LONDONDERRY AND ENNISKILLEN, 1689
[Sidenote: The siege of Londonderry.]
[Sidenote: Difficulties of the besiegers.]
It was the remark of a brilliant writer that trying to describe the
siege of Londonderry after Macaulay was like trying to describe the
siege of Troy after Homer. No elaborate copy need be attempted here.
The heroism of the defenders it is scarcely possible to exaggerate, but
the weakness of the attack was largely responsible for their success.
Hamilton had never seen a siege, and Rosen, though an experienced
soldier, was wanting in initiative. There was the worst feeling
between French and Irish, the latter complaining that the foreigners
got all the good appointments, and the former that they were exposed
without support. At first Avaux thought the town could not hold out
long, but very soon he changed his opinion. On the same day that he
wrote to Louis of his hopes, he confided his fears to Louvois. A
week later he was in despair. Maumont and Pusignan were killed, with
several other French officers. Pointis, who commanded the artillery,
was badly wounded. The besieging army was then under 3000 men, and
not one musket in ten was serviceable, so that they had to entrench
themselves against the attacks of the garrison. Even at the end of May
most of the soldiers had no swords. Some carried iron-tipped sticks,
and others pike-staffs without heads. In the long June days, the
Enniskilleners extended their raids to within forty miles of Dublin,
and James sent Rosen to check them. At Trim, where he had been promised
four battalions of infantry, a regiment of dragoons, and nearly two
regiments of cavalry, he found two battalions, one very badly and the
other very indifferently armed. The dragoons did not appear at all,
and of cavalry there were but five ill-mounted troops, the men without
pistols or carbines, and most of the horses without saddles or bridles.
There were some guns, but the shot did not fit, so that only one in six
could be fired. Then it was reported that Kirke's fleet had been seen
in Lough Foyle, and Rosen was sent to Londonderry, where he found that
there were only thirty pickaxes, and no available cannon, and that the
unpaid soldiers were deserting in great numbers. The battering train
was throughout inadequate. By the middle of July only five out of
thirty-six French gunners were fit for service, and Massé, the chief
engineer, was killed while laying a gun, since no artillery officer
was to be had. Avaux says Lord Melfort was not sorry for the French
officer, who had complained that he was abandoned, and given none of
the promised requisites for a siege.[222]
[Sidenote: Character of the town.]
[Sidenote: Baker and Walker governors.]
The Londonderry of the siege, standing entirely on the left bank of
the Foyle, was nearly oblong in shape, extending about half a mile
from north to south, and something less from east to west. It was
surrounded by a strong wall without any ditch, having a small bastion
at each angle. There were four gates, and in front of the southern, or
Bishop's gate, a slight ravelin had been thrown up by Lundy as his sole
contribution to the defence. The besieged had twenty guns, none of them
as large as a twelve pounder, and many much smaller. The men bearing
arms at the beginning of the siege were over 7000, divided into eight
regiments, the total number of people within the walls being thirty
thousand. There were about 300 cavalry under Adam Murray's command.
Major Baker and George Walker were chosen joint-governors, both of
them being colonels of regiments. According to the accounts hostile to
Walker, he was only an assistant in charge of the stores, and no doubt
that was his most important duty, but he was commonly called Governor,
and always signed first, which can hardly have been without the
general consent of those chiefly concerned. Many, perhaps most, of the
defenders were Scots Presbyterians, or inclined that way, but sectarian
differences were got over while the siege lasted. The Episcopalians had
the cathedral in the morning, and the Presbyterians in the afternoon,
and sermons did much to keep up the spirit of the garrison. Walker was
afterwards accused of preaching in a discouraging tone, but his extant
sermons do not sustain this. By the wise connivance of both Baker
and Walker, Lundy was allowed to escape in disguise. On April 21 the
Jacobites opened fire with one light gun from the right bank of the
river, doing little damage, and on the same day the garrison made a
sally towards Pennyburn Mill lower down the water, on their own side.
The fighting was indecisive, but Maumont fell, perhaps by Murray's own
hand. Two days later Culmore surrendered, thus giving the besiegers
the means of preventing relief from the sea. On the 25th, there was
another sally in the same direction, and Pusignan received a wound
from which he died for want of a surgeon. On May 6 there was a sally
towards Windmill Hill, on the south side of the town, to prevent an
attack there, and the besiegers suffered severely, Brigadier-General
Ramsay, a distinguished Scotch officer, being among the slain. The guns
used by the Jacobite army were never of calibre sufficient to damage
the wall seriously, and nothing like a breach was made at any time.
Three mortars appear to have been used, which killed a few men and did
much damage to the houses, but none to the defences. Two hundred and
sixty-one shells were thrown in, each weighing 272 pounds, without the
charge, and 326 of 34 pounds.[223]
[Sidenote: Fight at the windmill.]
The fiercest fight during the siege was on June 4. The garrison had
dug a ditch, and thrown up a bank across the Windmill Hill, which
protected St. Columb's Wells. These were very important, for the wells
inside the walls were made turbid by the constant firing. The windmill
itself, which still stands, had been strengthened by earthworks, and
two or three small guns were mounted on it. Hamilton ordered nearly
all his available infantry and some cavalry to advance against the
bank, which for the most part was about twelve feet high. No attempt
was made to loosen the newly made work, there were no ladders, and
the foot-soldiers were quite unable to surmount the obstacle. They
fell fast under the fire of the besieged, whose fowling pieces carried
farther than their muskets. Only one-third of the defenders fired
at a time, and thus a continuous hail of bullets was kept up. The
assailants' right wing of cavalry was commanded by Colonel Edmund
Butler, Lord Mountgarret's eldest son. He was exceptionally well
mounted, and galloped to the top of the bank, which at the waterside
did not exceed seven feet. On descending within the enclosure he was
at once made prisoner. About thirty men tried to follow, but only
two officers jumped successfully, one of whom was killed, the other
escaping after his horse had been shot under him. Of the Irish, at
least 200 were killed, besides many officers, the besieged only losing
one officer and six men.[224]
[Sidenote: An English squadron appears,]
[Sidenote: but is forced to retire.]
[Sidenote: Schomberg interferes.]
[Sidenote: Debate in the English Parliament.]
Three days after the fight at the windmill, the spirits of the garrison
were momentarily raised by the appearance of three English ships. Most
of the Irish guns had been moved to the riverside below the town, but
the mortar battery was placed in an orchard on the right bank. The
frigates exchanged shots with Culmore fort, but the _Greyhound_ took
ground, and lay exposed with a heavy list. Even with this advantage the
garrison of Culmore could not sink her, but some French gunners were
brought up, who made nine good shots out of fourteen. Nevertheless,
the vessel got off with the tide, having been hit seventeen times.
The experience gained was enough to show that it would not be easy
to relieve the town by water. A week later Kirke's fleet, twenty-six
transport and store ships under convoy of four men-of-war, was descried
in Lough Foyle, the fighting squadron under Rooke, with Leake among
the captains. But a council of war, comprising both naval and military
officers, was held on board the _Swallow_, where, after the manner of
such councils, it was unanimously decided that the thing could not be
done. There appeared to be a boom across the river, and it was wrongly
suspected that boatloads of stones had been sunk in the channel. As
soon as the result of the council of war reached the English Government
Schomberg gave the order which saved Londonderry. The sunken ships, he
said, were only guessed at, and the boom might not be formidable. Kirke
was told to get better information, 'and to consult for that purpose
the sea-officers whether it may not be possible to break the boom and
chain and to pass with the ships, and that you attempt the doing of
it for the relief of the town.' A considerable reinforcement of horse
and foot was at once despatched. In the meantime Kirke seems to have
thought that he could relieve Londonderry by land, and he established
a post on the Isle of Inch in Lough Swilly, scarcely five miles from
the walls, to which the Protestants of the country round flocked for
protection. After sending what help he could spare to Enniskillen,
Kirke obeyed Schomberg's orders, and sailed round again to Lough
Foyle. The long delay in rescuing the beleaguered city had caused much
indignation in England. 'When I speak for money,' said Birch, 'I would
lay the fault where it is. I will not talk of account of money now.
'Tis pity these brave fellows in Ireland should be deserted; we are
likely to lose those 10,000 brave men, to our shame all the world
over.' The dreaded boom, he added, could probably be cut, and if not,
there was nothing to prevent the landing of a relieving army.[225]
[Sidenote: Sufferings of the besieged.]
The garrison of Londonderry were never short of powder, in spite of the
constant firing. The stock of cannon balls failed before the end of
June, and the want was supplied by covering pieces of brick with lead
so that the size and weight were right, and good practice was made with
these rude projectiles. Food soon became scarce, dogs, cats, and rats
being readily eaten and sold at high prices. Rations of salted hides
were served out and tallow mixed with starch. The latter compound was
found to be a cure for dysentery. At the last distribution, before the
end of the siege, the allowance for a fighting man was half a pound of
meat and a pound and a half of horse flesh. There were no vegetables,
of course, and a handful of sea-wrack or chickweed fetched a penny or
twopence. Fuel was not much wanted in summer except for cooking, and
there was very little to cook, but fires could be made with the roofs
shattered by shell-fire. Only eighty soldiers were slain by the enemy,
but famine and sickness reduced their number from 7500 to about 4300,
of whom more than a fourth were unserviceable. Governor Baker died on
the last day of June, after naming Michelburn to succeed him. Murray
was shot through both thighs on July 17, and the starving troops had
not the advantage of his leadership during their last feeble sallies.
The very last was on July 25, when they issued from the Bishop's Gate
and the Butcher's Gate simultaneously in hopes of driving in some of
the enemy's cattle. They killed many of the besiegers, but caught no
cows, and returned as hungry as before, having lost a few men. Starch
was found in the pockets of the slain, and one dying soldier said he
had nothing else for five days.[226]
[Sidenote: Cruel action of Rosen.]
[Sidenote: Indignation of James.]
Conrad De Rosen was a Livonian, and King James had occasion to call
him a barbarous Muscovite, but he was a good officer, and was made
field-marshal-general. He wrote French well and knew how to behave
in good society, but was subject to fits of rage in which he was
little better than a madman. As Hamilton made no progress with the
siege, Rosen was sent to see what he could do, and he reached the
camp on June 20 with his badly armed reinforcements. His arrival gave
some encouragement to the besieging army, which was on the point of
dispersing spontaneously. He devoted himself to strengthening the force
for guarding the river, and at the same time tried to push approaches
up to Butcher's Gate with a view to blowing it in. His men got so
near that the garrison drove them off with stones. The weather was
very wet and the ditches filled with water which was kept back by the
high tide, so that it was found impossible to work in them. When he
heard Rosen's report, Avaux had little hope of the town being taken.
But Kirke was daily expected to attempt something, and Hamilton made
an effort to do by treaty what he could not do by force. The town
was summoned to surrender on such terms as might be agreed on, with
a general promise that there should be no distinction made between
Catholic and Protestant. Protection was offered to all, and favour to
those who would serve King James. It was particularly insisted that
Rosen had no power to interfere concerning the siege, that he was
sent only to stop the English succours, and that 'all conditions and
parleys' depended on Hamilton, who had power to grant such articles
as he thought fit. In spite of all this, Rosen took everything into
his own hands three days later. He issued a declaration requiring the
garrison to accept Hamilton's terms within twenty-four hours, and to
send hostages. Failing this, all the men, women, and children of their
party (_cabale_), whether under protection or not, from Enniskillen to
Charlemont, and from Charlemont to the sea, should be driven under the
walls, without any provisions or shelter. The garrison might admit them
if they liked, otherwise they would have the pain of seeing the death
by starvation of their 'fathers, mothers, wives, children, brothers,
sisters, and, in short, all their relations, for not one single one
shall be left at home, and they shall have nothing to eat.' Those who
had taken refuge in towns were to be turned out and driven along with
the rest. Orders to this effect were at once sent to the commandants
at Coleraine, Antrim, Carrickfergus, Belfast, Dungannon, Charlemont,
Belturbet, and Sligo, and to the Duke of Berwick, who had a flying
column on the Enniskillen side. All mills and houses belonging to the
rebels and their adherents were to be burned, all horses and cattle
driven off or killed; so that if English troops were to land they would
find only a desert. On the same day Rosen wrote to inform King James
of what he had done and meant to do. James at once replied that he
should have been informed of the Marshal's plan beforehand, and that he
thoroughly disapproved of it, though he had no objection to ravaging
the country for military reasons. He positively ordered commanding
officers to disobey the Marshal except in that one particular, and to
send back to their homes all who had already suffered. He had promised
protection to all who lived peacefully, and they should have it. Rosen,
who cared nothing for His Majesty's favour, rejoined that he was much
too full of benevolence to rebels, who were thus encouraged in their
insolence. James was greatly annoyed at his word being broken and at
the General's presumption in acting without his orders. Avaux tried
to plead that the time had been too precious to stand upon ceremony,
and that neither he nor Rosen had official knowledge of the King's
promises, but he admits that his arguments had no effect. Melfort, who
could not lose such an opportunity of annoying the ambassador, said
that if the Marshal had been the King of England's subject he would
have been hanged. 'I found the expression very strong,' said Avaux,
'but made no answer, for the King was already very angry.'[227]
[Sidenote: Determination of the besieged.]
Rosen may have hoped to frighten the town into surrender without
carrying out all his threats. If so, he was completely mistaken. In
the evening of Monday, July 1, about 200 victims were gathered under
the walls and a thousand more appeared in the morning. Many of these
had been living peaceably under the King's protection. Throughout
that day and the next the number increased, being brought in from
the surrounding country. It does not appear that Rosen's orders were
fully carried out in more distant parts, probably because of James's
action. Even before the King's letter arrived the Marshal saw that
his bolt had missed, and had merely furnished the garrison with an
irrefutable argument. They erected a gallows on the south-western
bastion, and warned the prisoners, who had hitherto been very kindly
treated, to prepare for instant death. There were twenty of them,
and they appealed to Hamilton, who gave them no comfort but the
assurance that their deaths should be revenged on many thousands of
people, innocent or guilty, both within and without the city. As to
the proposals for capitulation, the governors said that they could
not trust the besiegers, Rosen's manifesto being inconsistent with
Hamilton's suggestions. Besides, the latter's commission was dated May
1, since which a Parliament had sat in which their lives and estates
were forfeited. Meanwhile neither the besieged nor the starving people
outside had any thoughts of surrender. On the fourth day Rosen allowed
the victims of his scheme to return to their devastated homes, and King
James renewed Hamilton's commission. A few of the strongest outside
slipped into the town, and many of the weakest within seized the chance
of escape. The governors thought their food would not last beyond July
26, and might have yielded if time had been given to that day, but it
was refused, and all negotiations came to naught. Help did not come
until after the last ration of famine-fare had been served out.[228]
[Sidenote: The town relieved by sea.]
From the time that Kirke appeared upon the coast until the end of
the siege there were many attempts to establish communications.
Daily signals were made from the cathedral and answered from the
ships, but were not well understood on either side, though it seems,
from the account of Captain James Roche, that there was so much of
a preconcerted code as enabled him to tell Kirke how many more days
the town could hold out. Roche was induced by the promise of 3000
guineas to carry a letter, and this he succeeded in doing, by swimming
under great difficulties; but even he could not get back, and had to
stay till the end. Another messenger was drowned, and a third taken
and hanged. A little boy afterwards succeeded in bringing a letter.
The investment was very close, but the besiegers gave up any hope of
succeeding except by starvation, and Kirke's chief advice by Roche
was to husband the provisions. On July 20 Hamilton held a council at
which six generals attended, all of whom agreed with him that the town
could only be taken by famine. Rosen was in bed, and disclaimed all
responsibility, saying that he was always against the siege, and that
his advice had been slighted. The guns, said the others, were quite
insufficient, and the besiegers had suffered so much that they were not
numerically superior to the besieged. On Saturday, July 27, the day of
Killiecrankie, Captain Ash wrote in his diary, 'Next Wednesday is our
last, if relief not does arrive before it.' About six in the evening of
the day following that on which these despairing words were written,
three ships were seen coming up the Foyle. They proved to be the
_Dartmouth_, of forty guns, commanded by John Leake, the _Mountjoy_,
under Micaiah Browning, a native of Londonderry, and the _Phoenix_ of
Coleraine, under Andrew Douglas. If we consider what Rooke and Leake
did together in after years, we may believe that they would have made
the attack much sooner, but they were under Kirke's orders, and he was
a landsman. The _Dartmouth_ anchored opposite Culmore and engaged the
fort, the man-of-war having probably better guns, and certainly better
gunners. Meanwhile the two merchant-ships, accompanied by boats from
the fleet, sailed or were towed up to the boom, at each end of which
a fort had been built. The boats' crews hacked at the obstacle, and
before it was quite cleared the _Mountjoy_ struck against its timbers,
and went ashore. A shout of triumph went up from the Irish army, and
the hearts of the men on the wall sank. But a gap had been made and
the _Phoenix_ passed up to the Quay. The larger vessel--her burden
was only 135 tons--used what guns she had, and the concussion, joined
to the rising tide, soon brought her off, but not before her brave
captain had been killed by a cannon-ball. He died, says Macaulay, 'by
the most enviable of all deaths, in the sight of the city which was
his birthplace, which was his home, and which had just been saved
by his courage and self-devotion from the most frightful form of
destruction.'[229]
[Sidenote: Cost of the siege.]
The _Phoenix_ carried three or four thousand bushels of Scotch meal,
the _Mountjoy_ was laden with biscuit, cheese, pork, and pease, and
as Hamilton's only hope was in famine, the siege was virtually over.
It lasted 105 days, and cost some 15,000 lives, more from fever and
starvation than from wounds. The mortality among the women and among
those who were too old or too young to fight was far greater than
among the soldiers. Michelburne lost his wife and all his children.
For two days the Irish continued to fire from their trenches, but
they were preparing to go. Everything within reach was destroyed, and
on the night of July 31 they set fire to their camp and marched off
to Strabane. Some of the late besieged, who had no horses, attempted
pursuit, but the Irish rearguard turned on them and killed seven men.
The battle of Newtown Butler was fought on the day that the siege was
raised, and when the news reached Strabane, Hamilton's army retired,
abandoning their guns, and burning everything until they got near
Charlemont. Avaux reported that they were completely ruined, and that
the double disaster had demoralised the Irish everywhere.[230]
[Sidenote: Defence of Enniskillen.]
[Sidenote: Repulse of Galmoy.]
While Londonderry was beset Enniskillen kept her assailants at arm's
length. The north-east side was protected by the garrisons left by Lord
Kingston in Donegal and Ballyshannon, but on the north-west Sarsfield
had a good force of Connaught men at Sligo and Manor Hamilton, and in
June he fixed a camp at Bundrowes, where the waters of Lough Melvin
reach the sea. To the south, Colonel Crichton maintained Crom Castle.
The Protestants living in the open country knew that they had nothing
to expect from Lundy, who had ordered the evacuation of Dungannon,
and done what he could to prevent Enniskillen from resisting. All the
help he gave the defenders was five barrels of powder and some old
gun-barrels, which they managed to fix with locks and stocks. They
had no other ammunition for months, except what they took from the
enemy. In March Lord Galmoy with a strong force approached Enniskillen
and on March 30 the defenders saw the Protestants of Cavan pouring
in. First came some horse and foot, then 'the whole inhabitants with
their women and children to their middle in clay and dirt, with
pitiful lamentations, and little or no provision to sustain them.'
They did their best to persuade the Enniskilleners to fly with them to
Londonderry. After two days' rest they were told that if the men went
the women and children should be turned out. Some remained with their
families, but the majority went on. Galmoy came as far as Belturbet,
whence he sent a party to besiege Crom. He had no battering guns,
but made a show with two pieces consisting of tinplates covered with
buckram, and bound round with whipcord. A wooden ball was fired from
one of these machines, which quickly burst, and did not frighten the
garrison, who were soon strengthened by a detachment from Enniskillen,
conveyed partly in boats. Galmoy advanced as far as Lisnaskea, but drew
back towards Crom on the approach of the whole Enniskillen force. The
men in the castle and those who came by road then attacked the Irish
simultaneously, and Galmoy retired with loss to Belturbet, leaving his
buckram batteries behind him.[231]
[Sidenote: Galmoy's cruelty.]
At Cavan, on his passage northwards, Galmoy captured Captain Dixie, son
of the Dean of Kilmore, whom he was anxious to exchange for an officer
named Maguire, a prisoner at Crom. This was agreed to, and Maguire was
given up accordingly, but Galmoy nevertheless tried Dixie and another
by court-martial and ordered them to be hanged. Their heads were then
cut off, and kicked about like footballs. This atrocious act satisfied
the Protestants that no faith would be kept with them, and added much
to the bitterness of the struggle. Maguire was so much disgusted at the
use to which he had been put that he resigned his commission.[232]
[Sidenote: Exploits of Colonel Lloyd.]
[Sidenote: The Break of Belleek.]
A month after the attack on Crom the Enniskilleners, now reinforced
by many of Lord Kingston's men, set out, under Lloyd's command, to
prevent a Jacobite garrison from being established at Trillick.
Having succeeded in this, they made a like expedition to Augher, and
returned by Clones, which they found burned. A great many cattle were
driven off, and during the whole time that Londonderry was starving,
Enniskillen enjoyed plenty. So successful were the foragers that a
milch cow could sometimes be bought for eighteenpence, and a dry one
for sixpence. When horses were caught, they were used to bring in
foodstuffs and fodder. Two days after their return from the raid into
Tyrone, Lloyd's men were again engaged. A large body from Connaught
attacked Ballyshannon, and the relieving force met them at Belleek.
Lough Erne was on one hand and a great bog on the other. Lloyd provided
his troopers with faggots to make a causeway, but a guide suddenly
offered himself and showed them a sound passage. The Irish were routed,
and near 200 of their horse slain. Sixty men whom they left in the
fish-island at Ballyshannon were taken, but the rest of the foot made
their way through bogs back to Sligo. The Enniskilleners did not lose
a man. This affair is known in history as the 'Break of Belleek.'
Before the end of May, Lloyd, with something over 1500 men, attacked
and took Redhill and Ballinacargy in Cavan, and penetrated as far as
Kells in Meath, only thirty miles from Dublin, returning with 5000 head
of cattle and sheep, and 500 horses laden with provisions. The small
garrison of Trillick were equally successful in an attack on Omagh, and
the horses of three troops were surprised and led away.
[Sidenote: Attempt to relieve Londonderry.]
[Sidenote: Victory at Belturbet.]
So great was the reputation of the Enniskilleners that Dublin was
hardly considered safe, their numbers being, of course, enormously
over-estimated. The besiegers of Londonderry were throughout hampered
by their fear of them, and Berwick with a flying column was constantly
occupied in trying to keep them at a distance. Governor Hamilton
resolved to relieve the beleaguered city if possible, but the
expedition was mismanaged. It was food, and not men, that the defenders
wanted, whereas the relieving party did not take enough even for
themselves. They occupied Omagh, but Lord Clancarty was reported to be
on his way, and Sarsfield being at Manor Hamilton, it was feared that
the unfinished fort at Enniskillen might be attacked. The expedition
was accordingly given up, though some thought that it might have
succeeded if Lloyd had been in command. Immediately after his return,
Hamilton had news that Brigadier Sutherland was at Belturbet with a
daily increasing force, but the Jacobite general promptly retreated
even before Lloyd appeared with his dragoons. The garrison was easily
overcome, 300 becoming prisoners with their arms and 700 muskets which
had been stored for the use of a newly raised regiment. Two barrels of
much-needed powder were also taken, with fifty troop-horses, and enough
red coats to dress two companies. Two hundred able men were kept to
work at the unfinished citadel. Thirteen officers were detained, but
the rest of the prisoners with the women and children were allowed to
go free.[233]
[Sidenote: Kirke in Lough Swilly.]
[Sidenote: Defeat at Trillick.]
[Sidenote: Arrival of Wolseley.]
A fortnight after the affair at Belturbet, news was brought to
Enniskillen of Kirke's arrival in Lough Swilly. Communications were
opened with him at once, and he promised thirty barrels of powder
and the help of some officers. Before they came, Berwick crossed the
Barnesmore Gap and attacked Donegal, where Lord Kingston had left
a garrison. He burned the town, but could not take the castle, and
afterwards joined Sutherland at Trillick. He was attacked by Governor
Hamilton, Lloyd having gone to meet Kirke, and here the Enniskilleners
suffered their only serious check, losing fifty men killed, and as
many prisoners. On July 28, a fortnight afterwards, the officers sent
by Kirke reached Enniskillen by water, under the command of Lieut.-Col.
William Wolseley, whose Protestant zeal was well known. He brought
acting commissions for two regiments of cavalry and three of infantry,
a supply of powder, 1600 muskets and firelocks, and eight field-pieces.
On the very evening of his arrival, Wolseley learned that MacCarthy
had come before Crom, where there were no cannon, with a considerable
army and with eight guns, not made of buckram. Next day, being July
30, every available man was brought up from Ballyshannon, and Colonel
Berry, the second in command, was sent on as far as Lisnaskea,
MacCarthy raising the siege as he drew near.
[Sidenote: MacCarthy threatens Enniskillen.]
Early in the morning of July 31, Berry, after spending the night in
the open, moved forward as far as the little village of Donagh, where
his scouts brought word that MacCarthy was advancing. He drew back
accordingly through Lisnaskea, and took up a position among the marshes
near the Colebrooke River. Some of his troopers, who had behaved badly
in the fight near Trillick, now swore to support him, and they kept
their word. The enemy consisted of thirteen companies of dragoons
under Anthony Hamilton, who dismounted his men when they got into the
difficult ground. The Enniskilleners were skilfully posted, and much
the better shots, so that when the Jacobite dragoons were withdrawn,
their retreat rapidly changed into a headlong flight. Berry's horsemen
followed them through Lisnaskea and for a mile beyond, taking thirty
prisoners and killing two hundred men. Hamilton himself was badly
wounded. At the approach of MacCarthy's main army, the victors drew
back to Lisnaskea before nine o'clock, and waited for Wolseley, who was
coming to their rescue with all his available forces. Of the two roads
to Lisnaskea, Berry had taken that to the right, Wolseley that to the
left, and they met at the junction at about eleven o'clock.[234]
[Sidenote: Victory of Newtown Butler.]
Wolseley had left Enniskillen in a great hurry and without provisions.
He had, therefore, no choice but to fight or to fall back, for
Sarsfield was at Bundrowes, and might attack Enniskillen in his
absence. The men were consulted, and all decided to advance. Beyond
Donagh the two armies came in sight of one another. The first encounter
was in crossing a bog with a paved causeway through the middle.
Apparently MacCarthy intended only a reconnaissance at this point,
for he retired after some skirmishing without bringing his guns into
action. The Jacobites kept their ranks through Newtown Butler, and set
fire to the town as they left it. About a mile beyond there was another
causeway through a bog. The position was strongly held by infantry,
who nearly all fought under cover, but failed to stem the advance of
Wolseley's foot. The causeway was swept by cannon, which at first
prevented his cavalry from moving, though the practice was so bad that
no one was hurt. At last the wings under Lloyd and Tiffen got up to
the guns and killed the gunners, who resisted bravely. The causeway
was then cleared, and the Enniskillen horse advanced very quickly
without much attempt at order. The Jacobite cavalry, posted on rising
ground, made no attempt to charge, but galloped away towards Cavan.
When they had ridden their horses to death, they threw away their arms
and clothes so as to run faster. The infantry scattered among the bogs
in the direction of Wattle Bridge, where great numbers were killed.
Of 500 who took to the water all but one man were drowned. When King
James heard the news he nearly took the advice of Melfort, who wished
him to retire to Rathfarnham, where he would be safe from the Dublin
Protestants, but Tyrconnel, Nugent, and Rice persuaded him that he was
in no danger, and that to leave the capital without a garrison might
cause an insurrection, in which many good Catholics would perish.[235]
[Sidenote: MacCarthy a prisoner.]
[Sidenote: Retreat of Sarsfield.]
Deserted by all but his own troop, MacCarthy made a desperate attack on
the infantry who guarded the captured guns, but he soon fell covered
with wounds. He was taken to Enniskillen, where he was very well
treated, as Avaux testifies, and King James sent a doctor and a surgeon
with wine and other luxuries. There were over 300 prisoners, most of
whom were afterwards employed by Kirke to clean and repair the rescued
but almost ruined city of Londonderry. The unfortunate runaways were
mercilessly killed among the reeds and bushes. The pursuit lasted all
night, and no quarter was given until the morning. The victors excused
this bloody work as a natural revenge for Lord Galmoy's perfidy. Avaux
reported that a regiment of dragoons and three battalions of infantry
had almost entirely disappeared. When MacCarthy was taken, a letter
from Sarsfield was found in his pocket saying that he was encamped at
Bundrowes and ready to attack Enniskillen on the west if MacCarthy and
Berwick would attack it on the east. The French ambassador thought it
much more likely that the garrison would crush the three armies in
succession; and, in fact, Wolseley lost no time in marching towards
Bundrowes, but Sarsfield, as soon as he heard of the rout at Newtown
Butler, broke up his camp and retreated to Sligo. Berwick, who was
threatening Donegal, also retired at the news, and effected an exchange
of prisoners. Those who returned to Enniskillen had seen Hamilton's
ruined army march away from Londonderry. They had no wish to meet
another victorious garrison, and Wolseley's scouts saw their rearguard
pass through Castle Caulfield, so that pursuit was impossible. One
regiment of cavalry, two of dragoons, and three of infantry were formed
from the defenders of Enniskillen. Of these Cunningham's became the
Inniskilling Dragoons, famous at Waterloo and on many other fields, and
Tiffen's grew into the Inniskilling Fusiliers. The fame of these troops
was great in their own day, and when a London regiment made a loyal
address to Queen Mary shortly before the Boyne, Tories and Jacobites
called them Inniskillings in derision, while good Whigs hoped that they
would be found such.[236]
[Sidenote: Kirke at Londonderry.]
[Sidenote: Walker in England.]
Tangier was a bad school, and Kirke showed during the Monmouth
insurrection that he had learned its lessons only too well. Very little
credit was due to him personally, but he treated Londonderry like a
conquered city. The late garrison was made into regiments, and the
claims of some who had done much were ignored. But Michelburn, who had
served under him in Africa, was continued as Governor, and Walker, who
hastened to get rid of his military character, was sent to London with
the news and an address from the defenders to King William. While he
was on his way, William's letter of thanks and congratulation arrived
addressed to the Governors, for only the bare facts of the relief had
then reached London. Kirke filled up the blanks with the names of
'George Walker and John Michelburn, Esquires.' Walker travelled by
way of Scotland, receiving the freedom of Glasgow and Edinburgh. Sir
Robert Cotton, the great antiquary's son, drove out as far as Barnet
to meet him, and crowds followed him in the streets. He was presented
to the King, who gave him 5000_l._, which was paid next day, adding
that that was only a small part of what he owed him. On receiving the
thanks of the House of Commons he made little of his own services. At
William's request Cambridge agreed to make him a Doctor of Divinity,
but he did not go there to receive the degree. At Oxford, which he
visited on his return journey in company with Archbishop Vesey, the
same distinction was conferred on him in convocation as the defender of
Londonderry, 'and by that fact, as we hope, the preserver and avenger
of all Ireland.' In London, says Luttrell, he was caressed by all sorts
of people, and entertained at dinner, and has the character of a very
modest person.' Tillotson said his modesty was equal to his merit, and
that everyone was pleased at hearing that he was to be made a bishop.
He spent about six months in England, exerting himself to obtain
rewards and recognition for those who had suffered by the siege, not
forgetting the services of the seven dissenting ministers.[237]
[Sidenote: Burnet on the siege.]
[Sidenote: Walker's True Account.]
[Sidenote: Mackenzie's _Narrative_.]
After giving a slight sketch of the events at Londonderry, Burnet
originally wrote that 'there was a minister in the place, Dr. Walker,
who acted a very noble part in the government and defence of the town;
he was but a man of ordinary parts, but they were suited to this work,
for he did wonders in this siege.' In the published history this was
left out, and Macaulay was at a loss to explain the omission. Swift and
Routh both blame the Bishop for not mentioning Walker. The explanation
is not, however, far to seek. Burnet, writing in the summer of 1691,
agreed with his friend Tillotson, and with society generally, in giving
a lion's share of credit to Walker, but he pretended to no exact
knowledge of Irish affairs, and when the time came to publish his work
he remembered that the late governor had detractors who were chiefly
Scotch Presbyterians, remaining dissenters in Ulster, but established
in the Bishop's own country. He therefore prudently decided not to
mention any individual hero, but to praise the resolution of the
defenders generally. In other respects the revised narrative gained
in accuracy what it lost in picturesqueness. Walker wrote an account
of the siege, and published it by request soon after his arrival in
London. It was done in a hurry, and to meet a pressing want--that
the demand was great is shown by the three extant editions bearing
date 1689, and by the translations into Dutch and German. Walker was
soon attacked for claiming too great a share in the siege, for giving
less praise than was due to Murray and others, and, above all, for
not naming the seven dissenting ministers whose good service he had
acknowledged. He then published a Vindication, saying that he did not
know the names which he was accused of suppressing, and supplying the
omission after inquiry. Some months later, when Walker had returned
to Ireland, the Rev. John Mackenzie, who had been through the siege,
published a more detailed pamphlet, declaring, among other things,
that Walker was never governor, and giving nearly all the glory to
the Presbyterians. Candid readers will not agree, but Mackenzie added
largely to the facts recorded and is historically very valuable. His
narrative is, however, dull reading compared to Walker's account and
the public had had enough of the subject. There were several minor
publications connected with this quarrel. We can only regret with
the very prosaic poet who wrote the Londeriad that the union between
Protestants which danger produced should have passed away with it.[238]
FOOTNOTES:
[222] Avaux's despatches, April 26/May 6 to July 30/August 9, 1689.
Rosen wrote to James on July 5 that the troops lately sent him had to
take such arms as were given them, 'mostly damaged and broken, and
accordingly useless, as you have not in all your army a single gunsmith
to mend them.' Hamilton's soldiers were still worse off, no battalion
stronger than 200 men; and more than two-thirds without swords. No
troop of cavalry had more than fourteen serviceable men.--Macpherson's
_Original Papers_, i. 205. The account of the siege in Witherow's
_Derry and Enniskillen_, 3rd edition, 1885, would leave little to be
desired but for the writer's violent antipathy to Walker.
[223] Walker and Mackenzie. Sermons and speeches by Walker are
reprinted in Dwyer's edition of the _True Account_. Sir Charles
Lyttleton, writing to Lord Hatton on August 8, 1689, says he had talked
the day before to a gentleman who was storekeeper in Ireland, who
confirmed all he had heard about the Irish want of guns. There were
only a few heavy ones in the country, and the ground about Londonderry
was so 'rotten' that they could not be drawn thither.--_Hatton
Correspondence._ Walker and Mackenzie both call the work at Bishop's
Gate a ravelin, but as there was no ditch it should probably be called
a demi-lune.
[224] Walker and Mackenzie. _Light to the Blind_, p. 77.
[225] Walker and Mackenzie. Pointis to Louis XIV. or Seignelay, June
13, 17, and 22, State Papers, _Domestic_. Colonel Birch's speech, June
19, in Grey's _Debates_, ix. 351. Schomberg's order to Kirke is printed
from the copy among the Nairne MSS. in Dwyer's edition of Walker: it
was apparently written on June 29 and despatched with a postscript on
July 3. Avaux to Louvois, June 16/26. The author of the _Light to the
Blind_ says a sunken gabbard or two would have destroyed the channel,
but that James had forbidden this for fear of lessening his customs
revenue.
[226] 'I myself,' says John Hunter, a private soldier, 'would have
eaten the poorest cat or dog I ever saw with my eyes. Many a man,
woman, and child died from want of food. I myself was so weak from
hunger that I fell under my musket one morning as I was going to the
walls, yet God gave me strength to continue all night at my post there,
and enabled me to act the part of a soldier as if I had been as strong
as ever I was; yet my face was blackened with hunger.'--Journal in
Graham's _Ireland Preserved_, p. 335.
[227] Hamilton's proposals, June 27, are in Walker's appendix and
elsewhere. Rosen's declaration, June 30, is enclosed in Avaux's letter
to Louvois, an English version being printed by Walker and elsewhere.
Rosen's correspondence with James, June 30 to July 5, is in Macpherson,
i. 204-210. See Berwick's account of Rosen, and Avaux to Louvois, July
5/15.
[228] 'One pound of oatmeal and 1 lb. of tallow served a man a week,
sometimes salt hides. It was as bad as Samaria, only we had no pidgens'
Dunge. I saw two shillings a quarter given for a little dog, horse
blood at 4_d._ per pint, all the starch was eaten, the graves of
tallow, horse flesh was a rarity, and still we resolved to hold out ...
I believe there died 15,000 men, women, and children, many of whom died
for want. A great fever--all the children died, almost whole families,
nor one left alive.' Narrative of George Holmes in _Le Fleming Papers_,
p. 265. Macpherson i. 312.
[229] Walker and Mackenzie. _Light to the Blind._ The written opinions
of Hamilton and his council of war are in Macpherson, i. 217. James's
letter of July 22 ordering the siege to be turned into a blockade,
_ib._ p. 218. Roche's story is in Harris's _Life of William III._,
appx. xxix., and see Cal. of Treasury Papers, February 14, 1693-4.
Writing to Louis XIV., August 4/14, Avaux says: 'L'estacade était si
mal faite qu'elle n'a pas resisté aux chaloupes qui remorquaient les
deux petits bastiments qui portaient des vivres, et nous avons déjà
sceu plus d'une fois que cette estacade se rompait souvent par le
vent; et par la seule force de la marée.' Though the Rev. James Gordon
can scarcely be credited with the relief of Londonderry, his local
knowledge may have been useful to Kirke, or rather to Rooke and Leake:
Reid's _Presbyterian Hist._, ed. Killen, ii. 387 and notes. Pointis,
who was destined to meet Leake again in later years, gave a description
of the boom (to Seignelay, probably), which he thought he had made
very strong, State Papers, _Domestic_, June 13, 1689. It was partly
attached to a great stone, which may still be seen, though moved from
its original place, in the grounds of Boom Hall, and partly to a great
tree, of which the stump remains.
[230] Walker and Mackenzie. Avaux to Louis XIV., August 4/14.
McCarmick. There is an independent account by George Holmes, who was
all through the siege and was made a major by Kirke; it is dated from
Strabane, November 16, _Le Fleming Papers_, p. 264.
[231] Hamilton and McCarmick.
[232] Hamilton and McCarmick.
[233] McCarmick.
[234] The roads through the boggy flats of upper Lough Erne were paved.
Mr. Thomas Plunkett, of Enniskillen, who knows more than anyone of the
subject, has found some bits of these causeways, but the exact line
taken by Wolseley and Berry cannot now be traced. The drainage works at
Belleek have done much to dry the country.
[235] Hamilton and McCarmick. Wolseley's own account to Kirke is dated
August 2 in _London Gazette_, 2481. Kirke's letters of August 5, _ib._
Avaux writes to Louis XIV., August 4/14: 'Ceux d'Enniskillen estant
venus à la debandade mais fort hardiment attaquer My lord Moncassel, la
cavalerie et les dragons ont lâché pied sans tirer un coup depistolet,'
and on the same day to Louvois: 'Ces mesmes dragons qui avaient fuy le
matin lâcherent le pied, &c.' MacCarthy's force was much the larger of
the two, but it is impossible to give exact numbers. For the reception
of the news by James, see Avaux to Louis XIV., November 14/24. Harris's
account is taken from Hamilton. A _Light to the Blind_ minimises the
defeat, but Kirke says it was the greatest blow to the Irish since
Scariffhollis. _Macariæ Excidium_, chap. xxxvi. Under August 16,
Luttrell's _Diary_ says Wolseley had 2000 men and MacCarthy 7000, which
is doubtless much exaggerated. MacCarmick says the Irish were estimated
at 6000, and that only some 2000 escaped.
[236] MacCarmick. Letter to Abigail Harley, May 9, 1690, _Portland
Papers_, iii. 448. Colonel Filgate has traced the history of many Irish
regiments.
[237] Walker's _True Account_ and papers printed with it and the
_Vindication_. Note 113 to Dwyer's edition of the same. Luttrell's
_Diary_, August and September 1689. Wood's _Fasti Oxonienses_, p.
234, February 26, 1689-90, and his _Life and Times_, ed. Clark, ii.
326. Tillotson to Lady Russell, September 19, 1689, in her _Letters_.
Dawson's memoir of Walker in _Ulster Journal of Archæology_, ii. 129.
[238] Naming Walker, Mackenzie, and other preachers, the author of the
_Londeriad_ says:--
From sun rising to sun setting they taught,
While we against the en'my bravely fought.
Thus Heaven assists those actions which proceed
From Unity in greatest time of need.
In my copy of Mackenzie's _Narrative of the Siege_ (March 31, 1690)
is written in a contemporary hand: 'A partial account against Kirk,
Walker, &c., on behalf of the fanatick party.' The controversy is
handled by Macaulay, chap. xv., with the titles of the pamphlets in
a note. It is fully but not impartially treated in chap. viii. of
Witherow's _Derry and Enniskillen_, 3rd edition, Belfast, 1885. Burnet,
ii. 19, and the _Supplement_, ed. Foxcroft, 321.