JAMES II. AND SCHOMBERG, 1689-1690
[Sidenote: Schomberg's preparations.]
Before leaving London, Schomberg had ordered Kirke to relieve
Londonderry. If the town could hold out, and if his orders were
obeyed, he had no doubt that it would be safe to land in Ulster, but
he feared that Kirke could not be depended on (_un homme capricieux_).
The boom was broken on July 30, and the good news reached Schomberg
at Chester on August 3, though at first he could hardly believe it.
Three days later one of the warships from Lough Foyle came in with
the official account, and the captain wanted to go on to London, but
Portland, who had come to Chester, preferred to carry the message
himself. Kirke's account got to Edinburgh as early as August 1. Dundee
received his death-wound only three days before the breaking of the
boom, and after that Schomberg knew that there was no danger on the
Scotch side. On arriving at Chester, Schomberg found nothing to his
liking. He blamed William Harbord, Essex's old secretary, who had been
appointed paymaster-general, in the belief that he made money unduly by
taking advance of the exchange, while the brass coin made all values
uncertain. Harbord had a company, but the old general says scornfully
that he had seen nothing of it but the colours in his room. It was
said that he employed the officers at civil work. As to John Shales,
the chief commissary, Schomberg is quite outspoken, and in the end he
sent him to England to stand his trial. Shales had great experience,
and that was why he was appointed, but the extreme Whigs naturally
believed evil of all who had served the late King. Most likely the
mismanagement and the peculation were much what the general described,
but Shales probably knew that greater men than himself were involved,
and the charges against him were never sifted to the bottom. Schomberg
had a poor opinion of the English officers generally, and they were
particularly unfit to train raw recruits during actual warfare.
Cromwell's plan had been to enlist men in England and to send over half
a battalion at a time to join the more seasoned soldiers and to learn
the rest of their business from them. Yet even Cromwell lost many men
by disease during his first campaign. As it was, hundreds, perhaps
thousands, of village lads were swept into the ranks who had never
fired a gun, and some who had never seen one fired. The infantry were
thinly clothed, and had no great coats. The cavalry were rather better
off, but the officers, for the most part, did not mind their men's
comfort, and the privates would hardly take the trouble to groom their
horses. Schomberg stayed over three weeks at or near Chester, grumbling
much and with good reason, but working hard to make up for the defects
of bad administration. In the meantime a fleet of transports was
assembled in the Dee with enough men-of-war to guard against possible
attack by French cruisers.[239]
[Sidenote: Schomberg reaches Ireland.]
[Sidenote: Weakness of the Jacobite army.]
On August 5 Portland arrived with William's last injunctions, and
probably with orders to hasten the embarkation. He had an hour's
private talk with Schomberg, even lieutenant-generals knowing nothing
of what was said. The two men visited one or more of the ships. The
certain news from Londonderry came next day, and on the third Schomberg
went on board. All were ready to sail at a given signal as soon as the
wind came south-east. Belfast Lough was their destination, and it was
arranged that if any vessels were driven out of their course there
should be a rendezvous at Ramsey, in Man. On August 12 the signal gun
was fired, the wind held all the way, and the whole squadron were off
Bangor, in Down, after thirty-one hours' sail. The shore was crowded
with Protestants of both sexes and every age, 'old and young falling
on their knees with tears in their eyes thanking God and the English
for their deliverance.' In mid-channel a crazy little boat had been
picked up containing a poor minister, his daughter, and a servant girl,
who were flying to Scotland to escape King James's men. Schomberg took
them on board and carried them to a place of safety. The little harbour
of Groomsport was utilised for the disembarkation. Ten thousand men
were landed and lay with their arms for the first night. They were not
interfered with, though an enterprising officer might have done much,
since Schomberg had at first no cavalry with him. The horses of one
regiment had all perished at sea through mismanagement. The Jacobites
fell back to Lisburn, leaving a garrison in Carrickfergus, who
promptly burned the suburbs, and Belfast was occupied by the invaders
on August 14 without any resistance. On the 20th, Carrickfergus was
invested. Having to leave a good detachment in Belfast and another
near the landing-place, Schomberg reported that he had only 6000
effective foot for the siege and no horse. Brigadier Maxwell, who
commanded in Ulster for James, was much blamed for not attacking him
at once, but he overrated the strength of the English, and feared to
be hemmed in between them and the combined forces of Kirke and the
Enniskilleners. Avaux wondered that Schomberg did not march straight
to Drogheda, where there were scarcely 2000 men ready to oppose him.
Berwick says he could easily have taken Dublin, and that the Jacobites
were infinitely obliged to him for amusing himself at Carrickfergus.
Londonderry and Newtown Butler had destroyed so many that for the
moment it seemed almost impossible for James to get an army together.
An artillery officer named Dean had deserted from Schomberg immediately
after landing, and no doubt his account led Avaux to believe that the
invaders were in overwhelming strength. He did not realise that the
English regiments, who formed the bulk of Schomberg's army, consisted
chiefly of raw recruits. Before the cavalry from England and the
victorious Protestants under Kirke and Wolseley assembled it seemed
better to take Carrickfergus, whose guns were an annoyance to the
shipping.[240]
[Sidenote: Schomberg takes Carrickfergus.]
The Governor of Carrickfergus was Charles MacCarthy More, who had never
seen a shot fired, but Colonel Owen MacCarthy was the real chief. There
were no regular works, no skilled gunners, and no surgeon, but the two
regiments of Munster infantry fought well. Approaches were made and
batteries with guns and mortars erected on the north, east and west
sides, while English men-of-war annoyed the Castle from the sea. The
bands played 'Lillibullero' to encourage the gunners. A breach was made
near the north gate of the town, but the garrison drove cattle on to
it. As the poor beasts fell they were piled up to make a breastwork,
from behind which the Irish fired. When bullets failed, they stripped
lead from the Castle roof. The bombardment of the town did little harm
except to certain Protestant inhabitants, but powder ran short and,
to save time, Schomberg was content on August 28 to let the garrison
march out with the honours of war after a week's siege. The terms of
capitulation were observed by the army, but the Protestant mob, who had
suffered much from the garrison, were very violent, stripping the women
and threatening the men. Schomberg himself, pistol in hand, exerted
himself to protect them, otherwise the country people, says Story,
'would certainly have used the poor Irish most severely, so angry were
they one at another, though they live all in a country.' Some of the
Irish-Scots particularly would have fallen on them in spite of the
capitulation. The only excuse for what happened was that the garrison
were said to be carrying off private property contrary to the articles,
and that the owners recognised it. Carrickfergus once taken, James
no longer held anything in Ulster except Charlemont and the eastern
portion of Cavan.[241]
[Sidenote: Desolation of the country.]
[Sidenote: Berwick evacuates Newry.]
[Sidenote: Want of provisions.]
Having thus secured his communications by sea, Schomberg encamped about
Belfast, where he received a letter from Berwick addressed to him as
Count, but he sent it back unopened because the title of Duke was
withheld. He ordered the horses and train of artillery to come from
Chester to Carlingford, and then marched in a leisurely way to guard
that bay. At and round Dromore, where the Protestants were routed early
in the year, not so much as a sheep or cow could be seen, and very few
people. At Loughbrickland it was much the same, the reaped corn lying
unbound on the ground under the rain. Here the Enniskillen horse joined
the army, badly equipped but ready to advance against any odds if
allowed. They said they would never thrive as long as they were under
orders. When these enterprising horsemen appeared three miles from
Newry, Berwick set the town on fire, destroying all except an old keep
and five or six houses, and throwing one gun over the bridge into the
river. He had only 1600 men with him, but made such a show that he was
thought to be much stronger. Schomberg sent a letter to say that if the
enemy burned any more towns it would be the worse for the prisoners at
Enniskillen and Londonderry. He was answered that the terms granted at
Carrickfergus had been infringed, and that until they were fulfilled
King James would make reprisals. But Dundalk was not burned, and
Schomberg occupied it unresisted. No attempt was made to obstruct him
at the Moyry pass where there was so much fighting in Elizabeth's time.
There was, however, considerable difficulty in feeding the army, for
the country north of Dundalk had been devastated and baggage animals
were almost entirely wanting. The ships did not reach Carlingford for
some days, and even when they came, artillery horses had to be used, to
the great disgust of the officers, in bringing provisions from thence.
Two thousand of Lord Bellew's sheep were soon eaten, and for some
time there was little or no bread. Story, the historian, had to dig
potatoes for dinner, and he says many better men were glad to have that
resource. In the meantime, James was steadily increasing his force,
and Schomberg's army of about 14,000 was soon confronted by superior
numbers. Many of the Irish were raw recruits, but the English were for
the most part no better. They were ready to fight, but knew nothing of
firearms, scarce one in four being able to discharge his matchlock, and
they had no idea of looking after themselves. Being undisciplined, they
could scarcely be got to work even for their own good, lying on the wet
ground rather than build huts; both French and Dutch showed a marked
superiority in these respects.[242]
[Sidenote: Flight of Melfort.]
[Sidenote: James's proclamation.]
[Sidenote: Schomberg refuses battle.]
When Schomberg landed he was, of course, unaware that James had no
more than 2000 effective men available for the defence of Dublin. It
was even proposed to fall back on Athlone at once. On the night of
August 25 Melfort stole out of Dublin for fear of the Irish. He had
long been aware of his own extreme unpopularity, and had sought to be
relieved. James made a pretence of sending him on a mission to France.
At the French Court his discomfiture was attributed to the failure
of his intrigues to oust Tyrconnel. Under pressure from the Irish,
James made Nagle secretary-at-war in his place--a very good lawyer but
entirely ignorant of military matters. Rosen thought Dublin could not
be saved, and advised a withdrawal to Athlone, but James could not
neglect the wishes of Tyrconnel and of the Irish generally, who would
leave him if he despaired. The removal of the hated minister worked
miracles. Men were collected from all sides. Eight thousand pike-heads
from France which had lain idle were at last fixed on staves. Many
scythe-blades were used in the same way, and made a brilliant show when
the hostile armies faced each other in the sunshine. Unserviceable
muskets were repaired as far as possible, but this was not easy, for
the armourers were all Protestants and took care not to do their work
too well. On the day after Melfort's departure James went to Drogheda
with 200 horse. There he issued a general order to officers to join
their regiments. By proclamation, all who served under Schomberg,
irrespective of nation or religion, were invited to desert him,
officers being maintained by their legitimate king in their old rank
at least, and soldiers receiving a bounty of 40_s._ The army generally
was encouraged by the promise of aid from France, and the ranks filled
fast. No opposition was offered to James's progress through Louth, and
by September 16 he had 26,000 men, nearly double Schomberg's force,
encamped along the line of the Fane River, little more than three
miles from Dundalk. Five days later he offered battle on a bright
autumn morning, his right wing moving very near Dundalk, but Schomberg
remained within his entrenchments, where he felt safe. He argued that
a defeat would be disastrous to William, and that he could not risk it
with a force much inferior in numbers and ill-provided with shoes and
clothing. He believed that if his half-trained army were once broken
he would never be able to get it together again. The Irish lords,
who were anxious to get back to their homes and properties, favoured
a bolder policy, and of course the London gossips blamed the old
general without moving him. A sort of opposition was headed by Loftus
of Rathfarnham, lately created Lord Lisburn, and Schomberg considered
him a dangerous influence in the army. But even William thought more
activity might have been shown. On the other hand, there were many
among James's followers who wished to attack Dundalk, but James would
not risk it, and a few days later drew back towards Ardee, where he
began some fortifications and lay encamped till the end of October. By
that time all the forage was consumed within a radius of four miles,
most of the soldiers had neither shoes nor stockings and their clothing
gave little protection against torrents of cold rain. James was as
improvident as ever, and Nagle, though active and zealous, knew nothing
about the business of an army.[243]
[Sidenote: Military conspiracy.]
The inducements held out had no effect on the fidelity of Schomberg's
English and Dutch troops, but in the so-called Huguenot regiments many
Roman Catholics had enlisted, and among them a serious conspiracy came
to light. The ringleader, who was said to have instructions from the
Jesuits, was Duplessis, formerly a captain in the French service, who
had fled from justice for some act of violence. The plan, in case of
a battle, was to open fire on the rear of Schomberg's army. Duplessis
was broken on the wheel, and five others were hanged. About 200 Roman
Catholics were found in the ranks, who were all sent to Carlingford,
and thence to England. The real Huguenots were to be trusted, but by
their overbearing manners they incurred the dislike of the English, who
were jealous of their superior industry and efficiency. Even amongst
British troops there was a tendency to desert and join King James.
Sir John Lanier, who was not conciliatory, had much trouble with his
men.[244]
[Sidenote: Sufferings of the army at Dundalk,]
[Sidenote: and at Belfast.]
Schomberg thought it might be possible to risk a battle when his army
had been reinforced by a promised Danish contingent, who would be
useless if they arrived after a defeat. Owing to French intrigues,
and other diplomatic hindrances, these valuable allies did not reach
England until November. They were about 5000 foot and 1000 horse, 'old
disciplined soldiers, and very civil, and the Duke of Wirtemberg their
general.' By that time Schomberg had retired from Dundalk, where the
mortality had been frightful, and the state of things in the Belfast
hospital was no better. Story, who was an eye-witness, and who did
what he could to help the poor soldiers, has left notices of these
scenes which, in their simple brevity, vie with the descriptions of
Thucydides and Manzoni. They were quite demoralised, not caring much
for the death of comrades, but resenting their burial because they
could then no longer make shelters with the bodies. During the retreat,
two men died at Newry among a number who cowered in a ruined stable.
The survivors begged the chaplain to get them a fire, 'which I did,
coming in about two hours after they had pulled in the two dead men to
make seats of.' The cavalry suffered less than the infantry because
they had cloaks. Further on in the winter, when thousands had already
died, 18,000 great-coats were ordered in London. Regimental surgeons at
4_s._ 6_d._ a day with assistants at 2_s._ 6_d._ were not likely to be
very efficient. Apothecaries received but 1_s._ The supply of medical
stores was altogether inadequate, very little for wounds, and nothing
at all for fever and dysentery, which were the real destroyers. The
mortality was not quite so great among the officers, who were better
clad and had more foresight than their men, but many died. With some
exceptions, the English officers, many of whom drank hard, were not
careful enough of those under them, and compared unfavourably with the
professional foreign soldiers. Count Solms, in particular, was said
to be a father to his men. The fever, originating in the camp, spread
all over the north. Vessels lay off Belfast entirely filled with the
dead, like the phantom ships in Campbell's poem, and the greatest
mortality was among people who lived near the hospital there. At first
the Irish army suffered less, for they escaped much of the rain which
fell upon Dundalk. The superstitious attributed this to a judgment,
but Story who was not superstitious, says 'it was because we lay in
a hollow at the bottom of the mountains, and they upon a high sound
ground ... they were born in the country and were used to bad lying and
feeding.' Between the camp, the transport, and the hospital about half
of Schomberg's army perished. Before he retreated, the mortality among
James's men was nearly as great, and they confessed to a loss of 7000.
Of Schomberg's army, 1700 died at Dundalk, 800 on ship-board, and 3800
in the Belfast hospital, leaving only 7700 survivors.[245]
[Sidenote: Mismanagement and corruption. Harbord and Shales.]
When military affairs go wrong, it is the common practice to seek for
a scapegoat. Schomberg was disposed to blame the paymaster, William
Harbord, whom he thought more attentive to his own perquisites than to
the business of his place. He was superseded early in the following
year, but was employed elsewhere. A French apothecary was put under
arrest for not providing the necessary medicines. But both the general
and the public agreed in condemning Commissary-General Shales, whose
experience had been gained in victualling King James's army during
the Monmouth affair, and afterwards in the camp at Hounslow. He had
lingered long in England after Schomberg took up his position at
Dundalk, and it was scarcely denied that he had been guilty, but he
said that if pressed he would put the saddle on the right horse. His
conduct was the subject of a very hot debate in the House of Commons.
'Whoever put this man into this trust,' said Birch, 'are friends to
King James and not to King William,' and that was the opinion of the
majority who addressed the King for the removal of Shales and for the
name of the person who recommended him. Somers suggested that His
Majesty should be merely asked to dismiss the person who had given the
advice; but the more violent course was adopted. William readily agreed
to dismiss Shales and impound his papers, but said it was impossible
for him to name his adviser. There is some reason to suppose that the
statesman aimed at was Halifax. Shales was sent over to England, but
not until after the dissolution, and nothing further seems to have been
done.[246]
[Sidenote: Sligo taken and retaken.]
The Jacobites, though their challenge was not a very determined one,
claimed to have had the best of the campaign. But between the two main
armies there was no serious fighting. Towards the end of September,
Colonel Lloyd left Sligo with a small force of Enniskilleners, passed
the Curlew hills, and defeated a much larger body under O'Kelly,
killing many and taking many prisoners, besides a great quantity of
cattle. So complete was the victory that he was able to occupy Boyle
and Jamestown on the Shannon. Schomberg, who was glad to have any
chance of encouraging his men, made much of this affair, paraded all
the Enniskillen men in camp, and rode along their ranks with his head
bare. Three rounds of musketry were fired, and also salutes from
some of the big guns. The noise excited wonder and some alarm in the
Irish camp, but James's men professed to be ignorant of any defeat.
Sarsfield and Henry Luttrell were, however, sent to the West a few
weeks later with a considerable force. Schomberg had not men enough
to operate in that direction, and Lloyd was soon driven from his new
conquests back into Sligo, and from thence to Ballyshannon. The fort
commanding Sligo was gallantly defended for three days by St. Sauveur,
a French captain, but provisions and water failed, and he was forced to
surrender, marching out with arms and baggage. Sarsfield kept his word
strictly, and as the garrison filed past he offered five guineas and a
horse and arms to any soldier who would serve King James. One Huguenot
accepted his offer, but carried the guineas, the horse, and the arms
to Ballyshannon. All the rest declared that they would never fight for
the 'papishes.' Sligo was the key of Connaught, and the whole province
remained in James's hands until after the Boyne.[247]
[Sidenote: Sufferings of James's army.]
[Sidenote: State of Dublin.]
James was inclined to cling to the position at Ardee with its
unfinished fortifications, which Avaux had always said would be
useless. But the ambassador prevailed upon him to remove his
headquarters to Dublin, where at least the soldiers would not have to
live in huts that did not keep out the rain. Scarcely any of them had
shirts, one-half were without shoes and stockings, and one-third were
bare-legged. The country was exhausted, and the magazines recommended
by Avaux and Rosen had never been built. When the camp was evacuated,
many dying men were left behind without food or care. In the hospital
established between Ardee and Drogheda, there were 300 sick without
provisions, wine, or beer. There was no doctor, no baker or cook, not
even an attendant to bring a glass of water. At Drogheda there were
over 200 more in a disused church. One-third had palliasses, the rest
lay on the ground, with scarcely any food, and no drink but bad water.
Dublin itself was given up to riot and dissipation during the winter
and early spring. The city, says Stevens, 'seemed to be a seminary of
vice, an academy of luxury, or rather a sink of corruption, and living
emblem of Sodom.' Other Jacobite accounts are much to the same effect.
Among the worst drunkards was James's son Henry, who enjoyed the empty
title of Grand Prior. He was Stevens's colonel, but scarcely ever fit
for duty. Dining one day with some Irish officers he began to quarrel
with them, and Berwick tried to smooth matters by drinking confusion to
Melfort. The Grand Prior then declared that Melfort was his friend and
an honest man, and ended by breaking his full glass on Lord Dungan's
nose. James was willing that his son should fight, but Dungan very
wisely passed the matter over as a childish ebullition.[248]
[Sidenote: Incompetence of James.]
[Sidenote: Lauzun is sent to Ireland.]
King James did little to improve the state of affairs. He seldom
made up his mind until it was too late, and would scarcely listen
to those who sought to establish discipline. There were many French
officers who could be of little use, for they had no direct charge of
the soldiers, and received commissions as majors and colonels with
no duties attached. Some of them indeed, in Boisseleau's language,
were good neither to boil nor to roast. There were also many French
swashbucklers, who did nothing but increase the ill-feeling between
their countrymen and the Irish. Tyrconnel, Avaux, and Nagle worked
together to evolve order out of chaos. They suppressed over a hundred
loose companies, and aimed at reducing the army to twenty battalions of
800 men, seven regiments of cavalry, and seven of dragoons. Louis made
up his mind to send over six or seven thousand men as soon as he could
spare them, receiving in exchange a like number of Irish for his own
army. About the beginning of 1690 it was known that troops were going
to Ireland and that Lauzun would command them. The decision to send a
force had been come to early in the previous summer; the appointment of
such a general was owing to Mary of Modena, to whom Louis paid frequent
visits. La Hoguette was made second in command. He did not like the
work or the general, but prepared to obey. Bussy Rabutin said the
exiled Queen was mad to raise a man of so little merit as Lauzun, for
himself he would always have the meanest opinion of him, though he were
given the Golden Fleece in addition to the Garter and the Holy Ghost.
Louis XIV. realised that it was impossible to put Avaux and Lauzun
together, as they were on the worst of terms. The ambassador and Rosen
were to return with the Irish contingent in the ships which brought
over the French. Lauzun lingered in Paris as long as he decently
could, but at last followed his men to Brest, whence he sailed on St.
Patrick's Day 1690.[249]
[Sidenote: Irish troops sent to France.]
James was at first unwilling to have the assistance of a French army,
lest the control of the country should be taken out of his hands.
But after less than six months' experience he despaired of doing
anything without this dreaded help, and as France could not spare men
until the continental campaign was finished, he thought of leaving
Ireland. Louis warned him that to do so would be to give up all hope
of ever regaining his crown. But jealousy of his great ally continued
to animate him. He did not like Sarsfield, whom he had promoted very
unwillingly; but when Avaux proposed to send him in charge of the
Irish going to France, he said the ambassador wished to steal all
his best officers. It was the same in Lord Kilmallock's case, and in
that of every competent candidate. Louis refused to have any of the
Hamiltons, and the command was given to Mountcashel, who was peculiarly
fit for the work, and who, from the circumstances of his escape from
Enniskillen, could not serve again in Ireland. Very few tolerable
officers were to be had, and it was not easy to collect the stipulated
quota of privates, but in the end five strong regiments were embarked,
numbering 5300 men. Many of the officers were shopkeepers and artisans,
and they could not be refused for fear of stopping the recruiting, but
it was intended to change them in France. As may be imagined under
these circumstances, the health and cleanliness of the rank and file
were neglected, and many were sick on arriving at Brest. Louvois gave
orders to have them cared for and to force their officers to cleanse
them from the vermin by which they were devoured. Yet these same men
served gloriously in many a continental battle.[250]
[Sidenote: French Opinion.]
[Sidenote: Advice of Louis XIV.]
Even before his failure at Londonderry, many at the French Court
thought James's presence in Ireland did more harm than good. During
the lull between the arrival of Lauzun and the expedition of William,
Madame de Sévigné reported the general opinion that James had spoiled
his own business there and earned all his misfortunes. With a greatly
superior force he was just able to check Schomberg's advance, and yet
he talked of a descent on England or Scotland. He hated Ireland, and
lent a ready ear to secret emissaries from both his lost kingdoms, who
assured him that William was most unpopular and that all were ready
to welcome their rightful king. His Queen received many messages to
the same effect, but for some months she did not think it would be
safe for her husband to invade England with less than 20,000 men.
About the time that the two armies were going into winter quarters,
she thought it might be attempted with any force he could command and
without French help, except at sea. He gave a list of the Irish troops
which he proposed to send. Avaux, Louvois, Vauban, and Louis XIV. all
impressed upon him that the business in hand was to make himself master
of Ireland, and the latter said he would never risk his ships in St.
George's Channel until he had command of the sea. The opportunity did
not come till the battle of Beachy Head, but that was on the eve of
the Boyne. Quite late in the winter, when James feared that Schomberg
would be reinforced and that an English force might land in Munster, he
began to talk again about going to England. Louis finally declared that
this was not to be thought of until there was a party under arms strong
enough to resist William's army, until there was a fortified port
ready, garrisoned and victualled, and until all the conditions of his
return were fully settled. Above all, he must wait until the passage
was made safe by a naval victory. James was cautioned not to believe
those who gave contrary advice and who were very probably secret agents
of the Prince of Orange, but he went on talking of invading England
even when William was making his final preparations for attacking him
in Ireland. We know from Jacobite sources that the English Government
was always well informed about what happened at St. Germain.[251]
[Sidenote: Brass money.]
Pikes could be made in Ireland, where ash-trees are plentiful, for
3_s._ 10_d._ apiece, but firearms and even swords had to be imported
from France. Textile fabrics of all sorts ran short. In the winter of
1689 some armourers were at work in Dublin, but the supply of steel
was insufficient. Wool was abundant, and cloth for uniforms could be
produced. But the most important manufacture under James's rule was
brass money. Needy governments have been tempted in all ages to tamper
with the currency. Gallienus, and other late Roman emperors, carried
the practice very far. Leather money was issued by Indian princes at
a very early date, with the usual result. The credit of paper, which
is the modern equivalent, depends upon the ability of the government
to make good its nominal value. In the American Civil War, the notes
of the seceding states became depreciated as the end drew near, and
when all was over were sold very cheap as curiosities. Three months
after James's arrival in Dublin he issued a proclamation setting
forth that money was scarce, and that he proposed to remedy this by
coining sixpenny pieces out of brass or copper. These were made legal
tender, except for the payment of duties on foreign commodities,
of money held in trust, or of judgment debts already due. Interest
accruing thereafter on mortgages, bills, bonds, or obligations might
be satisfied with the new currency, and also the principal of debts
'where the debtor or his goods are or shall be taken in execution of
the same.' Refusal to accept the new coin was to be punished with the
utmost rigour of the law as contempt of the royal prerogative, but
actual importers of foreign goods were excepted for the first payment.
The King declared that the expedient was only temporary, and promised
to pay the full value in gold or silver when the base coin should be
cried down. A few days later an issue of shillings and half-crowns was
proclaimed on the same terms.[252]
[Sidenote: A depreciated currency.]
The full effect of these measures in destroying credit and paralysing
trade was not felt at once. Within a month of the first proclamation
Avaux reported that the copper coins were everywhere taken as ready
money, and that this was a great relief to King James. The precious
metals soon disappeared from circulation. Even copper ran short, and
the ambassador applied to the French King for at least fifty tons.
Steel to make dies was also wanted, and men who could use it; for
the whole supply of money depended on a single Protestant engraver
who might go away at any moment. When French troops were expected,
it was decided, after much discussion, to pay them in French money,
and this made matters worse. Prices rose to an undreamed-of height in
anticipation of brass having to compete with gold and silver. Cannon
were converted into coin, and the total issue ultimately reached a
million or more. Every sort of rubbish was used to make up for the want
of good brass or copper. Half-crowns were converted by re-stamping
into crowns, and at last a guinea, which at the beginning of 1689 was
worth 24_s._ Irish, became exchangeable for base metal to the nominal
value of 5_l._ As in the old Greek tale, gold made its way in spite of
brass. The Protestants hoarded it or smuggled it to England. Writing to
the exiled Queen on December 12/22, Tyrconnel says, 'Not a farthing of
silver or gold is now to be seen in this whole nation.' All attempts
to arrest the depreciation of course failed. By one proclamation the
Government undertook to receive any quantity of currency by way of
loan, to be repaid in specie when it was decried, interest being fixed
at six per cent., and afterwards at ten; but the public liked not
the security. All the exceptions made in favour of creditors were
abrogated, and brass or pewter money was declared universal legal
tender. To counterfeit it was high treason, and to refuse it contempt
of the prerogative. Only a fortnight before the Boyne a guinea was
officially rated at 38_s._, and no one was to give more on pain of
death. When William gained possession of Dublin he lost no time in
crying down the base money. The best of the crowns and half-crowns
were made legal tender for one penny, and the smaller pieces in
proportion.'[253]
[Sidenote: Fight at Newry.]
[Sidenote: Wolseley takes Belturbet]
[Sidenote: and Cavan.]
The military operations between Schomberg's retirement from Dundalk
and the landing of King William were not very important. Boisseleau
made an attempt to surprise the ruined town of Newry, but his party
was beaten back by the small garrison consisting chiefly of sick men.
Some who could not stand managed to fire with their backs propped
against the walls of the roofless houses, and others shot from the
windows. Among the slain Irish was Magennis, who killed Tory Hamilton
at Down in 1686. After this Schomberg sent regular reliefs, and Newry
remained his outpost on the side of Belfast. The outpost on the side
of Enniskillen was Belturbet, which Wolseley surprised early in
December. More than two months later Berwick led an expedition to
recapture it, and concentrated a considerable force at Cavan. Wolseley
was well informed and determined on a night attack before the whole
of the enemy arrived. He had with him about a thousand men, and the
English accounts say that Berwick's force along with the garrison was
four times as large. This is probably an exaggeration, but the odds
were certainly not less than two to one. Wolseley was delayed on the
march, and did not reach Cavan till after daybreak. The surprise was
not therefore complete, and the assailants were met by a smart fire.
The Irish retired through the town to the fortified castle, and the
Enniskilleners, who imagined their victory complete, began to plunder
in all directions. A sally followed, and Wolseley had to set fire to
the houses to get his men out. They fell back on the reserve, and
he then advanced in good order. Berwick's success was short-lived.
His cavalry, as he tells us himself, fled for a distance of twelve
miles, and he owns to a loss of 500. Wolseley lost thirty men and two
officers. Among the slain was Brigadier Nugent, a brave soldier, much
regretted by the Irish, and many officers were taken prisoners. Berwick
had a horse shot under him. The victorious soldiers took 4000_l._ in
brass money, but they threw it about the streets as not worth carrying
away. The Castle was too strong to attack, and Wolseley marched back
to Belturbet, which was not molested afterwards. Soon after this Sir
John Lanier threatened Dundalk, but found it too strong to attack.
A detachment took Bellew Castle, and 1500 cattle were driven off.
Schomberg had garrisons at Clones, Monaghan, and Armagh, and his
headquarters were at Lisburn. There were frequent skirmishes along the
line between Lough Erne and Newry, but beyond it Charlemont was the
only place holding out for King James. The rest of Ireland was in his
power.[254]
Avaux and Rosen were both recalled to please James and because neither
of them could get on with Lauzun. Avaux did his best to hide his
contempt for the King, but did not quite succeed. Rosen was scarcely
civil to His Majesty and was moreover hated by every officer in the
Irish army.
[Sidenote: Intrigues in France. Melfort.]
[Sidenote: Mission of Dover.]
Melfort was generally hated on both sides of St. George's Channel.
In Scotland, Dundee was thought to be his only friend, and was an
extremely candid one. But he had Mary of Modena's ear, and he always
worked against Avaux and against Tyrconnel as head of the French party
in Ireland. In the three months preceding his journey to Fontainebleau
at the beginning of October, Louis paid the exiled Queen no less than
fourteen visits at St. Germain, and Melfort had influence in this
way. Even when recalling the unpopular favourite, the King of France
rebuked Avaux for being too hard on him. At Dublin Lord Dover tried to
steer a middle course, realising Melfort's incompetence and working
with Tyrconnel, though he hated his French tendencies. In July, when
Londonderry was still unrelieved, James sent him on a mission to
France, and Avaux evidently feared his action there while defying him
to contradict anything he had said about the mismanagement of affairs
in Ireland. Dover was commissioned to ask for 6000 French infantry,
a considerable sum of money, a hundred thousand pounds of powder, a
train of artillery with the necessary officers, and a vast quantity
of small arms and other munitions of war. On reaching Versailles he
spoke slightingly of Tyrconnel and favourably of Melfort, with whom
he was supposed to have some understanding, but court opinion was
entirely with the former. Dover pressed Louis hard to give all that
James had asked for, but he was told that it was impossible to do this
with English and Dutch fleets at sea, but that when December came the
men should be sent and as much of the other things wanted as could be
spared. The visits to St. Germain had done their work, and when they
were resumed after the excursion to Fontainebleau, the exiled Queen
was informed to her great joy that 6000 men were going, and that her
favourite Lauzun was to command. This had been known for some time in
official circles. That James and his wife should have been foolish
enough to wish for such a general is surprising, but that Louis should
have granted their prayer passes all understanding. Bussy Rabutin,
expressing the general opinion, says Lauzun was one of the smallest
of God's creatures, both in body and mind. Dover was sent back to
Ireland with 2000 muskets and ammunition. He reached Kinsale safely in
December, but the vessel containing arms was captured by the English
off the Scillies. Avaux was afraid that Lauzun's intrigues would injure
him at Versailles, but Louis reassured him on this point. As neither
he nor Rosen could serve with the new general, they were ordered to
return with the fleet that brought him to Ireland. The King of France
showed that he valued his ambassador's services by inviting him to
all the much valued, but very uncomfortable parties at Marly, and by
sending him on a mission to Sweden. Rosen obtained an important cavalry
command.[255]
[Sidenote: Lauzun reaches Ireland.]
Exactly twelve months to a day after King James Lauzun sailed from
Brest and arrived in Cork harbour with over 7000 French troops. One
regiment contained many Dutch Protestants, and had to be closely
watched. The general had not yet got the ducal coronet which he had
tried to stipulate for, but he wore the Garter and the Order of the
Holy Ghost. Tyrconnel warned Avaux that there would not be horses
for the officers nor carts to carry stores. It was no business of
the retiring ambassador's and he could only warn Lord Dover, who was
responsible for embarkation and quarters. When Avaux and Rosen were
gone, Lauzun, who thought only of the King of France, had difficulties
with Dover, who thought of James as King of England. Much merchandise
had come with the fleet, and the Frenchman sought favourable terms
for the traders, while the Englishman was chiefly anxious that his
sovereign's rights should not be infringed. Lauzun thought, perhaps
rightly, that under existing circumstances not one guinea would reach
King James out of the duties thus insisted on, that Ireland should be
regarded as a besieged city, and that famine could only be averted by
opening the ports. This reasoning prevailed, and three weeks after
his landing Lauzun persuaded James to issue a proclamation remitting
the customs on all foreign goods except silk and tobacco. But the
difficulties about transport and storage continued. La Hoguette thought
King James improvident, but it was Lauzun's cue to lay the whole blame
upon Dover. Cork, he said, was a tomb very hard to get out of. As soon
as Avaux and Rosen had embarked with the Irish regiments, he and Dover
went to Dublin, but the French troops could not move for some time.
Even the flour they brought with them had to be stored in a ruined
building, and half of it was washed away or reduced to a condition in
which the dough would not rise. Much of what remained was lost in the
carriage to Dublin on horses' backs.[256]
[Sidenote: The Protestants disarmed.]
[Sidenote: Dr. William King.]
On February 25, 1689, Tyrconnel, having heard all that Richard Hamilton
could say, issued a proclamation for disarming Protestants. They had
to carry their weapons to their parish churches on pain of being
subjected to disorderly searches by the soldiery. Three thousand
firearms besides bayonets, swords, and pikes were seized, and horses
were taken also. Both before and after this, crowds went to England
and others found their way to the North. Many fled from their country
homes to Dublin in hopes of escaping thence or perhaps supposing that
the law could protect them there. The established clergy got away in
large numbers, Francis Marsh, Archbishop of Dublin, among them. He left
Dean King authority to act as his commissary, and the chapters of St.
Patrick's and Christ Church submitted in spiritual matters to Dopping,
Bishop of Meath. Some other Dublin clergymen stood their ground, and
with the help of the fugitives from country districts King managed to
arrange for the duties of every parish in the diocese. When the Irish
Parliament had been prorogued just before the relief of Londonderry and
only a little before the landing of Schomberg, King was imprisoned in
the Castle. No evidence was ever produced against him, and Sir Edward
Herbert was for releasing him on bail, but Nugent was hostile, and
he remained in confinement for more than four months. He was allowed
to see his friends, and had many visitors, Roman Catholics as well
as Protestants, who kept him well informed. The possible approach
of Schomberg made his gaolers stricter, but in November Nagle said
the invading army was mouldered to the Devil, and he saw no use in
prisoners; in the following month King was released. Even when the
watch was pretty close he mentions a venison pasty for supper, and
Father Harold the Franciscan, who helped to eat it. Lest his diary
should fall into the hands of the enemy he always entered James as King
and William as Prince of Orange. In June 1690 when the deliverer was at
hand, a state of siege was established in Dublin, and there were some
3000 Protestants in custody. Lists were made of all male Protestants
from 16 to 80, any arms that still remained among them were ordered
to be given up on pain of death, none were to leave their houses from
ten at night till five in the morning, and it was a capital offence
cognisable by court-martial for more than five of them to assemble
anywhere or at any time.[257]
[Sidenote: Protestants in Dublin. James Bonnell.]
Vast numbers of Protestants had been leaving Ireland ever since the
death of Charles II., but many remained because they could not get
away or because they had no means elsewhere. Many placemen stood
their ground, for patents could not be voided without some process
of law, and the depositaries of official knowledge might reasonably
hope to be found indispensable. Among them was the accountant-general,
James Bonnell, who took up the active duties of his office in 1685.
Clarendon, while acknowledging him to be 'ingenious,' did not think
him strong enough for the work, but there were trained clerks, and he
soon learned the business. He had travelled, and saw that Versailles
was sucking the life-blood of France as clearly as Arthur Young did
more than a century later. He was a remarkably good and religious
man, and his Anglican orthodoxy is certified by many bishops, and by
the fact that his familiar friend was the Rev. John Strype. Bonnell
was, nevertheless, willing to meet the Presbyterians half-way on the
question of orders. He spent his salary and his spare time in relieving
the wants of others during the time of Tyrconnel and James II. The
doctrine of passive obedience weighed heavily with him, but he 'could
not but secretly wish success to King William,' and accepted the result
gladly. When Bishop Cartwright, of whom historians have little good
to say, died in Dublin in April 1689, Bonnell gives him credit for
fidelity to the Church of England, and a sort of disinterestedness--'he
was buried decently from the Bishop of Meath's house, and at his
charge, for he had no money.' On July 3, 1690, Bonnell saw his
fellow-Protestants 'congratulate and embrace one another as they met,
like persons alive from the dead.' Later on, when Aughrim had been
won and Limerick taken, Bonnell wished to have a parliamentary union
as in Cromwell's time and to make all English laws since Henry VII.
applicable to Ireland. By these means the English and Protestant
interests might be preserved.[258]
[Sidenote: Refugees in Dublin.]
[Sidenote: Case of Trinity College.]
As the principal traders, the skilled artisans and the officials
were mostly Protestants, and as they were the chief sufferers the
tradition of the Brass Money has naturally been preserved among their
descendants. The crowd of fugitives from country visitors added to
the confusion. Men who had been rich were reduced to penury, and the
holders of power and influence were either in exile or reduced to the
condition of a conquered population. As in 1641 the established clergy
and laymen with property guaranteed by the Act of Settlement were often
surprised at what happened. They found the conquered people friendly
enough in common life, and often failed to see that they were perfectly
certain to retake their own when they could, and in doing so often to
take what never belonged to them. Trinity College, Dublin, though the
fellows had escaped personal attainder, was not spared. Under Tyrconnel
no rents were paid and but one meal a day was given in the hall, 'and
that a dinner, because the supper is the more expensive by reason of
coals, &c.' But fourpence a day was allowed to each fellow for kitchen
and buttery. All arms and horses were taken away. When James landed,
Vice-provost Acton and his three remaining colleagues waited on him
and were promised protection and encouragement. But six months later
the college was turned into a barrack and prison for Protestants. The
government grant to the scholars was stopped. The chapel plate--all
that was left of a rich store--was sent to the custom-house by
Luttrell, but preserved by a friendly commissioner of revenue. The
chapel itself was re-consecrated and Mass said there, but later it
was made a magazine. All the woodwork in the college was destroyed,
first by way of searching for arms, and then no doubt for fuel, of
which there was a famine in Dublin. Dr. Michael Moore, a distinguished
scholar and a man of high character, was made Provost by James, but
soon had to resign as a punishment for having preached against the
Jesuits. Another priest, Tiege MacCarthy, had charge of the library,
and is honourably distinguished for having preserved the books and
manuscripts. Provost Huntingdon and the fellows returned immediately
after the Boyne.[259]
FOOTNOTES:
[239] Schomberg's letters to William, calendared in State Papers,
_Domestic_, July 21 to August 3. Journal in Kazner's _Schomberg_, ii.
282. Hamilton to Melville in _Leven and Melville Papers_, August 1,
1689.
[240] Journal in Kazner's _Schomberg_. Story's _Impartial History_.
Avaux to Louvois, September 10/20. Schomberg to King William, August
16, State Papers, _Domestic_. Dean's information is in Clarke's _Life
of James_, Original Mem., ii. 374. Berwick's _Memoirs_. Contemporary
letter in Benn's _History of Belfast_, p. 171.
[241] Story's _Impartial History_, pp. 7-10. Schomberg to King William,
August 27, State Papers, _Domestic_. _Light to the Blind._ The articles
of capitulation are in Story's _Continuation_ and in McSkimmin's
_History of Carrickfergus_, part i. Letter printed in Benn's _History
of Belfast_, p. 171. Nihill's Journal in Macpherson's _Original
Papers_, i. 222. Letter of September 2 in _Le Fleming Papers_.
[242] Story's _Impartial History_, pp. 10-16, 38--'A regiment of
Dutch were so well hutted that not above eleven of them died the
whole campaign.' Schomberg letters of September 20 and 21 and January
9, 1689-90, in State Papers, _Domestic_, and Dalrymple. He says the
English were 'si delicatement élevés,' that in all countries he had
seen them die off at the beginning of a campaign. Early in the journal,
in Kazner appx. no. 85, it is said that the English nation 'veut assez
être conduite à son sens et n'aime que peu la subordination quoiqu'au
reste très belliqueuse,' and under September 9 the writer says the
English soldiers liked no law but 'leurs fantaisies.' Writing on
October 8, 1689, Schomberg says his levies were as raw as those of King
James, but the latter twice as numerous, _Leven and Melville Papers_.
General Douglas's opinion of the English soldiers is in Evelyn's
_Diary_, February 19, 1689-90: they were very brave and very badly
treated. Dumont de Bostaquet, whose _Mémoires inédits_ were published
in 1864, was with Schomberg in September 1689, and describes the
Enniskilleners as very good troops, but 'trop picoreurs.'
[243] Story's _Impartial Hist._, pp. 17-28. _Light to the Blind._ Avaux
to Louis XIV., August 20/30, August 28/September 7, September 10/20,
September 17/27. In the last it is mentioned that Rosen visited the
outposts at midnight and found all sentries and vedettes asleep, 'sans
en excepter pas un.' Same to same, October 21/31. Nihill's journal
in Macpherson, i. 222. _Memoires_ du Marquis de Sourches, September
19/29. Schomberg to William III., September 15, 20, 27, October 3, 6,
State Papers, _Domestic_; and Dalrymple. Lord Lisburn to Shrewsbury,
September 25, _ib._ A Jacobite account is in _A relation of what
most remarkably happened_, 1689. On October 28 Dangeau notes that
Avaux had told the French King that James's army was in a good state,
twenty-eight battalions of 600 men, sixteen squadrons of cavalry and
ten of dragoons. He offered battle in two lines, leaving a reserve
under Sutherland. Hamilton was at the centre of the first line with the
King, Tyrconnel on the right, Rosen and Galway on the left. Berwick was
at the centre of the second line with Sarsfield on the right. A diagram
sent by Avaux is in Dangeau's _Diary_, iii. 23.
[244] Schomberg to William III., September 20-27 and November 14, State
Papers, _Domestic_. Caillemote to Shrewsbury, September 23, _ib._
Story's _Impartial History_, p. 25. Letter in _Le Fleming Papers_,
October 24. Dumont, who had fled from Normandy to Holland to escape
the dragonnades, throws light on the sincerity of official conversions
in France: he had received absolution from a conscientious priest at
Rouen, who told him to take his time and not to go to church till he
had reflected, 'ce que j'ai executé fort religieusement, n'ayant jamais
entendu de messe ni participé à leurs mystères.' Luttrell, i. 613.
[245] Story's _Impartial History_. Schomberg's letters from September
to December 1689, in State Papers, _Domestic_. W. Harbord to William
III., October 23, _ib._ Newsletter of November 28, _ib._ Luttrell's
_Diary_, October and November, particularly November 15, where it
is noted that letters from Ireland report a mortality of at least
10,000 in the Jacobite army. Evelyn's _Diary_, February 19, 1689-90.
Mr. Waller's evidence in Grey's _Debates_, November 26. During the
terrible days of December 1812, after Napoleon deserted his army,
Segur testifies to the extreme demoralisation of the survivors: 'Tels
que les sauvages, les plus forts dépouillaient les plus faibles: ils
accouraient autour des mourants, souvent ils n'attendaient pas leurs
derniers soupirs.' Dumont lay in the Dundalk hospital for four weeks
with enteric fever and actually recovered.
[246] Schomberg's letters, _ut sup._ Story's _Impartial History_, vol.
i. _Commons Journal_, November 26, December 2 and 16. Grey's _Debates_,
November 26. A defence of Shales is attempted in Walton's _Hist. of
the British Army_, p. 74. Foxcroft's _Halifax_, ii. 82. On February
19, 1689-90, Evelyn met General Douglas at dinner, who mentioned 'the
exceeding neglect of the English soldiers, suffering severely for want
of clothes and necessaries this winter, exceedingly magnifying their
courage and bravery during all their hardships.'
[247] Story's _Impartial History_, pp. 25, 34. Avaux's narrative sent
to Seignelay on November 24/December 6, 1689. Luttrell's _Diary_,
October 3, November 15. State Papers, _Domestic_, November 28. Clarke's
_Life of James II._, ii. 383.
[248] Stevens, p. 72. _Light to the Blind_, p. 90. _Macariæ Excidium_,
p. 38. Avaux to Louis XIV., November 14/24 1689, and February 1/11,
1689-90.
[249] Louis XIV. to Avaux, May 24 and November 16, 1689. Avaux to Louis
XIV., November 24. Dangeau, January 6, 1689-90. De Sourches, November
19, February 20. Bussy Rabutin to Madame de Sévigné, March 23, 1689.
[250] Avaux to Louvois, October 11/21, 1689, and April 2/12, 1690.
Louvois to Buridal, May 11, 1690, in Rousset, iv. 383. Schomberg
considered that MacCarthy had broken his parole, but he was acquitted
by a Court Martial in France. A sergeant whom he had bribed was
executed. The regiments that sailed were those of MacCarthy himself,
Butler, O'Brien, Fielding, and Dillon.
[251] Avaux to Louis XIV., November 14/24 and January 15/25 1689-90.
Louis XIV. to Avaux, December 25/January 4. De Sourches, April 18,
1689. Madame de Sévigné, May 31, 1690. Lauzun to Louvois, May 10/20,
in Ranke's appendix. Letter of Rizzini in Haile's _Mary of Modena_, p.
261. Louis privately cautioned James against trusting Albeville, who
was known to be corrupt.
[252] Clarendon to Rochester, February 8, 1685-6. Proclamations of
June 18 and 27, 1689. On September 19 Dr. King notes in his diary that
'the great gun which lay in Castle yard was taken away in order to be
melted and coined.' Avaux to Louis XIV., December 12/22. On December
26/January 5 Louvois wrote to Avaux: 'Comme le roi a veu par vos
lettres que le Roy d'Angleterre craignait de manquer de cuivre pour
faire de la monnoye; Sa Majesté a donné ordre que l'on mist sur le
bastiment qui portera cette lettre une piece de canon du calibre de
deux qui est eventée, de laquelle ceux qui travaillent à la monnoye
du Roy d'Angleterre pourront se servir pour continuer à faire de la
monnoye, en attendant que les soixante et quinze milliers de cuivre que
le Roy envoye soient arrivez.'
[253] Proclamations of February 4 and 28, March 28, April 21, June 9
and 15, 1690; and July 10 (William III.). Avaux to Louis XIV., July
5/15, 1689; to Louvois, June 30/July 10; to Louis XIV., August 20/30
and September 10/20; to Louvois, November 1/11, November 26/December 6,
1689, and January 22/February 1, 1689-90. _Light to the Blind._ King's
_State of the Protestants_, chap. iii. section 11. _Transactions of the
Late King James in Ireland_, licensed July 7, 1690, p. 57. _Character
of the Protestants of Ireland_, licensed November 13, 1689. This last
well-written tract has been attributed to Halifax, but neither Miss
Foxcroft nor Sir W. Raleigh mention it. Story's _Impartial History_, l.
93. Lauzun to Louvois, June 16/26, in Ranke's appendix. King makes the
total base coinage 965,375_l._ Story learned from treasury officials
that 'not much above' 1,100,000_l._ had been coined. The _True and
Perfect Journal_, 1690, states the amount at about two millions.
Tyrconnel's letter is in Haile's _Mary of Modena_, p. 258.
[254] Captain Kennedy to the Scotch Council, December 12, in _Leven and
Melville Papers_. Story's _Impartial History_, November to February,
1689-90. The author of _Light to the Blind_ says the attack on Newry
was a mere reconnaissance and that there was no repulse. Schomberg says
Boisseleau was there, State Papers, _Domestic_, December 6. As to the
action at Cavan, besides the above and Berwick's memoirs, there are
accounts in State Papers, _Domestic_, particularly Schomberg's letter,
February 19, and that of Gustavus Hamilton, ambiguously calendared
under March 21, 1689 (Addenda, p. 571).
[255] Melfort's unpopularity is sufficiently shown by Dundee's letters
to him, June 27 and 28, Napier, iii. 599. Notices in Dangeau and De
Sourches. Avaux's letters, particularly that of July 16/26, enclosing
James's requirements, Louvois to Avaux, September 7/17. Madame de
Sévigné marvelled greatly at Lauzun's 'second volume.' The reference
to her letters and to Bussy Rabutin's concerning him are collected
in the Grands Ecrivains edition of La Bruyère, i. 335, 535, where
he is characterised under the name of Straton. Madame de Caylus in
her memoirs notes the good luck of Lauzun in being in England at
the critical time, gaining honour and glory for helping William by
assisting the flight of James.
[256] Lauzun to Seignelay, April 6/16, in appendix to Ranke's History
and to Louvois, _ib._ June 16. Proclamation of March 25/April 4. It
was known at the French Court that Lauzun was 'extrêmement ulceré
avec raison' against Dover, De Sourches, April 24/May 4. Compare the
extracts in Miss Sandars's _Lauzun_. _True and Perfect Journal_, June
16.
[257] Simon Luttrell's orders as Governor of Dublin, May 3 and June
18, 1690, in appendix to King's _State of the Protestants_, nos. 30
and 31. Besides King's principal book on this subject we have his
autobiography, the original Latin printed in _English Historical
Review_, vol. xiii., an English version in King's _A great Archbishop
of Dublin_, and his diary edited by Dr. Lawlor in the _Irish Journal of
Archæology_, 1903.
[258] Archdeacon Hamilton's _Life of Bonnell_, 3rd edition, 1707,
particularly pp. 60, 273. Bonnell to Strype, August 20, 1684, January
21, and April 17, 1689, and August 5, 1690, in _English Historical
Review_, xix. 122, 299. _Clarendon and Rochester Corr._, i. 245, 266.
Cartwright was buried in Christ Church with a full choral service, all
the principal people in Dublin attending, _Athenæ Oxonienses_, p. 831.
Bonnell to Harty, _Portland Papers_, November 3, 1691.
[259] College register for 1689-90 printed in Stubbs's _Hist. of the
University of Dublin_, pp. 127-133. Harris's _Ware_, ii. 288. King,
iii. 15.