporal and ghostly foes, we must look, not to the other heroes

of Old English heroic poetry, such as Waldhere or Hengest, but to Moses in

the Old English _Exodus_. [Since this was written the essentially Christian

character of _Beowulf_ has been further, and I think finally, demonstrated

by Klaeber, in the last section of his article on _Die Christlichen

Elemente im Beowulf_, in _Anglia_, XXXVI; see especially 194-199.]

[294] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 180 _etc._

[295] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._

[296] Bradley, in _Encyc. Brit._ III, 760-1.

[297] Blackburn, 218.

[298] See Finnur J['o]nsson, _Den Norsk-Islandske Skjaldedigtning_, B. ii.

473-4.

[299] MS A, followed by Magn['u]sson, makes Glam _bl['a]eygdhr_,

"blue-eyed": Boer reads _gr['a]eygdhr_, considering grey a more uncanny

colour.

[300] MS A has _fon^m_ or _fen^m_, it is difficult to tell which.

Magn['u]sson reads _fenum_, "morasses."

[301] Immediately inside the door of the Icelandic dwelling was the

_anddyri_ or vestibule. For want of a better word, I translate _anddyri_ by

"porch": but it is a porch inside the building. Opening out of this 'porch'

were a number of rooms. Chief among which were the _sk['a]li_ or "hall,"

and the _stufa_ or "sitting room," the latter reached by a passage

(_g[o,]ng_). These were separated from the "porch" by panelling. In the

struggle with Glam, Grettir is lying in the hall (_sk['a]li_), but the

panelling has all been broken away from the great cross-beam to which it

was fixed. Grettir consequently sees Glam enter the outer door; Glam turns

to the _sk['a]li_, and glares down it, leaning over the cross-beam; then

enters the hall, and the struggle begins. See Gudhmundssen (V.),

_Privatbolegen p[oa] Island i Sagatiden_, 1889.

[302] The partition beams (_set-stokkar_) stood between the middle of the

_sk['a]li_ or hall and the planked dais which ran down each side. The

strength of the combatants is such that the _stokkar_ give way. Grettir

gets no footing to withstand Glam till they reach the outer-door. Here

there is a stone set in the ground, which apparently gives a better footing

for a push than for a pull. So Grettir changes his tactics, gets a purchase

on the stone, and at the same time pushes against Glam's breast, and so

dashes Glam's head and shoulders against the lintel of the outer-door.

[303] So MS 551 a. Magn['u]sson reads _dvaldist thar_ "he stayed there."

[304] Meaning that an attack by the evil beings would at least break the

monotony.

[305] A passage (_g[o,]ng_) had to be traversed between the door of the

room (_stufa_) and the porch (_anddyri_).

[306] MSS _baelt_. Boer reads _bolat_ "hewn down."

[307] A night troll, if caught by the sunrise, was supposed to turn into

stone.

[308] _Sk['u]ta_ may be acc. of the noun _sk['u]ti_, "overhanging

precipice, cave"; or it may be the verb, "hang over." Grettir and his

companion see that the sides of the ravine are precipitous (_sk['u]ta upp_)

and so clean-cut (_meitil-berg: meitill_, "a chisel") that they give no

hold to the climber. Hence the need for the rope. The translators all take

_sk['u]ta_ as acc. of _sk['u]ti_, which is quite possible: but they are

surely wrong when they proceed to identify the _sk['u]ti_ with the _hellir_

behind the waterfall. For this cave behind the waterfall is introduced in

the _saga_ as something which Grettir discovers _after_ he has dived

beneath the fall, the fall in front naturally hiding it till then.

The verb _sk['u]ta_ occurs elsewhere in _Grettis saga_, of the glaciers

overhanging a valley. Boer's attempt to reconstruct the scene appears to me

wrong: cf. Ranisch in _A.f.d.A._ XXVIII, 217.

[309] The old editions read _fimm tigir fadhma_ "fifty fathoms": but

according to Boer's collation the best MS (A) read X, whilst four of the

five others collated give XV (_fimt['a]n_). The editors seem dissatisfied

with this: yet sixty to ninety feet seems a good enough height for a dive.

[310] _ok sat thar hj['a]_, not in MS A, nor in Boer's edition.

[311] The two poems are given according to the version of William Morris.

[312] On his first arrival at Leire, Bjarki had been attacked by, and had

slain, the watch-dogs (_R['i]mur_, IV, 41): this naturally brings him now

into disfavour, and he has to dispute with men.

[313] Reading _kappana_.

[314] The MSS have either _Sandeyar_ or _Saudeyar_ (_Saudheyar_). But that

_Sandeyar_ is the correct form is shown by the name Sandoe, which is given

still to the island of Dollsey, where Orm's fight is localized (Panzer,

403).

[315] Literally "she-cat," _ketta_; but the word may mean "giantess." It is

used in some MSS of the _Grettis saga_ of the giantess who attacks Grettir

at Sandhaugar.

[316] See Sweet, _Oldest English Texts_, 1885, p. 170.

[317] See _Catalogue of MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College,

Cambridge_ by Montague Rhodes James, Camb., 1912, p. 437.

[318] See _Publications of the Palaeographical Society_, 1880, where a

facsimile of part of the _Vespasian MS_ is given. (Pt. 10, Plate 165:

subsequently Ser. I, Vol. II.)

[319] So Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, Berlin, 1893, pp. 78 etc., and

Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196). Duchesne sums up these genealogies as

"un recueil constitu['e], vers la fin du VII^e si[`e]cle, dans le royaume

de Strathcluyd, mais compl['e]t['e] par diverses retouches, dont la

derni[`e]re est de 796."

[320] This is shown by one of the supplementary Mercian pedigrees being

made to end, both in the _Vespasian_ genealogy and the _Historia

Brittonum_, in Ecgfrith, who reigned for a few months in 796. See

Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 101).

[321] Ed. Mommsen, p. 203.

[322] Anno 626: a similar genealogy will be found in these MSS and in the

Parker MS, anno 755 (accession of Offa II).

[323] Zimmer (_Nennius Vindicatus_, p. 84) argues that this _Geta-Woden_

pedigree belongs to a portion of the _Historia Brittonum_ written down A.D.

685. Thurneysen (_Z.f.d.Ph._ XXVIII, 103-4) dates the section in which it

occurs 679; Duchesne (_Revue Celtique_, XV, 196) places it more vaguely

between the end of the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century; van

Hamel (_Hoops Reallexikon_ s.v. _Nennius_) between much the same limits,

and clearly before 705.

[324] Zimmer (p. 275) says A.D. 796; Duchesne (p. 196) A.D. 800; Thurneysen

(_Zeitschr. f. Celtische Philologie_, I, 166) A.D. 826; Skene (_Four

Ancient Books of Wales_, 1868, I, 38) A.D. 858; van Hamel (p. 304) A.D.

820-859. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 38.

[325] Bradshaw, _Investigations among Early Welsh, Breton and Cornish MSS._

in _Collected Papers_, 466.

[326] See above, p. 196.

[327] Cf. _Bretwalda_.

[328] The genealogies have recently been dealt with by E. Hackenberg, _Die

Stammtafeln der angelsaechsischen Koenigreiche_, Berlin, 1918; and by

Brandl, (Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 1-24). Most of Brandl's derivations

seem to me to depend upon very perilous conjectures. Thus he derives

_Sc[=e]fing_ from the Gr.-Lat. _scapha_, "a skiff": a word which was not

adopted into Old English. This seems to be sacrificing all probability to

the desire to find a new interpretation: and, even so, it is not quite

successful. For Riley in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, August, 1857, p. 126,

suggested the derivation of the name of Scef from the _schiff_ or _skiff_

in which he came.

[329] For a list of the Icelandic versions, see Heusler, _Die gelehrte

Urgeschichte im altislaendischen Schrifttum_, pp. 18-19, in the

_Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad._, _Phil. Hist. Klasse_, 1908, Berlin.

[330] The names are given as in the Trinity Roll (T), collated with Corpus

(C) and Moseley (M). For Paris (P) I follow Kemble's report (_Postscript to

Preface_, 1837, pp. vii, viii: _Stammtafel der Westsachsen_, pp. 18, 31).

All seem to agree in writing _t_ for _c_ in Steph and Steldius, and in

Boerinus, _obviously, as Kemble pointed out, r is written by error for

[wynn] = Beowinus_ [or _Beowius_]; Cinrinicius T, Cinrinicus C, Cininicus

P, Siuruncius M; Suethedus TCP, Suechedius M; Gethius T, Thecius M, Ehecius

CP; Geate T, Geathe CM, Geathus P.

[331] I follow the spelling of the Moseley roll in this note.

[332] _Dacia_ = "Denmark": _Dacia_ and _Dania_ were identified.

[333] _uocabitur_, Gertz; _uocatur_, all MSS.

[334] This account of the peaceful reign of Ro is simply false etymology

from Danish _ro_, "rest."

[335] Note that Ro (Hrothgar), the son of Haldanus (Healfdene), is here

represented as his father. Saxo Grammaticus, combining divergent accounts,

as he often does, accordingly mentions two Roes--one the brother of

Haldanus, the other his son. See above, pp. 131-2.

[336] _cum piratica classe_, Langebek; the MSS have _cum pietate_ (!) with

or without _classe_.

[337] _post quem_, Holder-Egger, Gertz; _postquam_, all MSS.

[338] Snyo: the viceroy whom Athisl had placed over the Danes.

[339] _in_ added by Gertz; omitted in all MSS.

[340] A scribal error for _transalbinas_, "beyond the Elbe."

[341] Assembly.

[342] Island.

[343] I have substituted _u_ for _v_, and have abandoned spellings like

_theutones_, _thezauro_, _orrifico_, _charitas_, _phas_ (for _fas_),

_atlethas_, _choercuit_, _iocundum_, _charum_, _foelicissima_, _nanque_,

_haereditarii_, _exoluere_.

The actual reading of the 1514 text is abandoned by substituting: p. 130,

l. 3 _ingeniti_ for _ingenitis_ (1514); p. 132, l. 22, _iacientis_ for

_iacentis_; p. 134, l. 2, _diutinae_ for _diutiuae_; p. 136, l. 11, _fudit_

for _fugit_; p. 136, l. 20, _ut_ for _aut_; p. 137, l. 8, _ammirationi_ for

_ammirationis_; p. 137, l. 16, _offert_ for _affert_; p. 137, l. 17,

_Roluoni_ for _Rouolni_; p. 137, l. 27, _ministerio_ for _ministros_; p.

137, l. 33 _diuturnus_ for _diuturnius_; p. 206, l. 22, _diutinam_ for

_diutina_; p. 207, l. 3, _ei_ for _eique_; p. 207, l. 5, _destituat_ for

_deficiat_; p. 209, l. 2, _latere_ for _latera_; p. 209, l. 5, _conscisci_

for _concissi_; p. 209, l. 14, _defoderat_ for _defodera_.

[344] _Above this heading_ B _has_ Gesta Offe Regis mercior_um_.

[345] A _repeats_ sibi _after_ constitueret.

[346] Hic Riganus binomin[i]s fuit. Vocabat_ur_ eni_m_ alio nomine Aliel.

Rigan_us_ u_er_o a rigore. Huic erat fili_us_ Hildebrand_us_, miles

strenuus, ab ense sic d_i_c_tu_s. Hu_n_c uoluit p_ate_r p_ro_mouere:

_Contemporary rubric in_ A, _inserted in the middle of the sketch

representing Riganus demanding the kingdom from Warmundus._

[347] optat, B.

[348] celebri, B; celibri, A.

[349] hoc, B.

[350] ueheement_er_, A.

[351] ueheementi, A.

[352] eciam, B.

[353] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B.

[354] hec _omitted_, B.

[355] _Added in margin in_ A; _not in_ B.

[356] dereliqueru_n_t, B.

[357] precipue _omitted_, B.

[358] ei _omitted_, B.

[359] Qualmhul _vel_ Q_u_almweld _in margin_, A.

[360] planies, A: planicies, _perhaps corrected from_ planies, B.

[361] blodifeld, B.

[362] Gloria t_r_iumphi, _in margin_, A.

[363] tripudium, B; tripuduum, A.

[364] scis, A, B.

[365] menbra, A.

[366] gracias, B.

[367] hosstibus, A.

[368] romotis, A.

[369] co_n_gnou_er_unt, A.

[370] Warmandi, A.

[371] habenas _repeated after_ regni _above in_ A, _but cancelled in_ B.

[372] exaggeret, B.

[373] pulcritudi_ni_s, B; pulch_r_itudini, A.

[374] i_n_gnota, A.

[375] euuangelii, B.

[376] co_n_si_n_gnatas, A.

[377] _from_ B, _written over erasure_.

[378] scrib_itu_r, B.

[379] Ep_isto_la, _in margin_, A.

[380] i_n_co_n_gnita, A.

[381] dicebant, B.

[382] frustratim, A, B.

[383] ossium, B.

[384] co_n_gnouit, A.

[385] hoc _omitted_, B.

[386] co_n_gnic_i_one, A.

[387] sui, A.

[388] obtemp_er_are, B.

[389] menbra, A.

[390] qui, AB; quae, Wats.

[391] reco_n_gnosce, A.

[392] sancte _et_ dulcissime, B.

[393] ut _added above line_, A, B.

[394] scenobium, A; _the _s_i s erased in_ B.

[395] deo, B

[396] tuinfreth, B.

[397] scenobio, A; s _erased_ B.

[398] de tiran_n_ide Beormredi reg_is_ Mercie, B.

[399] fecerat, _wanting in_ A; _added in margin_, B.

[400] Pinefredum, B; Penefredum, A, _but with_ i _above in first case._

[401] uariis _repeated_, A; _second_ variis _cancelled_, B.

[402] considerans, B, _inserted in margin; omitted_, A.

[403] Marcelline, A; Marcell, B.

[404] vixisset, B, _inserted in margin_; _omitted_, A.

[405] Alberto, _etc. passim_, B.

[406] virtutibus, _in margin, later hand,_ A; _in_ B, _over erasure._

[407] est _in margin_, A.

[408] et _omitted_, B.

[409] innotuerunt, B.

[410] in pietatis manu, B.

[411] p_re_missimis, A.

[412] sinistrum, B.

[413] quam _in margin_, A; _over erasure_, B.

[414] _Space for cap. left vacant_, A.

[415] aucmentu_m_, A.

[416] facinoris, B.

[417] co_n_gnouit, A.

[418] celeriter, B.

[419] cum _in_ A _is inserted after_ p_er_ueniss_et_, _instead of before:

and this was probably the original reading in_ B, _although subsequently

corrected._

[420] _per_, B.

[421] _corrected to_ nullaten_us_ dormire quasi suspecta_m_ p_er_misit, B.

[422] Justa Vindicta, A, _in margin_.

[423] Mr Mackie, in an excellent article on the _Fragment_ (_J.E.G.Ph._

XVI, 251) objects that my criticism of Hickes' accuracy "is not altogether

judicial." Mackie urges that, since the MS is no longer extant, we cannot

tell how far the errors are due to Hickes, and how far they already existed

in the MS from which Hickes copied.

But we must not forget that there are other transcripts by Hickes, of MSS

which _are_ still extant, and from these we can estimate his accuracy. It

is no disrespect to the memory of Hickes, a scholar to whom we are all

indebted, to recognize frankly that his transcripts are not sufficiently

accurate to make them at all a satisfactory substitute for the original MS.

Hickes' transcript of the _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 207)

shows an average of one error in every four lines: about half these errors

are mere matters of spelling, the others are serious. Hickes' transcript of

the _Calendar_ (_Thesaurus_, I, 203) shows an average of one error in every

six lines. When, therefore, we find in the _Finnsburg Fragment_

inaccuracies of exactly the type which Hickes often commits, it would be

"hardly judicial" to attribute these to the MS which he copied, and to

attribute to Hickes in this particular instance an accuracy to which he has

really no claim.

Mr Mackie doubts the legitimacy of emending _Garulf_ to _Garulf[e]_: but

we must remember that Hickes (or his printer) was systematically careless

as to the final _e_: cf. _Calendar_, 15, 23, 41, 141, 144, 171, 210;

_Gnomic Verses_, 45. Other forms in the _Finnsburg Fragment_ which can be

easily paralleled by Hickes' miswritings in the _Calendar_ and _Gnomic

Verses_ are

Confusion of _u_ and _a_ (_Finn._ 3, 27, perhaps 44) cf. _Gn._ 66.

" " _c_ " _e_ (_Finn._ 12) cf. _Cal._ 136, _Gn._ 44.

" " _e_ " _ae_ (_Finn._ 41) cf. _Cal._ 44, 73, _Gn._ 44.

" " _e_ " _a_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 74.

" " _eo_ " _ea_ (_Finn._ 28) cf. _Cal._ 121.

" " letters involving long down stroke, e.g., _f_, _s_, _r_,

_th_, _w_, _p_ (_Finn._ 2, 36) cf. _Cal._ 97, 142, 180, 181,

_Gn._ 9.

Addition of _n_ (_Finn._ 22) cf. _Cal._ 161.

[424] _Heimskringla_, chap. 220.

[425] It has been suggested that the phrase "Hengest himself" indicates

that Hengest is the "war-young king." But surely the expression merely

marks Hengest out as a person of special interest. If we _must_ assume that

he is one of the people who have been speaking, then it would be just as

natural to identify him with the watcher who has warned the king, as with

the king himself. The difficulties which prevent us from identifying

Hengest with the king are explained below.

[426] Garulf must be an assailant, since he falls at the beginning of the

struggle, whilst we are told that for five days none of the defenders fell.

[427] Very possibly Guthere is uncle of Garulf. For Garulf is said to be

son of Guthlaf (l. 35) and a _Guth_ere would be likely to be a brother of a

_Guth_laf. Further, as Klaeber points out (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 307) it is

the part of the uncle to protect and advise the nephew.

[428] Koegel, _Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ I, i, 165.

[429] Klaeber (_Engl. Stud._ XXXIX, 308) reminds us that, as there are two

warriors named Godric in the _Battle of Maldon_ (l. 325), so there may be

two warriors named Guthlaf here. But to this it might possibly be replied

that "Godric" was, in England, an exceedingly common name, "Guthlaf" an

exceedingly rare one.

[430] Finn is called the _bana_, "slayer" of Hnaef. But this does not

necessarily mean that he slew him with his own hand; it would be enough if

he were in command of the assailants at the time when Hnaef was slain. Cf.

_Beowulf_, l. 1968.

[431] The idea that Finn's Frisians are the "North Frisians" of Schleswig

has been supported by Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270) and, following

him, by many scholars, including recently Sedgefield (_Beowulf_, p. 258).

The difficulties of this view are very many: one only need be emphasized.

We first hear of these North Frisians of Schleswig in the 12th century, and

Saxo Grammaticus tells us expressly that they were a colony from the

greater Frisia (Book XIV, ed. Holder, p. 465). At what date this colony was

founded we do not know. The latter part of the 9th century has been

suggested by Langhans: so has the end of the 11th century by Lauridsen.

However this may be, all the evidence precludes our supposing this North

Friesland, or, as Saxo calls it, Fresia Minor, to have existed at the date

to which we must attribute the origin of the Finn story. On this point the

following should be consulted: Langhans (V.), _Ueber den Ursprung der

Nordfriesen_, Wien, 1879 (most valuable on account of its citation of

documents: the latter part of the book, which consists of an attempt to

rewrite the Finn story by dismissing as corrupt or spurious many of the

data, must not blind us to the value of the earlier portions): Lauridsen,

_Om Nordfrisernes Indvandring i Soenderjylland, Historisk Tidsskrift_, 6 R,

4 B. II, 318-67, Kjoebenhavn, 1893: Siebs, _Zur Geschichte der

Englisch-Friesischen Sprache_, 1889, 23-6: Chadwick, _Origin_, 94: Much in

_Hoops Reallexikon_, s.v. _Friesen_; and Bremer in _Pauls Grdr._ (2), III,

848, where references will be found to earlier essays on the subject.

[432] The theory that Hnaef is a captain of Healfdene is based upon a

rendering of l. 1064 which is in all probability wrong.

[433] The view that the _Eotenas_ are the men of Hnaef and Hengest has been

held by Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp. 76-7), Ettmueller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 108),

Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389), Holtzmann (_Germania_, VIII, 492), Moeller

(_Volksepos_, 94-5), Chadwick (_Origin_, 53), Clarke (_Sidelights_, 184).

[434] "And therefore, said the King ... much more I am sorrier for my good

knights' loss, than for the loss of my fair queen. For queens I might have

enow: but such a fellowship of good knights shall never be together in no

company." Malory, _Morte Darthur_, Bk. XX, chap. ix.

[435] The argument of Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37) that the Eotens here (l.

1088) must be the Frisians, is inconclusive: but so is Miss Clarke's

argument that they must be Danes (_Sidelights_, 181), as is shown by

Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 395).

[436] I say "son" in what follows, without prejudice to the possibility of

more than one son having fallen. It in no wise affects the argument.

[437] For example, it might well be said of Achilles, whilst thirsting for

vengeance upon the Trojans for the death of Patroclus, that "he could not

get the children of the Trojans out of his mind." But surely it would be

unintelligible to say that "he could not get the child of the Achaeans out

of his mind," meaning Patroclus, for "child of the Achaeans" is not

sufficiently distinctive to denote Patroclus. Cf. Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII,

134.

[438] In the _Skjoldunga Saga_ [extant in a Latin abstract by Arngrim

Jonsson, ed. Olrik, 1894], cap. IV, mention is made of a king of Denmark

named Leifus who had six sons, three of whom are named Hunleifus, Oddleifus

and Gunnleifus--corresponding exactly to O.E. _H[=u]nl[=a]f_, _Ordl[=a]f_

and _G[=u]dhl[=a]f_. That Hunlaf was well known in English story is proved

by a remarkable passage unearthed by Dr Imelmann from _MS Cotton Vesp. D.

IV_ (fol. 139 _b_) where Hunlaf is mentioned together with a number of

other heroes of Old English story--Wugda, Hama, Hrothulf, Hengest, Horsa

(_Hoc testantur gesta rudolphi et hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, horsi et

hengisti, Waltef et hame_). See Chadwick, _Origin_, 52: R. Huchon, _Revue

Germanique_, III, 626: Imelmann, in _D.L.Z._ XXX, 999: April, 1909. This

disposes of the translation "Hun thrust or placed in his bosom Lafing, best

of swords," which was adopted by Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 33), Holder, ten

Brink and Gering. Hun is mentioned in _Widsith_ (l. 33) and in the

Icelandic _Thulor_.

That Guthlaf, Ordlaf and Hunlaf must be connected together had been noted

by Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 139) before this discovery of Chadwick's

confirmed him.

[439] The fragment which tells of the fighting in the hall is so imperfect

that there is nothing impossible in the assumption, though it is too

hazardous to make it.

[440] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1900 _etc._

[441] _Das Altenglische Volksepos_, 46-99.

[442] C. P. Hansen, _Uald' Soeld'ring tialen_, Moegeltoender, 1858. See

Moeller, _Volksepos_, 75 _etc._

[443] See Muellenhoff in _A.f.d.A._ VI, 86.

[444] So Moeller, _Volksepos_, 152.

[445] See _Beowulf_, ed. Wyatt, 1894, p. 145.

[446] _Volksepos_, 71 _etc._

[447] e.g., Sedgefield, _Beowulf_, 2nd ed., p. 258. So 1st ed., p. 13

(_Hoc_ being an obvious misprint).

[448] On the poet's use of plural for singular here, see Osthoff, _I.F._

XX, 202-7.

[449] I have thought it necessary to give fully the reasons why Moeller's

view cannot be accepted, because in whole or in part it is still widely

followed in England. Chadwick (_Origin_, 53) still interprets "Eotens" as

"Danes"; and Sedgefield (_Beowulf_ (2), p. 258) gives Moeller's view the

place of honour.

[450] The treachery of Finn is emphasized, for example, by Bugge (_P.B.B._

XII, 36), Koegel (_Geschichte d. deut. Litt._ 164), ten Brink (_Pauls

Grdr._ (1), II, 545), Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand,_ 59), Lawrence

(_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 397, 430), Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI,

290).

[451]

sythdhan morgen c[=o]m

dh[=a] h[=e]o under swegle ges[=e]on meahte, _etc._

[452] l. 36. The swords flash _swylce eal Finnsburuh f[=y]renu w[=ae]re_,

"as if all Finnsburg were afire." I think we may safely argue from this

that the swords are flashing near Finnsburg. It would be just conceivable

that the poet's mind travels back from the scene of the battle to Finn's

distant home: "the swords made as great a flash as would have been made had

Finn's distant capital been aflame": but this is a weak and forced

interpretation, which we have no right to assume, though it may be

conceivable.

[453] _Beowulf_, ll. 1125-7. I doubt whether it is possible to explain the

difficulty away by supposing that "the warriors departing to see Friesland,

their homes and their head-town" simply means that Finn's men, "summoned by

Finn in preparation for the encounter with the Danes, return to their

respective homes in the country," and that "_h[=e]aburh_ is a high sounding

epic term that should not be pressed." This is the explanation offered by

Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._ VI, 193) and endorsed by Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang.

Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 401). But it seems to me taking a liberty with the text

to interpret _h[=e]aburh_ (singular) as the "respective homes in the

country" to which Finn's warriors resort on demobilisation. And the

statement of ll. 1125-7, that the warriors departed from the place of

combat to see Friesland, seems to necessitate that such place of combat was

not in Friesland. Klaeber objects to this (surely obvious) inference: "If

we are to infer [from ll. 1125-7] that Finnsburg lies outside Friesland

proper, we might as well conclude that _Dyflen_ (Dublin) is not situated in

Ireland according to the _Battle of Brunanburh (gewitan him th[=a]

Nordhmenn ... Dyflen s[=e]can and eft [=I]raland_)." But how could anyone

infer this from the _Brunanburh_ lines? What we _are_ justified in

inferring, is, surely, that the _site of the battle of Brunanburh_ (from

which the Northmen departed to visit Ireland and Dublin) was not identical

with Dublin, and did not lie in Ireland. And by exact parity of reason, we

are justified in arguing that Finnsburg, the site of the first battle in

which Hnaef fell (from which site the warriors depart to visit Friesland

and the _h[=e]aburh_) was not identical with the _h[=e]aburh_, and did not

lie in Friesland. Accordingly the usual view, that Finnsburg is situated

outside Friesland, seems incontestable. See Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30),

Trautmann (_Finn und Hildebrand_, 60) and Boer (_Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 137). Cf.

Ayres (_J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 294).

[454] See below, p. 289.

[455] So Brandl, 984, and Heinzel.

[456] Or just as the attack on the Danes began at night, we might suppose

(as does Trautmann) that it equally culminated in a night assault five days

later. There would be obvious advantage in night fighting when the object

was to storm a hall: Flugum['y]rr was burnt by night, and so was the hall

of Njal. So, too, was the hall of Rolf Kraki. It would be, then, on the

morning after this second night assault, that Hildeburh found her kinsfolk

dead.

[457] _Beowulf_, l. 1831: cf. l. 409.

[458] Leo (_Beowulf_, 1839, 67), Muellenhoff (_Nordalbingische Studien_, I,

157), Rieger (_Lesebuch; Z.f.d.Ph._ III, 398-401), Dederich (_Studien_,

1877, 96-7), Heyne (in his fourth edition) and in recent times Holthausen

have interpreted _eoten_ as a common noun "giant," "monster," and

consequently "foe" in general. But they have failed to produce any adequate

justification for interpreting _eoten_ as "foe," and Holthausen, the modern

advocate of this interpretation, has now abandoned it. Grundtvig

(_Beowulfes Beorh_, 1861, pp. 133 _etc._) and Moeller (_Volksepos_, 97

_etc._) also interpret "giant," Moeller giving an impossible mythological

explanation, which was, at the time, widely followed.

[459] Like _oxnum_, _nefenum_ (cf. Sievers, s. 277, Anm. 1).

[460] I do not attach much importance to the argument which might be drawn

from the statement of Binz (_P.B.B._ XX, 185) that the evidence of proper

names shows that in the Hampshire district (which was colonized by Jutes)

the legend of _Finnsburg_ was particularly remembered. For on the other

hand, as Binz points out, similar evidence is markedly lacking for Kent.

And why, indeed, should the Jutes have specially commemorated a legend in

which their part appears not to have been a very creditable one?

[461] p. 97, note 225.

[462] See above, p. 200. Zimmer, _Nennius Vindicatus_, 84, assumes that the

Kentish pedigree borrowed these names from the Bernician: but there is no

evidence for this.

[463] Among those who have so held are Kemble, Thorpe (_Beowulf_, pp.

76-7), Ettmueller (_Beowulf_, 1840, p. 23), Bouterwek (_Germania_, I, 389),

Grein (_Eberts Jahrbuch_, IV, 270), Koehler (_Germania_, XIII, 155), Heyne

(in first three editions), Holder (_Beowulf_, p. 128), ten Brink (_Pauls

Grdr_. (1), II, 548), Heinzel (_A.f.d.A._ X. 228), Stevenson (_Asser_,

1904, p. 169), Schuecking (_Beowulf_, 1913, p. 321), Klaeber (_J.E.G.Ph._

XIV, 545), Lawrence (_Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 393), Moorman

(_Essays and Studies_, V, 99), Bjoerkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 21).

So too, with some hesitation, Chadwick (_Orgin_, 52-3): with much more

hesitation, Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 37). Whilst this is passing through the

press Holthausen has withdrawn his former interpretation _eotena_,

"enemies," in favour of _Eotena_=_[=E]otna_, "Jutes" (_Engl. Stud._ LI,

180).

[464] _P.B.B._ XII, 37.

[465] The cognate of O.E. _f[=ae]r_ (Mod. Eng. "fear") in other Germanic

languages, such as Old Saxon and Old High German, has the meaning of

"ambush." In the nine places where it occurs in O.E. verse it has always

the meaning of a peril which comes upon one suddenly, and is applied, e.g.

to the Day of Judgement (twice) or some unexpected flood (three times). In

compounds _f[=ae]r_ conveys an idea of suddenness: "_f[=ae]r-d[=e]adh_,

repentina mors."

[466] _Volksepos_, 69.

[467] It has been surmounted in two ways. (1) By altering _eaferum_ to

_eaferan_ (a very slight change) and then making _f[=ae]r_ refer to the

_final_ attack upon Finn, in which he certainly _was_ on the defensive

(Lawrence, 397 _etc._, Ayres, 284, Trautmann, _BB._ II, Klaeber, _Anglia_,

XXVIII, 443, Holthausen). (2) By making _h[=i][=e]_ refer to _haeledh

Healf-Dena_ which follows (Green in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXXI,

759-97); but this is forced. See also below, p. 284.

[468] Cf. Tacitus, _Germania_, XIV.

[469] For examples of this see pp. 278-82 below.

[470] _Fragment_, 40-1.

[471] See above, p. 30.

[472] Book II (ed. Holder, p. 67).

[473] _P.B.B._ XII, 34.

[474] For a discussion of the interpretation of the difficult

_forthringan_, see Carlton Brown in _M.L.N._ XXXIV, 181-3.

[475] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 291-2.

[476] _Ib._ 293-4.

[477] I wish I could feel convinced, with Ayres, that the person whom

Guthlaf and Oslaf blame for their woes is Hengest rather than Finn. Such an

interpretation renders the story so much more coherent; but if the poet

really meant this, he assuredly did not make his meaning quite clear.

[478] See below, pp. 276, 288-9.

[479] Ne h[=u]ru Hildeburh herian thorfte Eotena tr[=e]owe.

[480] Ayres, in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 286. So Lawrence in a private

communication.

[481] ll. 2910, _etc._

[482] We can construct the situation from such historical information as we

can get from Gregory of Tours and other sources. The author of _Beowulf_

may not have been clear as to the exact relation of the different tribes.

We cannot tell, from the vague way he speaks, how much he knew.

[483] I have argued this at some length below, but I do not think anyone

would deny it. Bugge recognized it to be true (_P.B.B._ XII, 29-30) as does

Lawrence (392). See below, pp. 288-9.

[484] We can never argue that words are synonymous because they are

parallel. Compare Psalm cxiv; in the first verse the parallel words are

synonymous, but in the second and third not:

"When Israel came out of Egypt and the house of Jacob from among the

strange people" [Israel = house of Jacob: Egypt = strange people].

"Judah was His sanctuary and Israel His dominion." [Judah is only one of

the tribes of Israel.]

"The sea saw that and fled: Jordan was driven back." [The Red Sea and

Jordan are distinct, though parallel, examples.]

[485] _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288.

[486] _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXX, 430.

[487] Plummer, _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, 47.

[488] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 45.

[489] _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, 524.

[490] Helmhold.

[491] I know of only one parallel for such assumed adoption of a name: that

also concerns the Jutes. The Angles, says Bede, dwelt between the Saxons

and Jutes: the Jutes must, then, according to Bede, have dwelt north of the

Angles, since the Saxons dwelt south. But the people north of the Angles

are now, and have been from early times, Scandinavian in speech, whilst the

Jutes who settled Kent obviously were not. The best way of harmonizing

known linguistic facts with Bede's statement is, then, to assume that

Scandinavians settled in the old continental home of these Jutes and took

over their name, whilst introducing the Scandinavian speech.

Now many scholars have regarded this as so forced and unlikely an

explanation that they reject it, and refuse to believe that the Jutes who

settled Kent can have dwelt north of the Angles, in spite of Bede's

statement. If we are asked to reject the "Scandinavian-Jute" theory, as too

unlikely on _a priori_ grounds, although it is demanded by the express

evidence of Bede, it is surely absurd to put forward a precisely similar

theory in favour of "Frisian-Jutes" upon no evidence at all.

[492] Koegel (164), Lawrence (382).

[493] Bjoerkman (_Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 23) interprets the _Eotenas_ as

Jutist subjects of Finn. This suggestion was made quite independently of

anything I had written, and confirms me in my belief that it is a

reasonable interpretation.

[494] Ayres in _J.E.G.Ph._ XVI, 288.

[495] e.g. _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 144: _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 51.

[496] Of course a primitive stage can be conceived at which homicide is

regarded as worse than murder. Your brother shoots _A_ intentionally: he

must therefore have had good reasons, and you fraternally support him. But

you may feel legitimate annoyance if he aims at a stag, and shooting _A_ by

mere misadventure, involves you in a blood-feud.

[497] _Heimskringla, ['O]l. Tryggv._ K. 111; _Saga Olafs Tryggvasonar_, K.

70 (_Fornmanna S[o,]gur_, 1835, X.)

[498] Saxo Grammaticus (ed. Holder, p. 67).

[499] _Heimskringla, ['O]l. Tryggv._ K. 41.

[500] _l['y]sti v['i]gi ['a] hendr s['e]r._ _Laxdaela Saga_, cap. 49.

[501] Cap. 55.

[502] Cap. 85.

[503] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, anno 755.

[504] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. 158.

[505] _Fragment_, ll. 40-1.

[506] p. 213 (ed. Holder).

[507] Finn may perhaps be holding a meeting of chieftains. For similar

meetings of chieftains, compare _S[o,]rla th['a]ttr_, cap. 4; _Laxdaela

Saga_, cap. 12; _Sk['a]ldskaparm['a]l_, cap. 47 (50).

[508] There is assuredly a considerable likeness between the Finn story and

the Nibelungen story: this has been noted often enough. It is more open to

dispute whether the likeness is so great as to justify us in believing that

the Nibelungen story is _copied_ from the Finn story, and may therefore

safely be used as an indication how gaps in our existing versions of that

story may be filled. See Boer in _Z.f.d.A._ XLVII, 125 _etc._

[509] The fact that both sides have suffered about equally facilitates a

settlement in the Teutonic feud, just as it does among the Afridis or the

Albanians at the present day.

[510] The situation would then be parallel to that in _Laxdaela Saga_, cap.

60-5, where the boy Thorleik, aged fifteen, is nominally in command of the

expedition which avenges his father Bolli, but is only able to accomplish

his revenge by enlisting the great warrior Thorgils, who is the real leader

of the raid.

[511] Bugge (_P.B.B._ XII, 36) interpreted this _swylce_ as meaning that

sword-bale came upon Finn in like manner as it had previously come upon

Hnaef. But this is to make _swylce_ in l. 1146 refer back to the death of

Hnaef mentioned (72 lines previously) in l. 1074. Moeller (_Volksepos_, 67)

tries to explain _swylce_ by supposing the passage it introduces to be a

fragment detached from its context.

[512] f, r, s, th, w, p ([Old English Letters]), all letters involving a

long down stroke, are constantly confused. For examples, see above, p. 245,

and cf. e.g. _Beowulf_, l. 2882 (_fergendra_ for _wergendra_); _Crist_, 12

(_craestga_ for _craeftga_); _Phoenix_, 15 (_fnaeft_ for _fnaest_); Riddles

III (IV), 18 (_thyran_ for _thywan_); XL (XLI), 63 (_thyrre_ for _thyrse_);

XLII (XLIII), 4 (_speop_ for _sp[=e]ow_), 11 (_waes_ for _thaes_); LVII

(LVIII), 3 (_rope_ for _r[=o]fe_ or _r[=o]we_), _etc._

[513] p. 392.

[514] p. 431.

[515] _Nennius Interpretatus_, ed. Mommsen (_Chronica Minora_, III, 179, in

_Mon. Germ. Hist._)

[516] "De norske oldsager synes at vidne om, at temmelig livlige

handelsforbindelser i den aeldre jernalder har fundet sted mellem Norge og

de sydlige Nordsoekyster." Undset, _Fra Norges aeldre Jernalder_ in the

_Aarboeger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie_, 1880, 89-184, esp. p.

173. See also Chadwick, _Origin_, 93. I am indebted to Chadwick's note for

this reference to Undset.

[517] _Ravennatis anonymi cosmographia_, ed. Pinder et Parthey, Berolini,

1860, pp. 27, 28 (s. I, 11).

[518] The modern Wijk bij Duurstede, not far from Utrecht, on the Lower

Rhine.

[519] An account of the numerous coins found among the ruins of the old

town will be found in the _Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte_, IV

(1864), pp. 301-303. They testify to its commercial importance.

[520] So Adam of Bremen, following Alcuin. Concerning "Heiligland" Adam

says: "Hanc in vita Sancti Willebrordi Fosetisland appellari discimus, quae

sita est in confinio Danorum et Fresonum." Adam of Bremen in Pertz,

_Scriptores_, VII, 1846, p. 369.

[521] Alcuin's _Life of Willibrord_ in Migne (1851)--Alcuini _Opera_, vol.

II, 699-702.

[522] See above, pp. 199-200.

[523] It had been disputed by Skeat, Earle, Boer, and others, but never

with such strong reasons.

[524] I use below the form "Beow," which I believe to be the correct one.

"Beaw" is the form in the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_. But as the name of

Sceldwa, Beaw's father, is there given in a form which is not West-Saxon

(_sceld_, not _scield_ or _scyld_), it may well be that "Beaw" is also the

Anglian dialect form, if it be not indeed a mere error: and this is

confirmed by _Beo_ (Ethelwerd), _Beowius_ (William of Malmesbury),

_Boerinus_ (for _Beowinus_: Chronicle Roll), perhaps too by _Beowa_

(Charter of 931) and _Beowi_, (_MS Cott. Tib. B. IV_). For the significance

of this last, see pp. 303-4, below, and Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII,

171, _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 23.

[525] Vol. LXXXI, p. 517.

[526] It has indeed been so argued by Brandl: "Beowulf ... ist nur der

Erloeser seines Volkes ... und dankt es schliesslich dem Himmel, in einer

an den Heiland gemahnenden Weise, dass er die Seinen um den Preis des

eigenen Lebens mit Schaetzen begluecken konnte." _Pauls Grdr._ (2), II, l.

1002.

[527] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th edit., III, 760-1.

[528] l. 2039, where a capital O occurs, but without a section number.

[529] _Moore, Namur, Cotton._

[530] _Cotton Tiberius B. XI._

[531] _Hatton_, 20.

[532] See above, pp. 92-7.

[533] See above, pp. 43-4.

[534] Ethelwerd.

[535] _Chronicle._

[536] Boer, _Beowulf_, 135, 143: _Arkiv f. nord. Filologi_, XIX, 29.

[537] _Heroic Age_, 126.

[538] _Postscript to Preface_, p. ix.

[539] _Postscript_, pp. xi, xiv.

[540] See _Lokasenna_ in _Die Lieder der Edda_, herausg. von Sijmons u.

Gering, I, 134.

Byggvir kvath:

"[Veiztu] ef [ek] oethle aettak sem Ingunar-Freyr,

ok sv['a] saellekt setr,

merge smaera moelthak [th['a]] meinkr[['o],]ko

ok lemtha alla ['i] litho."

[541] Lines corresponding to these of Burns are found both in the Scotch

ballad recorded by Jamieson, and in the English ballad (Pepys Collection).

See Jamieson, _Popular Ballads and Songs_, 1806, II, 241, 256.

[542]

Loki kvath:

"Hvat's that et l['i]tla, es [ek] that l[o,]ggra s['e]k,

ok snapv['i]st snaper?

at eyrom Freys mont[u] ae vesa

ok und kvernom klaka."

[543] Jamieson, II, 239. So Burns: "John Barleycorn was a hero bold," and

the ballad

John Barleycorn is the wightest man

That ever throve in land.

[544]

Byggvir kvath:

"Byggver ek heite, en mik br['a]than kvetha

goth [o,]ll ok gumar;

thv['i] emk h['e]r hr['o]thogr, at drekka Hr['o]pts meger

aller [o,]l saman."

[545]

Loki kvath:

"thege th['u], Byggver! th['u] kunner aldrege

deila meth m[o,]nnom mat;

[ok] thik ['i] flets strae finna n['e] m[['o],]tto,

th['a]s v[['o],]go verar."

[546] This follows from the allusive way in which he and his wife are

introduced--there must be a background to allusions. If the poet were

inventing this figure, and had no background of knowledge in his audience

to appeal to, he must have been more explicit. Cf. Olsen in Christiania

_Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, 1914, II, 2, 107.

[547] p. 87.

[548] See Olrik, "Nordisk og Lappisk Gudsdyrkelse," _Danske Studier_, 1905,

pp. 39-57; "Tordenguden og hans dreng," 1905, pp. 129-46; "Tordenguden og

hans dreng i Lappernes myteverden," 1906, pp. 65-9; Krohn, "Lappische

beitraege zur germ. mythologie," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 1906,

pp. 155-80.

[549] See Axel Olrik in _Festgabe f. Vilh. Thomsen_, 1912 (=

_Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 1, p. 40). Olrik refers therein to

his earlier paper on the subject in _Danske Studier_, 1911, p. 38, and to a

forthcoming article in the _Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift_, which

has, I think, never appeared. See also K. Krohn in _Goettingische gelehrte

Anzeigen_, 1912, p. 211. Reviewing Meyer's _Altgermanische

Religionsgeschichte_, Krohn, after referring to the Teutonic gods of

agriculture, continues "Ausser diesen agrikulturellen Gottheiten sind aus

der finnischen Mythologie mit Huelfe der Linguistik mehrere germanische

Naturgoetter welche verschiedene Nutzpflanzen vertreten, entdeckt worden:

der Roggengott Runkoteivas oder Rukotivo, der Gerstengott Pekko (nach

Magnus Olsen aus urnord. Beggw-, vgl. Byggwir) und ein Gott des

Futtergrases Saempsae (vgl. Semse od. Simse, 'die Binse')." See also Krohn,

"Germanische Elemente in der finnischen Volksdichtung," _Z.f.d.A._ LI,

1909, pp. 13-22; and Karsten, "Einige Zeugnisse zur altnordischen

Goetterverehrung in Finland," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XII, 307-16.

[550] As proposed by K. Krohn in a publication of the Finnish Academy at

Helsingfors which I have not been able to consult, but as to which see

Setaelae in _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, XIII, 311, 424. Setaelae

accepts the derivation from _beggwu-_, rejecting an alternative derivation

of Pekko from a Finnish root.

[551] This is proposed by J. J. Mikkola in a note appended to the article

by K. Krohn, "Sampsa Pellervoinen < Njordr, Freyr?" in _Finnisch-Ugrische

Forschungen_, IV, 231-48. See also Olrik, "For[oa]rsmyten hos Finnerne," in

_Danske Studier_, 1907, pp. 62-4.

[552] See note by K. Krohn, _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 105.

[553] See above, p. 87, and M. J. Eisen, "Ueber den Pekokultus bei den

Setukesen," _Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen_, VI, 104-11.

[554] See M. Olsen, _Hedenske Kultminder i Norske Stedsnavne_, Christiania

_Videnskapsselskapets Skrifter_, II, 2, 1914, pp. 227-8.

[555] See above, p. 84.

[556] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, 332.

[557] In view of the weight laid upon this custom by Olrik as illustrating

the story of Sceaf, it is necessary to note that it seems to be confined to

parts of England bordering on the "Celtic fringe." See above, pp. 81,

_etc._ Olrik and Olsen quote it as Kentish (see _Heltedigtning_, II, 252)

but this is certainly wrong. Frazer attributes the custom of "crying the

mare" to Hertfordshire and Shropshire (_Spirits of the Corn_, I, 292 =

_Golden Bough_, 3rd edit., VII, 292). In this he is following Brand's

_Popular Antiquities_ (1813, I, 443; 1849, II, 24; also Carew Hazlitt,

1905, I, 157). But Brand's authority is Blount's _Glossographia_, 1674, and

Blount says _Herefordshire_.

[558] Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, 1849, II, 24.

[559] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51; _Adonis,

Attis and Osiris_, I, 237.

[560] Frazer, _Adonis, Attis and Osiris_, I, 238 (_Golden Bough_, 3rd

edit.).

[561] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, I, 143-4.

[562] Frazer in the _Folk-Lore Journal_, VII, 1889, pp. 50, 51.

[563] Mannhardt, _Forschungen_, 317.

[564] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 138.

[565] Mannhardt, 323; Fraser, _Adonis_, I, 238.

[566] Mannhardt, 330.

[567] Mannhardt, 24; Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 238.

[568] Frazer, _Adonis_, I, 237.

[569] Frazer, _Spirits of the Corn_, I, 217.

[570] See Bjoerkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXX, 1919, p. 23. In a similar

way Sceaf appears twice in William of Malmesbury, once as Sceaf and once as

Strephius.

[571] Vol. LII, p. 145.

[572] _MS Cott. Vesp. B. XXIV_, fol. 32 (Evesham Cartulary). See Birch,

_Cart. Sax._ I, 176 (No. 120); Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ III, 376. Kemble prints

_thaet aeft_ for _th[=a] aeft_ (MS "[=th] aeft"). For examples of "[=th]"

for _th[=a]_, see _Aelfrics Grammatik_, herausg. Zupitza, 1880; 38, 3; 121,

4; 291, 1.

[573] There are two copies, one of the tenth and one of the eleventh

century, among the Crawford Collection in the Bodleian. See Birch, _Cart.

Sax._ III, ..7 (No. 1331); Napier and Stevenson, _The Crawford Collection_

(_Anecdota Oxoniensia_), 1895, pp. 1, 3, 50.

[574] _MS Cotton Ch. VIII_, 16. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ II, 363 (No. 677);

Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._ II, 172.

[575] A nearly contemporary copy: _Westminster Abbey Charters_, III. See

Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 189 (No. 994), and W. B. Sanders, _Ord. Surv.

Facs._ II, plate III.

[576] A fourteenth to fifteenth century copy preserved at Wells Cathedral

(_Registr. Album_, f. 289 _b_). See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 223 (No.

1023).

[577] _MS Cotton Aug. II_, 6. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 588 (No. 1282).

[578] _Brit. Mus. Stowe Chart._ No. 32. See Birch, _Cart. Sax._ III, 605

(No. 1290).

[579] Cf. the _Victoria History_, Middlesex, II, p. 1.

[580] "_Grendeles gate_ har vael snarast varit n[oa]gon naturbildning t.

ex. ett tr[oa]ngt bergpass eller kanske en grotta": C. W. von Sydow, in an

excellent article on _Grendel i anglosaxiska ortnamn_, in _Nordiska

Ortnamn: Hyllningsskrift tillaegnad A. Noreen_, Upsala, 1914, pp. 160-4.

[581] Pr[`e]s du _Neckersgat molen_, il y avait jadis, ant['e]rieurement

aux guerres de religion, des maisons entour['e]es d'eau et appel['e]es _de

hoffstede te Neckersgate_: Wauters (A.), _Histoire des Environs de

Bruxelles_, 1852, III, 646.

[582] Peg Powler lived in the Tees, and devoured children who played on the

banks, especially on Sundays: Peg o' Nell, in the Ribble, demanded a life

every seven years. See Henderson (W.), _Notes on the Folk-Lore of the

Northern Counties of England_, 1879 (_Folk-Lore Society_), p. 265.

[583] See Kisch (G.), _Vergleichendes Woerterbuch der siebenbuergischen und

moselfraenkischluxemburgischen Mundart, nebst

siebenbuergischniederrheinischem Ortsund Familiennamen-verzeichnis_ (vol.

XXXIII, 1 of the _Archiv des Vereins f. siebenbuerg_. _Landeskunde_, 1905).

[584] See _Grindel_ in Foerstemann (E.), _Altdeutsches Namenbuch_, Dritte

Aufl., herausg. Jellinghaus, II, 1913, and in Fischer (H.), _Schwaebisches

Woerterbuch_, III, 1911 (nevertheless Rooth legitimately calls attention to

the names recorded by Fischer in which _Grindel_ is connected with _bach_,

_teich_ and _moos_).

[585] There is an account of this by G. Kisch in the _Festgabe zur Feier

der Einweihung des neuen evang. Gymnasial Buerger- und

Elementar-schulgebaeudes in Besztercze (Bistritz) am 7 Oct. 1911_; a

document which I have not been able to procure.

[586] Such a connection is attempted by W. Benary in Herrig's _Archiv_,

CXXX, 154. Alternative suggestions, which would exclude any connection with

the Grendel of _Beowulf_, are made by Klaeber, in _Archiv_, CXXXI, 427.

[587] A very useful summary of the different etymologies proposed is made

by Rooth in _Anglia, Beiblatt_, XXVIII (1917), 335-8.

[588] So Skeat, "On the significance of the monster Grendel," _Journal of

Philology_, Cambridge, XV (1886), p. 123; Laistner, _Raetsel der Sphinx_,

1889, p. 23; Holthausen, in his edition.

[589] So Weinhold in the _SB. der k. Akad. Wien, Phil.-Hist. Classe_, XXVI,

255.

[590] Cf. Gollancz, _Patience_, 1913, Glossary. For _grindill_ as one of

the synonyms for "storm," see _Edda Snorra Sturlusonar_, Hafniae, 1852, II,

486, 569.

[591] This will be found in several of the vocabularies of Low German

dialects published by the _Verein fuer Niederdeutsche Sprachforschung_.

[592] See _grand_ in Falk and Torp, _Etymologisk Ordbog_, Kristiania,

1903-6.

[593] See Feist, _Etymol. Woerterbuch der Gotischen Sprache_, Halle, 1909;

_grunduwaddjus._

[594] With Grendel, thus explained, Rooth would connect the "Earth man" of

the fairy-tale "Dat Erdmaenneken" (see below, p. 370) and the name

_Sandhaug_, _Sandey_, which clings to the Scandinavian _Grettir-_ and

_Orm-_stories. We have seen that a _sandhaug_ figures also in one of the

Scandinavian cognates of the folk-tale (see above, p. 67). These

resemblances may be noted, though it would be perilous to draw deductions

from them.

[595] _Schweizerisches Idiotikon_, II, 1885, p. 776.

[596] See above, pp. 43, _etc._; below, p. 311.

[597] Duignan, _Warwickshire Place Names_, p. 22. Duignan suggests the same

etymology for _Beoshelle_, _beos_ being "the Norman scribe's idea of the

gen. plu." This, however, is very doubtful.

[598] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 177.

[599] _Heltedigtning_, II, 255. See above, pp. 81-7.

[600] Binz in _P.B.B._ XX, 148; Chadwick, _Origin_, 282. So Clarke,

_Sidelights_, 128. Cf. Heusler in _A.f.d. A._ XXX, 31.

[601] _A.-S. Chronicle._

[602] _Historia Brittonum._

[603] "hraedlan" (gen.), _Beowulf_, 454.

[604] "hraedles," _Beowulf_, 1485.

[605] _A.-S. Chronicle._

[606] _Beowulf_, Ethelwerd.

[607] Geata, Geta, _Historia Brittonum_; Asser; _MS Cott. Tib. A. VI;

Textus Roffensis_.

[608] _A.-S. Chronicle._

[609] Charter of 931.

[610] _A.-S. Chronicle_, Ethelwerd.

[611] _Origin_, 273.

[612] _Origin_, 282.

[613] Some O.H.G. parallels will be found in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 260. The weak

form _G[=e]ata_, Mr Stevenson argues, is due to Asser's attempt to

reconcile the form _G[=e]at_ with the Latin _Geta_ with which he identifies

it (Asser, pp. 160-161). See also Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 124 footnote. Yet

we get _G[=e]ata_ in one text of the _Chronicle_, and in other documents.

[614] This is the view taken by Plummer, who does not seem to regard any

solution as possible other than that the names are missing from the _Parker

MS_ by a transcriber's slip (see _Two Saxon Chronicles Parallel_, II, p.

xciv).

[615] Plummer, II, pp. xxix, xxxi, lxxxix.

[616] Plummer, II, p. lxxi. Note _Beowi_ for _Bedwig_.

[617] This table shows the relationship of the genealogies only, not of the

whole MSS, of which the genealogies form but a small part. MS-relationships

are always liable to fluctuation, as we pass from one part of a MS to

another, and for obvious reasons this is peculiarly the case with the

_Chronicle_ MSS.

[618] _Origin_, 295.

[619] _Origin_, 292.

[620] _Origin_, 296.

[621] The absence of the West-Saxon pedigree may be due to the document

from which the _Historia Brittonum_ and the _Vespasian MS_ derive these

pedigrees having been drawn up in the North: Wessex may have been outside

the purview of its compiler; though against this is the fact that it

contains the Kentish pedigree. But another quite possible explanation is,

that Cerdic, with his odd name, was not of the right royal race, but an

adventurer, and that it was only later that a pedigree was made up for his

descendants, on the analogy of those possessed by the more blue-blooded

monarchs of Mercia and Northumbria.

[622] See _M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 110-11.

[623] It is prefixed to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_, and is found

also in the Cambridge MS of the Anglo-Saxon Bede (_Univ. Lib. Kk._ 3. 18)

printed in Miller's edition; in _MS Cott. Tib. A. III_, 178 (printed in

Thorpe's _Chronicle_): and in _MS Add._ 34652, printed by Napier in

_M.L.N._ 1897, XII, 106 _etc._ There are uncollated copies in _MS C.C.C.C._

383, fol. 107, and according to Liebermann (Herrig's _Archiv_, CIV, 23) in

the _Textus Roffensis_, fol. 7 b. There is also a fragment, which does not

however include the portion under consideration, in _MS Add._ 23211 (_Brit.

Mus._) printed in Sweet's _Oldest English Texts_, p. 179. The statement,

sometimes made, that there is a copy in _MS C.C.C.C._ 41, rests on an error

of Whelock, who was really referring to the _Parker MS_ of the _Chronicle_

(_C.C.C.C._ 173).

[624] p. 73.

[625] See above, p. 70.

[626] Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXXVII, 12-13.

[627] _Origin_, p. 272.

[628] So Ethelwerd (_Lib._ I) sees in Woden a _rex multitudinis

Barbarorum_, in error deified. It is the usual point of view, and persists

down to Carlyle (_Heroes_).

[629] _Origin_, p. 293.

[630] _Beowulf_, p. 5. For a further examination of this "Beowa-myth" see

Appendix A, above.

[631] Cf. Tupper in _Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. Amer._ XXVI, 275.

[632] _P.B.B._ XLII, 347-410. A theory as to the date of _Beowulf_, in some

respects similar, was put forward by Mone in 1836: _Untersuchungen zur

Geschichte der teutschen Heldensage_, p. 132.

[633] See above, p. 103; and Brandl in _Pauls Grdr._ (2) II, 1000, where

the argument is excellently stated.

[634] See Olrik, _Sakses Oldhistorie_, 1894, 190-91.

[635] See Bjoerkman, _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 77.

[636] Sarrazin's attempt to prove such corruption is an entire failure. Cf.

Brandl in Herrig's _Archiv_, CXXVI, 234; Bjoerkman, _Eigennamen im

Beowulf_, 58 (_Headho-Beardan_).

[637] A few Geatic adventurers may have taken part in the Anglo-Saxon

invasion, as has been argued by Moorman (_Essays and Studies_, V). This is

likely enough on _a priori_ grounds, though many of the etymologies of

place-names quoted by Moorman in support of his thesis are open to doubt.

[638] _P.B.B._ XLII, 366-7.

[639] _History of England to the Norman Conquest_, I, 245.

[640] _Heroic Age_, 52-6. I have tried to show (Appendix F) that these

accounts of cremation are not so archaeologically correct as has sometimes

been claimed.

[641] Oman, _England before the Norman Conquest_, 319.

[642] Bede, _Hist. Eccles._ IV, 26.

[643] "Nunc qui Roma veniunt idem allegant, ut qui Haugustaldensem fabricam

vident ambitionem Romanam se imaginari jurent." William of Malmesbury,

_Gesta Pontificum_, Rolls Series, p. 255.

[644] Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, II, 1903, p. 325.

[645] p. 407.

[646] _Beowulf_, ll. 201, 601-3.

[647] Cf. _Beowulf_, l. 1018.

[648] Bede, _Eccles. Hist._ III, 21.

[649] See Oman, pp. 460, 591, for the honour done to this saint by

converted Danes.

[650] p. 393.

[651] _Aeneid_, X, 467-9.

[652] In the two admirable articles by Klaeber (_Archiv_, CCXVI, 40 _etc._,

399 _etc._) every possible parallel is drawn: the result, to my mind, is

not complete conviction.

[653] Chadwick, _Heroic Age_, 74.

[654] "Litteris itaque ad plenum instructus, nativae quoque linguae non

negligebat carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi, de quo superius dixi,

nulla umquam aetate par ei fuerit quisquam. Poesim Anglicam posse facere,

cantum componere, _eadem apposite vel canere vel dicere_. Denique

commemorat Elfredus carmen triviale, quod adhuc vulgo cantitatur, Aldelmum

fecisse, aditiens causam qua probet rationabiliter tantum virum his quae

videantur frivola institisse. Populum eo tempore semibarbarum, parum

divinis sermonibus intentum, statim, cantatis missis, domos cursitare

solitum. Ideo sanctum virum, super pontem qui rura et urbem continuat,

abeuntibus se opposuisse obicem, quasi artem cantitandi professum. Eo

plusquam semel facto, plebis favorem et concursum emeritum. Hoc commento

sensim inter ludicra verbis Scripturarum insertis, cives ad sanitatem

reduxisse." William of Malmesbury, _De gestis pontificum Anglorum_, ed.

Hamilton, _Rolls Series_, 1870, 336.

[655] "Reverentissimo patri meaeque rudis infantiae venerando praeceptori

Adriano." _Epist._ (Aldhelmi _Opera_, ed. Giles, 1844, p. 330).

[656] Faricius, Life, in Giles' edition of Aldhelm, 1844, p. 357.

[657] Letter of Cuthbert to Cuthwine, describing Bede's last illness. "Et

in nostra lingua, hoc est anglica, ut erat doctus in nostris carminibus,

nonnulla dixit. Nam et tunc Anglico carmine componens, multum compunctus

aiebat, _etc._" The letter is quoted by Simeon of Durham, ed. Arnold,

_Rolls Series_, 1882, I, pp. 43-46, and is extant elsewhere, notably in a

ninth century MS at St Gall.

[658] "quid Hinieldus cum Christo."

[659] "Thaet [=ae]nig pr[=e]ost ne b[=e]o ealuscop, ne on [=ae]nige

w[=i]san gl[=i]wige, mid him sylfum oththe mid [=o]thrum mannum"--Thorpe,

_Ancient Laws and Institutes of England_, 1840, p. 400 (Laws of Edgar, cap.

58).

[660] "avitae gentilitatis vanissima didicisse carmina." This charge is

dismissed as "scabiem mendacii." _Vita Sancti Dunstani_, by "B," in

_Memorials of Dunstan_, ed. Stubbs, _Rolls Series_, 1874, p. 11. Were these

songs heroic or magic?

[661] _The Heroic Legends of Denmark_, New York, 1919, p. 32 (footnote).

[662] _Ibid._ p. 39.

[663] Thus, much space has been devoted to discussing whether "Gotland," in

the eleventh century Cotton MS of Alfred's Orosius, signifies Jutland. I

believe that it does; but fail to see how it can be argued from this that

Alfred believed the Jutes to be "Geatas." Old English had no special symbol

for the semi-vowel _J_; so, to signify _J[=o]tland_, Alfred would have

written "Geotland" (Sievers, _Gram._ ss. 74, 175). Had he meant "Land of

the Geatas" he would have written "Geataland" or "Geatland." Surely

"Gotland" is nearer to "Geotland" than to "Geatland."

[664] _P.B.B._ XII, 1-10.

[665] See above, p. 8. Fahlbeck has recently revised and re-stated his

arguments.

[666] _Danmarks Riges Historie_, I, 79 _etc._

[667] _Beowulf_, uebersetzt von H. Gering, 1906, p. vii.

[668] See above, also _Nordisk Aandsliv_, 10, where Olrik speaks of the

Geatas as "Jyderne." His arguments as presented to the Copenhagen

_Philologisk-historisk Samfund_ are summarized by Schuette, _J.E.G. Ph._

XI, 575-6. Clausen also supports the Jute-theory, _Danske Studier_, 1918,

137-49.

[669] _J.E.G. Ph._ XI, 574-602.

[670] _Beowulf, et Bidrag til Nordens Oldhistorie_ af Chr. Kier,

Koebenhavn, 1915.

[671] This is admitted by Bugge, _P.B.B._ XII, 6. "_Ge['a]tas_ ... ist

sprachlich ein ganz anderer name als altn. _J['o]tar_, _J['u]tar_, bei Beda

_Jutae_, und nach Beda im _Chron. Sax._ 449 _Jotum_, _Jutna_ ... Die

_Ge['a]tas_ ... tragen einen namen der sprachlich mit altn. _Gautar_

identisch ist."

[672] From a presumed Prim. Germ. _*Eutiz_, _*Eutjaniz_. The word in O.E.

seems to have been declined both as an _i_-stem and an _n_-stem, the

_n_-stem forms being used more particularly in the gen. plu., just as in

the case of the tribal names, _Seaxe_, _Mierce_ (Sievers, s. 264). The

Latinized forms show the same duplication, the dat. _Euciis_ pointing to an

_i_-stem, the nom. _Euthio_ to an _n_-stem, plu. _*Eutiones_. For a

discussion of the relation of the O.E. name to the Danish _Jyder_, see

Bjoerkman in _Anglia, Beiblatt,_ XXVIII, 274-80: "Zu ae. _Eote_, _Yte_,

daen. _Jyder_ 'Jueten'."

[673] I regard it as simply an _error_ of the translator, possibly because

he had before him a text in which Bede's _Iutis_ had been corrupted in this

place into _Giotis_, as it is in Ethelwerd: _Cantuarii de Giotis traxerunt

originem, Vuhtii quoque_. (Bk. I: other names which Ethelwerd draws from

Bede in this section are equally corrupt.)

Bede's text runs: (I, 15) _Aduenerant autem de tribus Germaniae populis

fortioribus, id est Saxonibus, Anglis, Iutis. De Iutarum origine sunt

Cantuarii et Victuarii_; in the translation: "Comon hi of thrim folcum dham

strangestan Germanie, thaet [is] of Seaxum and of Angle and of Geatum. Of

Geata fruman syndon Cantware and Wihtsaetan": (IV, 16) _In proximam Iutorum

prouinciam translati ... in locum, qui uocatur Ad Lapidem_; "in tha

neahmaegdhe, seo is gecegd Eota lond, in sume stowe seo is nemned Aet

Stane" (Stoneham, near Southampton). _MS C.C.C.C._ 41 reads "Ytena land":

see below.

[674] _Two Saxon Chronicles_, ed. Plummer, 1899. _Introduction_, pp. lxx,

lxxi.

[675] _The O.E. version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History_, ed. Miller, II,

xv, xvi, 1898.

[676] Florentii Wigorn. _Chron._, ed. Thorpe, II, 45; I, 276.

[677] It cannot be said that this is due to textual corruption in our late

copy, for the alliteration constantly demands a G-form, not a vowel-form.

[678] See pp. 8, 9 above, ss. 2-7.

[679] Just as, for example, in _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins

h['a]rfagra_, 13-17, the Goetar are constantly mentioned, because the

kingdom of Sweden is being attacked from their side.

[680] Procopius tells us that there were in Thule (i.e. the Scandinavian

peninsula) thirteen nations, each under its own king: [Greek: basileis te

eisi kata ethnos hekaston ... hon ethnos hen poluanthropon hoi Gautoi eisi]

(_Bell. Gott._ ii, 15).

[681] On this alliteration-test, which is very important, see above, pp.

10-11.

[682] _Geta_ was the recognized Latin synonym for _Gothus_, and is used in

this sense in the sixth century, e.g. by Venantius Fortunatus and Jordanes.

And the Goetar are constantly called _Gothi_, e.g. in the formula _rex

Sueorum et Gothorum_ (for the date of this formula see Soederqvist in the

_Historisk Tidskrift_, 1915: _Aegde Uppsvearne raett att taga och vraeka

konung_); or Saxo, Bk. XIII (ed. Holder, p. 420, describing how the _Gothi_

invited a candidate to be king, and slew the rival claimant, who was

supported by the legally more constitutional suffrages of the Swedes); or

Adam of Bremen (as quoted below).

[683] _Folknamnet Geatas_, p. 5 _etc._

[684] Speaking of the Goetaelv, Adam says "Ille oritur in praedictis

alpibus, perque _medios Gothorum populos_ currit in Oceanum, unde et

Gothelba dicitur." Adami Canonici Bremensis, _Gesta Hamm. eccl.

pontificum_, Lib. IV, in Migne, CXLVI, 637. Modern scholars are of the

opinion that the borrowing has been rather the other way. According to

Noreen the river Goetaelv (Gautelfr) gets its name as the outflow from Lake

Vaener. (Cf. O.E. _g[=e]otan_, _g[=e]at_, "pour.") Goetland (Gautland) is

the country around the river, and the Goetar (Gautar) get their name from

the country. See Noreen, _V[oa]ra Ortnamn och deras Ursprungliga

Betydelse_, in _Spridda Studier_, II, 91, 139.

[685] The Scholiast, in his commentary on Adam, records the later state of

things, when the Goetar were confined to the south of the river: "Gothelba

fluvius a Nordmannis Gothiam separat."

[686] _Heimskringla_, cap. 17.

[687] "Hann [Haraldr] er ['u]ti ['a] herskipum allan vetrinn ok herjar ['a]

R['a]nr['i]ki" (cap. 15). "Haraldr konungr f['o]r v['i]dha um Gautland

herskildi, ok ['a]tti thar margar orrostur tveim megin elfarinnar....

S['i]dhan lagdhi Haraldr konungr land alt undir sik fyrir nordhan elfina ok

fyrir vestan Vaeni" (cap. 17). _Heimskringla: Haraldz saga ins

h['a]rfagra_, udgiv. F. J['o]nsson, Koebenhavn, 1893-1900.

[688] Baltzer (L.), _Glyphes des rochers du Bohuslaen, avec une pr['e]face

de V. Rydberg_, Gothembourg, 1881. See also Baltzer, _N[oa]gra af de

viktigaste Haellristningarna_, Goeteborg, 1911.

[689] Guinchard, _Sweden: Historical and Statistical Handbook_, 1914, II,

549.

[690] See Chadwick, _Origin_, 93; _Heroic Age_, 51.

[691] ll. 2910-21. See Schuette, 579, 583.

[692] ll. 2922-3007.

[693] ll. 3018-27.

[694] ll. 3029-30.

[695] pp. 575, 581.

[696] The reason for locating the _Eudoses_ in Jutland is that the name

has, very hazardously, been identified with that of the Jutes, _Eutiones_.

Obviously this argument could no longer be used, if the _Eudoses_ were the

"Wederas."

[697] See e.g. Schuette, 579-80.

[698] _Beowulf_, 1856.

[699] _Beowulf_, 1830 _etc._

[700] _Beowulf_, 2394. See Schuette, 576-9.

[701] _S[=e]o [=e]a th[=ae]r wyrcth micelne s[=ae]._ Orosius, ed. Sweet,

12, 24.

[702] See above, p. 7.

[703] As Miss Paues, herself a _Geat_, points out to me.

[704] Kier, 39; Schuette, 582, 591 _etc._

[705] See above, pp. 99, 100.

[706] _Vendel och Vendelkr[oa]ka_ in _A.f.n.F._ XXI, 71-80: see _Essays_,

trans. Clark Hall, 50-62.

[707] This grave mound is mentioned as "Kong Ottars Hoeg" in _Aettartal

foer Swea och Goetha Kununga Hus_, by J. Peringskioeld, Stockholm, 1725, p.

13, and earlier, in 1677, it is mentioned by the same name in some notes of

an antiquarian survey. That the name "Vendel-crow" is now attached to it is

stated by Dr Almgren. These early references seem conclusive: little weight

could, of course, be carried by the modern name alone, since it might

easily be of learned origin. The mound was opened in 1914-16, and the

contents showed it to belong to about 500 to 550 A.D., which agrees

excellently with the date of Ohthere. See two articles in _Fornvaennen_ for

1917: an account of the opening of the mound by S. Lindqvist entitled

"Ottarshoegen i Vendel" (pp. 127-43) and a discussion of early Swedish

history in the light of archaeology, by B. Nerman, "Ynglingasagan i

arkeologisk belysning" (esp. pp. 243-6). See also Bjoerkman in _Nordisk

Tidskrift_, Stockholm, 1917, p. 169, and _Eigennamen im Beowulf_, 1920, pp.

86-99.

[708] See Appendix F: _Beowulf_ and the Archaeologists, esp. p. 356, below.

[709] By the Early Iron Age, Engelhardt meant from 250 to 450 A.D.: but

more recent Danish scholars have placed these deposits in the fifth

century, with some overlapping into the preceding and succeeding centuries

(Mueller, _Vor Oldtid_, 561; Wimmer, _Die Runenschrift_, 301, _etc._). The

Swedish archaeologists, Knut Stjerna and O. Almgren, agree with Engelhardt,

dating the finds between about 250 and 450 A.D. (Stjerna's _Essays_, trans.

Clark Hall, p. 149, and _Introduction_, xxxii-iii).

[710] _Essays on questions connected with the O.E. poem of Beowulf_, trans.

and ed. by John R. Clark Hall, (Viking Club), Coventry. (Reviews by

Klaeber, _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 167-73, weighty; Mawer, _M.L.N._ VIII, 242-3;

_Athenaeum_, 1913, I, 459-60; _Archiv_, CXXXII, 238-9; Schuette, _A.f.n.F._

XXXIII, 64-96, elaborate.)

[711] An account of these was given at the time by H. Stolpe, who undertook

the excavation. See his _Vendelfyndet_, in the _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer

Sverige_, VIII, 1, 1-34, and Hildebrand (H.) in the same, 35-64 (1884).

Stolpe did not live to issue the definitive account of his work,

_Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne,

Stockholm, 1912.

[712] Also added as an Appendix to his _Beowulf_ translation, 1911.

[713] Clark Hall's _Preface_ to Stjerna's _Essays_, p. xx.

[714] _J.E.G.Ph._ XIII, 1914, p. 172.

[715] _Essays_, p. 239: cf. p. 84.

[716] p. 39.

[717] _Germania_, cap. XV.

[718] ll. 378, 470.

[719] Cassiodorus, _Variae_, V, 1.

[720] Walter, _Corpus juris Germanici antiqui_, 1824, II, 125.

[721] _Heimskringla, Haraldz saga_, cap. 38-40.

[722] "The idea of a gold hoard undoubtedly points to the earlier version

of the _Beowulf_ poem having originated in Scandinavia. No such 'gold

period' ever existed in Britain." _Essays_, p. 147.

[723] _Cottonian Gnomic Verses_, ll. 26-7.

[724] l. 14.

[725] _Exeter Gnomic Verses_, l. 126.

[726] Baldwin Brown, III, 385, IV, 640.

[727] _B._ l. 19.

[728] l. 339.

[729] l. 991.

[730] Cf. Falk, _Altnordische Waffenkunde_, 28.

[731] I would suggest this as the more likely because, if the ring were

inserted for a practical purpose, it is not easy to see why it later

survived in the form of a mere knob, which is neither useful nor

ornamental. But if it were used to attach the symbolical "peace bands," it

may have been retained, in a "fossilized form," with a symbolical meaning.

[732] Most editors indeed do take it in this sense, though recently

Schuecking has adopted Stjerna's explanation of "ring-sword." In l. 322,

Falk (27) takes _hring-[=i]ren_ to refer to a "ring-adorned sword," though

it may well mean a ring-byrnie.

[733] Actually, I believe, more: for two ring-swords were found at

Faversham, and are now in the British Museum. For an account of one of them

see Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1868, vol. VI, 139. In this

specimen both the fixed ring and the ring which moves within it are

complete circles. But in the Gilton sword (_Archaeologia_, XXX, 132) and in

the sword discovered at Bifrons (_Archaeologia Cantiana_, X, 312) one of

the rings no longer forms a complete circle, and in the sword discovered at

Sarre (_Archaeol. Cant._ VI, 172) the rings are fixed together, and one of

them has little resemblance to a ring at all.

[734] At Concevreux. It is described by M. Jules Pilloy in _M['e]moires de

la Soci['e]t['e] Acad['e]mique de St Quentin_, 4^e S['e]r. tom. XVI, 1913;

see esp. pp. 36-7.

[735] See Lindenschmit, "Germanisches Schwert mit ungewoehnlicher Bildung

des Knaufes," in _Die Altertuemer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit_, V Bd., V

Heft, Taf. 30, p. 165, Mainz, 1905.

[736] Salin has no doubt that the Swedish type from Uppland (his figure

252) is later than even the latest type of English ring-sword (the Sarre

pommel, 251) which is itself later than the Faversham (249) or Bifrons

(250) pommel. See Salin (B.), _Die Altgermanische Thierornamentik_,

Stockholm, 1904, p. 101. The same conclusion is arrived at by Lindenschmit:

"Die urspruengliche Form ist wohl in dem, unter Nr. 249 von Salin

abgebildeten Schwertknopf aus Kent zu sehen"; and even more emphatically by

Pilloy, who pronounces the Swedish Vendel sword both on account of its

"ring" and other characteristics, as "inspir['e]e par un mod[`e]le venu de

cette contr['e]e [Angleterre]."

[737] The Benty Grange helmet; see below, p. 358.

[738] Depicted by Clark Hall, Stjerna's _Essays_, p. 258.

[739] Clark Hall's _Beowulf_, p. 227.

[740] "Von Skandinavien gibt es aus der Voelkerwanderungszeit und

Wikingerepoche keine archaeologischen Anhaltspunkte fuer das Tragen des

Panzers, weder aus Funden noch aus Darstellungen," Max Ebert in Hoops'

_Reallexikon_, III, 395 (1915-16). But surely this is too sweeping.

Fragments of an iron byrnie, made of small rings fastened together, were

found in the Vendel grave 12 (seventh century). See _Graffaeltet vid

Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J. Arne, pp. 49, 60, plates xl,

xli, xlii.

[741] 54-I. Liebermann, p. 114.

[742] _Essays_, 34-5.

[743] _Elene_, 264.

[744] Engelhardt, _Denmark in the Early Iron Age_, p. 66.

[745] _Andreas_, 303.

[746] l. 2869.

[747] "Few have corslets and only one here and there a helmet" (_Germania_,

6). In the _Annals_ (II, 14) Tacitus makes Germanicus roundly deny the use

of either by the Germans: _non loricam Germano, non galeam_.

[748] See above, p. 124.

[749] See Chifflet, J. J., _Anastasis Childerici I ... sive thesaurus

sepulchralis_, Antverpiae, _Plantin_, 1655.

[750] That _both_ sword and scramasax were buried with Childeric is shown

by Lindenschmit, _Handbuch_, I, 236-9: see also pp. 68 _etc._

[751] l. 2762-3.

[752] Worsaae, _Nordiske Oldsager_, Kjoebenhavn, 1859; see No. 499; Roach

Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, 1852, II, 164; Montelius, _Antiq. Su['e]d._

1873, No. 294 (p. 184).

[753] _Essays_, p. 198. See also above, p. 124. Mr Reginald Smith writes to

me: "Unburnt objects with cremated burials in prehistoric times (Bronze,

Early and late Iron Ages) are the exception, and are probably accidental

survivals from the funeral pyre. In such an interpretation of _Beowulf_ I

agree with the late Knut Stjerna, who was an archaeologist of much

experience."

[754] Forming vols. 3 and 4 of _The Arts in Early England_, 1903-15.

[755] It was, however, necessary to leave over for a supplementary volume

some of the contributions most interesting from the point of view of the

archaeology of _Beowulf_: e.g. spatha, speer, schild.

[756] B. E. Hildebrand, _Grafhoegarne vid Gamla Upsala, Kongl. Vitterhets

Historie och Antiqvitets Akademiens M[oa]nadsblad_, 1875-7, pp. 250-60.

[757] _Fasta fornlaemningar i Beovulf_, in _Antiqvarisk Tidskrift foer

Sverige_, XVIII, 48-64.

[758] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 25, 26, 29.

[759] See B. Nerman, _Vilka konungar ligga i Uppsala hoegar?_ Uppsala,

1913, and the same scholar's _Ynglingasagan i arkeologisk belysning_, in

_Fornvaennen_, 1917, 226-61.

[760] _Heimskringla: Ynglingasaga_, cap. 27.

[761] A discovery made by Otto v. Friesen in 1910: see S. Lindqvist in

_Fornvaennen_, 1917, 129. Two years earlier (1675) "Utters hoegen i

Waendell" is mentioned in connection with an investigation into witchcraft.

See Linderholm, _Vendelshoegens konunganamn_, in _Namn och Bygd_, VII,

1919, 36, 40.

[762] For a preliminary account of the discovery, see _Ottarshoegen i

Vendel_, by S. Lindqvist in _Fornvaennen_, 1917, 127-43, and for discussion

of the whole subject, B. Nerman, _Ottar Vendelkr[oa]ka och Ottarshoegen i

Vendel_, in _Upplands Fornminnesfoerenings Tidskrift_, VII, 309-34.

[763] Baldwin Brown, III, 216.

[764] 213.

[765] 218.

[766] So Baldwin Brown, III, 213; Lorange, _Den Yngre Jernalders Svaerd_,

Bergen, 1889, passim.

[767] Baldwin Brown, III, 215.

[768] It is somewhat similar in Norse literature, where swords are

constantly indicated as either inherited from of old, or coming from

abroad: cf. Falk, 38-41.

[769] _Beowulf_, 1489, _w[=ae]gsweord_; cf. _Vaegir_ as a sword-name in the

_Thulur_. In ll. 1521, 1564, 2037, _hringm[=ae]l_ may refer to the ring in

the hilt, and terms like _wunden_- are more likely to refer to the

serpentine ornament of the hilt. This must be the case with _wyrm-f[=a]h_

(1698) as it is a question of the hilt alone. Stjerna (p. 111 = _Essays_,

20) and others take _[=a]ter-t[=a]num f[=a]h_ (1459) as referring to the

damascened pattern (cf. _eggjar ... eitrdropom innan f['a]thar; Brot af

Sigurdharkvidhu_). It is suggested however by Falk (p. 17) that _t[=a]n_

here refers to an edge welded-on: the Icelandic _egg-teinn_.

[770] The only certainly Anglo-Saxon helmet as yet discovered: traces of

what may have been a similar head-piece were found near Cheltenham: Roach

Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 1852, 238.

[771] _Coll. Ant._ II, 1852, 239; Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 30;

_Catalogue of the Antiquities preserved in the Museum of Thomas Bateman_,

Bakewell, 1855.

[772] A very good description of these continental "Spangenhelme" is given

in the magnificent work of I. W. Groebbels, _Der Reihengraeberfund von

Gammertingen_, Muenchen, 1905. These helms had long been known from a

specimen (place of origin uncertain) in the Hermitage at Petrograd, and

another example, that of V['e]zeronce, supposed to have been lost in the

battle between Franks and Burgundians in 524. Seven other examples have

been discovered in the last quarter of a century, including those of

Baldenheim (for which see Henning (R.), _Der helm von Baldenheim und die

verwandten helme des fruehen mittelalters_, Strassburg, 1907, cf.

Kauffmann, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XL, 464-7) and Gammertingen. They are not purely

Germanic, and may have been made in Gaul, or among the Ostrogoths in

Ravenna, or further east.

[773] Stjerna, _Essays_, p. 11 = _Studier tillaegnade Oscar Montelius af

Laerjungar_, 1903, p. 104: Clark Hall, _Beowulf_, 1911, p. 228.

[774] See also _Graffaeltet vid Vendel, beskrifvet af_ H. Stolpe och T. J.

Arne, Stockholm, 1912, pp. 13, 54; Pl. v, xli.

[775] ll. 396, 2049, 2257, 2605; cf. _gr[=i]mhelm_, 334.

[776] 2811, 304, 1111 (cf. Falk, 156).

[777] 1453-4 (cf. Falk, 157-9).

[778] _securum etiam inter hostes praestat._ _Germ._ cap. 45.

[779] 1031 (cf. Falk, 158).

[780] 1630, 2723. Cf. _Exodus_, 174, _gr[=i]mhelm gesp[=e]on cyning

cinberge_, and _Genesis_, 444. (See Falk, 166.)

[781] Cf. ll. 1503, 1548, 2260, 2754.

[782] Cf. ll. 322, 551, 1443.

[783] Bateman, _Ten Years' Diggings_, 1861, p. 32.

[784] Cf. _Beowulf_, 330, 1772, 2042.

[785] "ne scuta quidem ferro neruoue firmata, sed ... tenuis et fucatas

colore tabulas," _Annals_, II, 14; cf. _Germania_, 6, "scuta tantum

lectissimis coloribus distinguunt."

[786] _Nj['a]ls Saga_, cap. XXX.

[787] It is the guess of A. Haupt, _Die Aelteste Kunst der Germanen_, p.

213.

[788] ll. 773-5, 998.

[789] _Hist. Eccl._ II, 13. The life of man is compared to the transit of a

sparrow flying from door to door of the hall where the king sits feasting

with his thanes and warriors, with a fire in the midst.

[790] ll. 617-24, 2011-3.

[791] 995.

[792] 725.

[793] 1035 _etc._

[794] _Proc. Soc. Ant., Sec. Ser._ II, 177-82.

[795] Jonckheere (['E].), _L'origine de la C[^o]te de Flandre et le Bateau

de Bruges_, Bruges, 1903.

[796] Engelhardt (H. C. C.), _Nydam Mosefund_, Kjoebenhavn, 1865.

[797] Nicolaysen (N.), _Langskibet fra Gokstad_, Kristiania, 1882.

[798] _Osebergfundet. Udgit av den Norske Stat, under redaktion av_ A. W.

Broegger, Hj. Falk, H. Schetelig. Bd. I, Kristiania, 1917.

[799] _Beowulf_, ll. 32, 1131, 1897.

[800] 1862.

[801] 220.

[802] Noreen, _Altschwedische Grammatik_, 1904, p. 499.

[803] All these places are in Gotland. The Stenkyrka stone is reproduced in

Stjerna's _Essays_, transl. Clark Hall, fig. 24.

[804] The same, fig. 27.

[805] Reproduced in Montelius, _Sveriges Historia_, p. 283.

[806] _Deutsche Mythologie_, 3te Ausgabe, 1854, pp. 342, 639.

[807] _Academy_, XI, 1877, p. 163.

[808] _Engl. Stud._ II, 314.

[809] _Beowulf_, p. 177.

[810] _Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf_, 1892, p. 42.

[811] _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.

[812] _Z.f.oe.G._ LVI, 759.

[813] _Beowulf_, p. 392.

[814] _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Among the many who have accepted the

explanation "bee-wolf," without giving additional reasons, may be mentioned

R. Mueller, _Untersuchungen ueber die Namen des Liber Vitae_, 1901, p. 94.

[815] Both Grimm and Skeat suggested the woodpecker, which feeds upon bees

and their larvae: Grimm appealing to classical mythology, Skeat instancing

the bird's courage. But nothing seems forthcoming from Teutonic mythology

to favour this interpretation. Cosijn, following Sijmons, _Z.f.d.Ph._ XXIV,

17, thought bees might have been an omen of victory. But there is no

satisfactory evidence for this. The term _sigew[=i]f_ applied to the

swarming bees in the _Charms_ (Cockayne's _Leechdoms_, I, 384) is

insufficient.

[816] _Tidskr. f. Philol. og Paedag._ VIII, 289.

[817] _Deutsches Woerterbuch_, 1854, I, 1122.

[818] "Das compositum Be['o]vulf, wie G[^o]zolf, Irminolf, Reginolf, und

andre gebildet, zeigt nur einen helden und krieger im geist und sinn oder

von der art des Be['o]wa an. Ihm entspricht altn. Bi[^o]lfr." (Muellenhoff,

in _Z.f.d.A._ XII, 284.) But certainly this interpretation is impossible

for O.N. _Bi['o]lfr_: "warrior of Beowa" would be _*Byggulfr_, which we

nowhere find. See Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII, 191. Muellenhoff at this

date, whilst not connecting _B[=e]owulf_ directly with _b[=e]o_, "bee," did

so connect _B[=e]owa_, whom he interpreted as a bee-god or bee-father. But

there is no evidence for this, and the _w_ of _B[=e]owa_ tells emphatically

against it. Muellenhoff subsequently abandoned this explanation.

[819] It is actually written _Biu^uulf_.

[820] _Biu_ in _Biuuulf_ cannot stand for _B[=e]o_ [older _Beu_] because in

Old Northumbrian _iu_ and _eo_ are rigidly differentiated, as an

examination of all the other names in the _Liber Vitae_ shows. As Sievers

points out, if _Biuuulf_ is to be derived from _*Beuw (w)ulf_, then it

would afford an isolated and inexplicable case of _iu_ for _eo[eu]_, unique

in the _Liber Vitae_, as in the whole mass of the oldest English texts:

"Soll ein zusammenhang mit st. _beuwa-_ stattfinden, so muss man auch

diesen stamm fuer einen urspr. s-stamm erklaeren, und unser _biu-_ auf die

stammform _biuwi(z)-_ nicht auf _beuwa(z)-_ zurueckfuehren." (Sievers,

_P.B.B._ XVIII, 413.) The word however is a neut. _wa_-stem, whether in

O.E. (_b[=e]ow_), Old Saxon (_b[=e]o_) or Icelandic (_bygg_): see Sievers,

_Ags. Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. s. 250; Gall['e]e, _Altsaechsische Grammatik_,

2te Aufl. s. 305; Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. s. 356.

The word is extant in Old English only in the Glossaries, in the gen.

sing., "handful beouaes," _etc._, and in Old Saxon only in the gen. plu.

_beuuo_. It is thought to have been originally a _wu_-stem, which

subsequently, as e.g. in O.E., passed into a _wa_-stem. (See Noreen,

_A.f.n.F._ I, 166, arguing from the form _begg_ in the Dalecarlian

dialect.) The presumed Primitive Norse form is _beggwu_, whence the various

Scandinavian forms, Icel. _bygg_, Old Swedish and Old Danish _biug(g)_. See

Hellquist in _A.f.n.F._ VII, 31; von Unwerth, _A.f.n.F._ XXXIII, 331; Binz,

_P.B.B._ XX, 153; von Helten, _P.B.B._ XXX, 245; Kock, _Umlaut u. Brechung

im Aschw._ p. 314, in _Lunds Universitets [oa]rsskrift_, Bd. XII. The

proper name _Byggvir_ is a _ja_-stem, but _B[=e]ow_ cannot have been so

formed, as a _ja_-stem would give the form _B[=e]owe_. Cosijn

(_Aanteekeningen_, 42) was accordingly justified in pointing to the form

_Biuuulf_ as refuting Koegel's attempt to connect _B[=e]owulf_ with

_B[=e]ow_ through a form _*Bawiwulf_ (_A.f.d.A._ XVIII, 56). Koegel replied

with a laboured defence (_Z.f.d.A._ XXXVII, 268): he starts by assuming

that _B[=e]ow_ and _B[=e]owulf_ are etymologically connected, which is the

very point which has to be proved: he has to admit that, if his etymology

be correct, the _Biuuulf_ of the _Liber Vitae_ is not the same form as

_B[=e]owulf_, which is the very point Cosijn urged as telling against his

etymology: and even so his etymological explanations depend upon stages

which cannot be accepted in the present state of our knowledge (see

especially Sievers in _P.B.B._ XVIII, 413; Bjoerkman in _Engl. Stud._ LII,

150).

[821] _Tidskr. f. Philol og Paedag._ VIII, 289.

[822] First pointed out by Grundtvig in Barfod's _Brage og Idun_, IV, 1841,

p. 500, footnote.

[823] "Lodmundr hinn gamli het madr enn annarr. Bi['o]lfr fostbrodir hans.

Their foru til Islands af Vors af Thvlvnesi" (Voss in Norway). See

_Landn['a]mab['o]k_, Koebenhavn, 1900, p. 92.

[824] Noreen, _Altislaendische Grammatik_, 3te Aufl. p. 97. See also Noreen

in _Festskrift til H. F. Feilberg_, 1911, p. 283. Noreen seems to have no

doubt as to the explanation of _Bj['o]lfr_ as _B['y]-olfr_, "Bee-wolf."

[825] Bugge, has, however, been followed by Gering, _Beowulf_, 1906, p.

100.

[826] Ferguson in the _Athenaeum_, June 1892, p. 763: "Beadowulf by a

common form of elision (!) would become Beowulf." Sarrazin admits "Freilich

ist das eine ungewoehnliche verkuerzung" (_Engl. Stud._ XLII, 19). See also

Sarrazin in _Anglia_, V, 200; _Beowulf-Studien_, 33, 77; _Engl. Stud._ XVI,

79.

[827] This incompatibility comes out very strongly in ll. 2499-2506, where

Beowulf praises his sword particularly for the services it has _not_ been

able to render him.

[828] See above, pp. 60-1.

[829] Olrik, _Heltedigtning_, I, 140: F. J['o]nsson, _Hr['o]lfs Saga

Kraka_, 1904, _Inledning_, XX.

[830] _Hr['o]lfs Saga Kraka_, cap. 17-20.

[831] The trait is wanting in the _Grettis saga_: Grettir son of Asmund was

too historical a character for such features to be attributed to him.

[832] See pp. 62-7.

[833] No. 166. Translated as "Strong Hans." (_Grimm's Household Tales,

trans. by M. Hunt, with introduction by A. Lang_, 1884.)

[834] As, for example, by Cosquin, _Contes populaires de Lorraine_, I, 7. A

comparison of the different versions in which the "strange theme" is toned

down, in a greater or less degree, seems to make this certain.

[835] No. 91.

[836] Edinburgh, 1860, vol. I, No. XVI, "The king of Lochlin's three

daughters": vol. III, No. LVIII, "The rider of Grianaig."

[837] London, 1866: p. 43, "The Three Crowns."

[838] Notably by von Sydow.

[839] Asbjoernsen og Moe, _Norske Folkeeventyr_, Christiania, 1852, No. 3.

[840] _Popular Tales from the Norse_ (third edit., Edinburgh, 1888, p.

382).

[841] Visentini, _Fiabe Mantovane_, 1879, No. 32, 157-161.

[842] "fino a che col capo tocca le travi." Cf. Glam in the _Grettis Saga_.

[843] "e qui vede il gigante seduto, che detteva il suo testamento."

[844] p. 153. This is Panzer's version 97.

[845] "A fabulous creature, but zoologically the name Norka (from _nora_, a

hole) belongs to the otter," Ralston, _Russian Folk Tales_, p. 73.

[846] Afanasief (A. N.), _Narodnuiya Russkiya Skazki_, Moscow, 1860-63, I,

6. See Ralston, p. 73.

[847] Afanasief, VIII, No. 6.

[848] For example, "Shepherd Paul," in _The Folk-Tales of the Magyars_, by

W. H. Jones and L. L. Knopf, _Folk-Lore Society_, 1889, p. 244. The latest

collection contains its version, 'The Story of T[=a]ling, the Half-boy' in

_Persian Tales, written down for the first time and translated_ by D. L. R.

and E. O. Lorimer, London, 1919.

[849] Cf. von Sydow in _A.f.d.A._ XXXV, 126.

[850] I['o]n Arnason's MSS, No. 536, 4^o.

[851] Rittershaus (A.), _Die Neuislaendischen Volksmaerchen_, Halle, 1902,

No. 25.

[852] _Faeroeske Folkesagn og Aeventyr_, ed. by Jakob Jakobsen, 1898-1901,

pp. 241-4 (_Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel Nordisk Litteratur._)

[853] This folk-tale is given in a small book, to be found in the

Christiania University Library, and no doubt elsewhere in Norway: _Nor, en

Billedbog for den norske Ungdom_ (Tredie Oplag, Christiania, 1865). _Norske

Folke-Eventyr og Sagn_, fortalte af P. Chr. Asbjoernsen. A copy of the

story, slightly altered, occurs in the _Udvalgte Eventyr og Sagn for

Boern_, of Knutsen, Bentsen and Johnsson, Christiania, 1877, p. 58 _etc._

[854] pp. 66-7.

[855] Berntsen (K.), _Folke-Aeventyr_, 1873, No. 12, pp. 109-115.

[856] Grundtvig (Sv.), _Gamle Danske Minder_, 1854, No. 34, p. 33: from

Naestved.

[857] _Hans mit de ysern Stang'_, Muellenhoff, _Sagen, Maerchen u. Lieder_

... 1845, No. XVI, p. 437.

[858] Colshorn (C. and Th.), _Maerchen u. Sagen_, Hannover, 1854, No. V,

pp. 18-30.

[859] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 2183-8.

[860] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 815 _etc._

[861] Cf. _Beowulf_, ll. 1516-17; cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI.

[862] Cf. _Grettis Saga_, LXVI, _hann kveikti lj['o]s_; cf. _Beowulf_,

1570.

[863] _Contes du roi Cambrinus_, par C. Deulin, Paris, 1874 (I.

_L'intr['e]pide Gayant_). The story is associated with Gayant, the

traditional hero of Douai.

[864] Cf. Schmidt, _Geschichte der deutschen Staemme_, II, 495, 499, _note_

4.

[865] III, 1.

[866] II, 43.

[867] [Greek: Pais ... neos en komidei, kai eti hupo paidokomoi

tithenoumenos], Agathias, I, 4: _parvulus_, Gregory, IV, 6.

[868] Gregory, III, 20.

[869] III, 22.

[870] III, 23.

[871] III, 27.

[872] Many recent historians have expressed doubts as to the conventional

date, 515, for Hygelac's death. J. P. Jacobsen, in the Danish translation

of Gregory (1911) suggested 525-30: following him Severinsen (_Danske

Studier_, 1919, 96) suggested c. 526, as did Fredborg, _Det foersta

[oa]rtalet i Sveriges historia_. L. Schmidt (_Geschichte der deutschen

Staemme_, II, 500, _note_, 1918) suggested c. 528.

[873] Archaeological works bearing less directly upon _Beowulf_ are

enumerated in _Appendix F_; that enumeration is not repeated here.

[874] Most students nowadays will probably agree with v. Sydow's contention

that the struggle of Beowulf, first above ground and then below, is a

folk-story, one and indivisible, and that therefore there is no reason for

attributing the two sections to different authors, as do Boer, Muellenhoff

and ten Brink. But that the folk-tale is exclusively Celtic remains to be

proved; v. Sydow's contention that Celtic influence is shown in _Beowulf_

by the inhospitable shamelessness of Unferth (compare that of Kai) is

surely fanciful. Also the statement that the likeness of Bjarki and Beowulf

is confined to the freeing of the Danish palace from a dangerous monster by

a stranger from abroad, and that "das sonstige Beiwerk voellig verschieden

ist" surely cannot be maintained. As argued above (pp. 54-61) there are

other distinct points of resemblance.

v. Sydow's statement no doubt suffers from the brevity with which it is

reported, and his forthcoming volume of _Beowulf studien_ will be awaited

with interest.

* * * * *

[Illustration: SOUTHERN SCANDINAVIA IN THE SIXTH CENTURY]

[Illustration: ENGLISH BOAR-HELMET AND RING-SWORDS

I. Benty Grange Helmet (Roach Smith, _Collectanea Antiqua_, II, 238).

II. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Faversham, Kent (_Ibid._, VI, 139).

III. Pommel of Ring-Sword from Gilton, Kent (_Archaeologia_, XXX, 132). ]