CHAPTER X

ANTILLIA AND THE ANTILLES

There are two names still in common use for American regions, which

long antedate Columbus and most likely commemorate achievements of

earlier explorers. They are Brazil and the Antilles. The former is

earlier on the maps and records; but the case for Antillia, as an

American pre-Columbian map item, is in some respects less complex and

more obvious.

ANTILLIA

A good many decades before the New World became known as such, Antillia

was recognized as a legitimate geographical feature. A comparatively

late and generally familiar instance of such mention occurs in

Toscanelli’s letter of 1474 to Columbus,[237] recommending this

island as a convenient resting point on the sea route to Cathay. Its

authenticity has been questioned, notably by the venerable and learned

Henry Vignaud,[238] but at least some one wrote it and in it reflected

the viewpoint of the time.

Nordenskiöld in his elaborate and invaluable “Periplus” declares: “As

the mention of this large island, the name of which was afterwards

given to the Antilles, in the portolanos of the fourteenth century,

is probably owing to some vessel being storm-driven across the

Atlantic (as, according to Behaim, happened to a Spanish vessel in

1414), those maps on which this island is marked must be reckoned

as Americana.”[239] The word “fourteenth” is probably an accidental

substitute for “fifteenth.” The reference to Behaim undoubtedly means

the often-quoted inscription on his globe of 1492, which avers that

“1414 a ship from Spain got nighest it without being endangered.”[240]

This seems to record an approach rather than an actual landing. But at

least it was evidently believed that Antillia had been nearly reached

in that year by a vessel sailing from the Iberian Peninsula. Little

distinction would then have been made between Spain and Portugal in

such a reference by a non-Iberian.

Ruysch’s map of 1508 is a little more vague in its Antillia inscription

as to the time of this adventure.[241] He says it was discovered by

the Spaniards long ago; but perhaps this means a rediscovery, for he

also chronicles the refuge sought there by King Roderick in the eighth

century.

PETER MARTYR’S IDENTIFICATION OF ANTILLIA

Both of these representations show Antillia far in the ocean

dissociated from any other land, but in the work of Peter Martyr

d’Anghiera, contemporary and historian of Columbus, writing before

1511, we have an explicit identification as part of a well-known

group or archipelago. He has been narrating the discovery of Cuba and

Hispaniola and proceeds:

Turning, therefore, the stems of his ships toward the east, he

assumed that he had found Ophir, whither Solomon’s ships sailed

for gold, but, the descriptions of the cosmographers well

considered, it seemeth that both these and the other islands

adjoining are the islands of Antillia.[242]

Perhaps he meant delineations, like those we have yet to consider, and

not descriptions in words; or writings concerning these islands may

then have been extant which have since vanished as completely as the

celebrated map of Toscanelli.

Among “the other islands adjoining” we may be sure he included that

island of Beimini, or Bimini (no other than Florida), a part of which,

thus marked, occurs in his accompanying map and has the distinction

of owning the fabled fountain of youth and luring Ponce de Leon into

romantic but futile adventure. Perhaps only one other map gives it the

name Bimini; but its insular character is plain on divers maps (made

before men learned better), with varying areas and under different

names.

OTHER IDENTIFICATIONS

Peter Martyr was not alone in his identification of the “islands of

Antillia.” Canerio’s map,[243] attributed to 1502, names the large West

India group “Antilhas del Rey de Castella,” though giving the name

Isabella to the chief island; and another map of about the same date

(anonymous)[244] gives them the collective title of Antilie, though

calling the Queen of the Antilles Cuba, as now. A later map,[245]

probably about 1518, varies the first form slightly to “Atilhas [i. e.

Antilhas] de Castela” and shows also “Tera Bimini.” This is the second

Bimini map above referred to.

It is true that the name Antillia, often slightly modified, was not

restricted to this use but occasionally was applied in other quarters.

Beside Behaim’s globe and Ruysch’s map already mentioned, a Catalan map

of the fifteenth century (obviously earlier than the knowledge of the

Portuguese rediscovery of Flores and Corvo)[246] presents a duplicate

delineation of most of the Azores, giving the supposed additional

islands a quite correct slant northwestward and individual names

selected impartially from divers sources. One of these is Attiaela,

recalling the doubtful “Atilae” of the warning-figure inscription on

the map of the Pizigani of 1367[247] (Fig. 2), which may have suggested

it, being applied in the same or a neighboring region. The islands

remain mysterious, perhaps merely registering a free range of fancy at

divers periods.

AN ANTILLIA OF THE MAINLAND

Again, at a much later time, when the exploration of the South American

coast line had proceeded far enough to demonstrate the existence of a

continent, some one speculated, it would seem, concerning an Antillia

of the mainland. One of the maps[248] in the portolan atlas in the

British Museum known as Egerton MS. 2803 bears the word “Antiglia”

running from north to south at a considerable distance west of

the mouth of the Amazon, apparently about where would now be the

southeastern part of Venezuela. Also, the world map[249] in the same

atlas (Fig. 8) bears “Antiglia” as a South American name, in this

instance moved farther westward to the region of eastern Ecuador and

neighboring territory.

But these aberrant applications of the name Antillia in its various

forms were mostly late in time and probably all suggested by some novel

geographical disclosures. The standard identification, as disclosed

on the maps discussed below, at least from Beccario’s of 1435 to

Benincasa’s of 1482, was with a great group of western islands; as was

Peter Martyr’s, much later.

THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME

Naturally the origin of the word has been found a fascinating problem.

Ever since Formaleoni,[250] near the close of the eighteenth century,

called attention to the delineation of Antillia in Bianco’s map of

1436, discussed below, as indicating some knowledge of America, there

have been those to urge the claims of the suppositional lost Atlantis

instead. The two island names certainly begin with “A” and utilize

“t,” “l,” and “i” about equally; but “Atlantis” comes so easily out of

“Atlas,” and the great mountain chain marches so conspicuously down to

the sea in all early maps, that the derivation of the former may be

called obvious; whereas you cannot readily or naturally turn “Atlas”

into “Antillia,” and there is no evidence that any one ever did so.

As to geographical items, both have been located in the great western

sea; but that is true of many other lands, real or fanciful. Something

has been made of the elongated quadrilateral form of Antillia; but

Humboldt points out[251] that in the description transmitted by Plato

this outline is ascribed to a particular district in Atlantis, not to

the great island as a whole, and that, even if it could be understood

in the latter sense, there seems no reason why a fragment surviving

the great cataclysm should repeat the configuration of Atlantis as a

whole. There seems a total lack of any direct evidence, or any weighty

inferential evidence, of the derivation of Antillia from Atlantis.

HUMBOLDT’S HYPOTHESIS

Humboldt, in rejecting this hypothesis, advanced another, which is

picturesque and ingenious but hardly better supported.[252] His choice

is “Al-tin,” Arabic for “the dragon.” Undoubtedly Arabs navigated to

some extent some parts of the great Sea of Darkness, and these monsters

were among its generally credited terrors. The hardly decipherable

inscriptions in the neighborhood of an island on the map of the

Pizigani of 1367[253] (Fig. 2), as we have seen (Ch. VI), seem to cite

Arabic experience in proof of perils from _fulvos_ (krakens) rising

from the depths of the sea, coupling dragons with them in the same

legend and illustrating it by a picture of a kraken dragging one seaman

overboard from a ship in distress, while a dragon high overhead flies

away with another. It is even true that Arabic tradition established

a dragon on at least one island as a horrible oppression, long ago

happily ended, and that another island (perhaps more than one) was

known as the Island of the Dragon. But in all this there is nothing

to connect dragons with Antillia, and that most hideous medieval

fancy is out of all congruity with the fair and almost holy repute of

this island as the place of refuge of the last Christian ante-Moorish

monarch of Spain in the hour of his despair and as the new home of the

seven Portuguese bishops with their following.

In passing, we may note that Antela, the version of the Laon globe

hereinafter referred to, is identical with the name of that Lake Antela

of northwestern Spain which is the source of the river Limia, fabled

to be no other than Lethe, so that Roman soldiers drew back from it,

fearing the waters of oblivion. But as yet no one has taken up the

cause of Spanish Antela as the origin of the island’s name. Probably it

is a mere matter of coincidence.

Humboldt admits that Antillia may be readily resolved into two

Portuguese words, _ante_ and _illa_ (island). He even cites several

parallel cases, of which Anti-bacchus will serve as an example. But

he objects that such compound names have been used in comparison with

other islands, not with a continent. In the present instance, however,

the comparison would be with Portugal, not with all Europe, and the

other member of it would be a map island which, he says, is as long

as Portugal and seems curiously to borrow and copy Portugal’s general

form and is arranged opposite to that kingdom far beyond the Azores

across a great expanse of sea. It must be remembered that _illa_ is the

old form of _ilha_, found in many maps, that either would naturally be

pronounced “illia,” and that you cannot say “anteillia” or “antiillia”

at all rapidly without turning it almost exactly into Antillia. The

“island out before,” or the “opposite island,” would be the natural

interpretation. The latter seems preferable. Notwithstanding the great

importance which must always be attached to any opinion of Humboldt’s,

there really seems no need to let fancy range far afield when an

obvious explanation faces us in the word itself and on the maps.

THE WEIMAR MAP

Nordenskiöld, practically applying his test of the presence of Antillia

and arranging his materials in chronological order, heads his list

of “The Oldest Maps of the New Hemisphere”[254] with the anonymous

map preserved in the Grand Ducal library in Weimar and credited to

1424.[255] But it seems that this map does not deserve that position,

for it is not entitled to the date; Humboldt, inspecting the original,

made out certain fragments of words and the Roman characters for

that year on a band running from south to north between the Azores

and Antillia; also, in more modern ink, the date 1424 on the margin.

Whatever the explanation, he was convinced of error by subsequent

correspondence with the Weimar librarian and admitted that it was

probably the work of Conde Freducci not earlier than 1481. Apart from

all considerations of workmanship and map outlines, the use of “insule”

instead of “insulle” and of “brandani” instead of “brandany” in the

inscription concerning the Madeiras marks the map as almost certainly

belonging to the last quarter, not the first quarter, of the fifteenth

century.

THE BECCARIO MAP OF 1426

The second map on Nordenskiöld’s New World list is “Becharius 1426,”

a Latinization of the surname of Battista Beccario and at least not

so weird a transformation as Humboldt’s “Beclario or Bedrazio.”

Apparently the year of this map has not been doubted, but there is a

lack of first-hand evidence that the original contains Antillia. No

reproduction of this map had been published prior to the writer’s paper

on St. Brendan’s Islands in the July, 1919, _Geographical Review_,

nor, so far as is known, has its extreme western part been copied in

any way. The section there reproduced, and herewith reprinted only

slightly curtailed (Fig. 3), is one of several sent me in response

to arrangements, made before the war, for a photograph of the map,

but by some mistake the very portion that would have been conclusive

was omitted, and all attempts to remedy the error have failed. But,

if there were any inscription concerning recently discovered islands

located as in his later map, some part of it at least would probably be

seen on what I have; and for this and other reasons I do not believe

that Antillia is delineated or named on the Beccario map of 1426.

THE BECCARIO MAP OF 1435

The addition to fifteenth-century geography of a great group of large

western islands roughly corresponding to a part of the West Indies and

Florida rests mainly on the testimony of the following maps now to

be discussed: Beccario 1435, Bianco 1436, Pareto 1455, Roselli 1468,

Benincasa 1482, and the anonymous Weimar map probably by Freducci and

dating somewhere after 1481. Of these the most complete as well as

the earliest is Beccario’s[256] (Fig. 20). He gives the islands the

collective title of “Insulle a novo rep’te” (newly reported islands),

which may refer to the discovery recorded by Behaim for 1414 or to

some more recent experience. The interval would not be much greater

than that between the first landing of Columbus and the narrative of

Peter Martyr beginning with equivalent words. It is likely, however,

that some lost map or maps preceded Beccario’s, for the artificially

regular outlines of his islands, though in accord with the fashion

of cartography in his time, seem rather out of keeping with a first

appearance. The type had somehow fixed itself with curious minuteness

and was repeated faithfully by his successors. In spite of these

impossibly symmetrical details and some discrepancies as to individual

direction of elongation and latitude, the fact remains that in the

Atlantic there is no such great group except the Antilles and that

the general correspondence is too surprising to be explained by mere

accident or conjecture. Surely some mariner had visited Cuba and some

of its neighbors before 1435.

[Illustration: FIG. 20--Section of the Beccario map of 1435 showing

the four islands of the Antilles, St. Brendan’s Islands, Daculi, and

others. (After Uzielli’s photographic facsimile.)]

This map of Beccario had been somewhat neglected, with misreading of

the names, before it was taken in hand by the Italian Geographical

Society and reproduced very carefully by photo-lithography. As regards

the island names in particular, this eliminated some misunderstanding

and confusion and made their meaning plain. Thus rendered, the map

affords a convenient standard for the others, which, indeed, differ

from it very little as to these “Islands of Antillia.”

THE FOUR ISLANDS OF THE ANTILLES ON THE BECCARIO MAP

This group, or more properly series--for three of them are strung out

in a line--comprises the four islands Antillia, Reylla, Salvagio, and I

in Mar. All these names have meaning, easy to render.

ANTILLIA

The largest and most southerly, Antillia, the “opposite island,”

which I take to be no other than Cuba, is shown as an elongated, very

much conventionalized parallelogram, extending from the latitude of

Morocco a little south of the Strait of Gibraltar to that of northern

Portugal. As Humboldt says, it is about a third as wide as it is long;

and in this respect it is singularly even throughout its length. In

its eastern front there are four bays, and three in its western. The

intervals on each side are pretty nearly equal, and each bay is of a

three-lobed form resembling an ill-divided clover leaf. In the lower

end there is a broader and larger bay nearly triangular. The artificial

exactness of these minute details is in keeping with the treatment on

divers maps of the really well-known islands of the eastern Atlantic

archipelagoes, except that the comparative smallness of a Teneriffe, a

Terceira, or even a Madeira, offered less opportunity. The slant of the

island is very slightly east of north, obviously quite different from

the actual longitudinal direction of the even more elongated Queen of

the Antilles.

REYLLA

Behind the lower part of Antillia, much as Jamaica is behind the

eastern or lower part of Cuba, and about in similar proportions of

relative area, Beccario shows a smaller but, nevertheless, considerable

island, pentagonal in outline, mainly square in body, with a low

westward-pointing broad-based triangular extension. He gives it the

impressive name of Reylla, King Island, not ill suited to the royal

beauty of that mountainous gem of the seas.

SALVAGIO

North of Antillia and nearly in line with it, but at a rather wide

interval, he shows Saluagio or Salvagio (“u” and “v” being equivalent),

which has the same name then long given to a wild and rocky cluster of

islets between Madeira and the Canaries, that still bears it in the

form Salvages. Wherever applied the name is bound to denote some form

of savageness; perhaps “Savage Island” is an adequate rendering, the

second word being understood. This Salvagio imitates the general form

of Antillia on a reduced scale, being, nevertheless, much larger than

any other island in the Atlantic south of the parallel of Ireland.

Like Antillia, its eastern and western faces are provided with highly

artificial bays, three in each. Its northern end is beveled upward

and westward. I think this large island probably represents Florida,

similarly situated to the northward of Cuba and divided from it by

Florida Strait. Its area must have been nakedly conjectural, as much

later maps show its line of supposed severance from the mainland to

have been drawn by guesswork.

I IN MAR

The inclined northern end of Salvagio is divided by a narrow sea belt

from I in Mar, which has approximately a crescent form and a bulk not

very different from that commonly ascribed at that time to Madeira.

“I,” of course, stands for Insula or one of its derivatives, such as

Illa, a word or initial applied or omitted at will. “Island in the Sea”

is probably the true rendering, though formerly the initial and the two

words were sometimes blended, as Tanmar or Danmar, to the confusion of

geographers. A larger member of the Bahama group lying near the Florida

coast would seem to fill the requirements, being naturally recognized

as more at sea than Florida or Cuba. Great Abaco and Great Bahama

are nearly contiguous and, considered together, would give nearly

the required size and form; but it is not necessary to be individual

in identification. Possibly Insula in Mar as drawn was meant to be

symbolical and representative of the sea islands generally rather than

to set forth any particular one of them.

THE ROSELLI MAP OF 1468

The Roselli map of 1468,[257] the property of the Hispanic Society of

America, New York City, is nearly as complete as the Beccario map of

1435. It lacks only the western part of Reylla (a name here corrupted

into “roella”), by the reason of the limitations of the material. These

maps were generally drawn on parchment made of lambskin with the narrow

neck of the skin presented toward the west, perhaps as the quarter in

which unavoidable omissions were thought to do the least harm. Because

of the island’s position on the very edge of the skin, its outline,

although unmistakable, is faint and in a few decades of exposure of

the original might have vanished altogether. This raises the question

whether certain outlines, now missing but plainly called for, on other

maps of the same period, have not met with the same fate. Probably this

has happened. Antilia--spelled thus--is plain in name and outline;

so is the island next above it, spelled Saluaega. The “I” is omitted

from I in Mar, as was often done in like cases, and the words “in

Mar” are uncertain, but seem as above. The island figure is correctly

given by Beccario’s standard, and in general the representation of the

island series is almost exactly the same. Perhaps the most discernible

difference is a very slight northwestern trend given to Antillia,

instead of the equally slight northeastern inclination in Beccario’s

case.

THE BIANCO MAP OF 1436

The Bianco map of 1436[258] (Fig. 25) was the first of the Antillia

maps to attract attention in quite modern times but has suffered far

worse than Roselli’s in the matter of limitation. The border of the

material cuts off all but Antillia and the lower end of Salvagio, to

which Bianco has given the strange name of La Man (or Mao) Satanaxio,

generally translated “The Hand of Satan” but believed by Nordenskiöld

to be rather a corruption of a saint’s name, perhaps that of St.

Anastasio. It remains a mystery, though one hypothesis connects it with

a grisly Far Eastern tale of a demon hand. The initial “S” is all that

Satanaxio has in common with the names for this island on the other

maps that show it; and, as nearly all of these present very slight

changes from Salvagio, easily to be accounted for by carelessness or

errors in copying, the latter name is fairly to be regarded as the

legitimate one, while Satanaxio remains unique and grimly fanciful,

perhaps to be explained another day. The most that can be said for its

generally accepted meaning is that it corroborates Salvagio in so far

as it intensifies savagery to diabolism. One is tempted to speculate

as to whether any very cruel treatment from the natives had formed

part of the experience of the visitors along that shore; but there is

no known fact or assertion upon which to base such an idea. As to the

delineation of the islands, it is quite evident that Bianco showed the

same group as Beccario and Roselli so far as circumstances permitted;

and there is no reason to believe that the islands for which he had no

room would have differed from theirs in his showing, if admissible, any

more than his Antillia differs; that is to say, hardly at all.

Humboldt was so impressed by this map of Bianco that he took the pains

of measuring upon it the distance of Antillia from Portugal, making

this about two hundred and forty leagues: an unreliable test, one would

say, for the distances over the western waste of waters probably were

not drawn to scale nor supposed to approach exactness. For that matter,

the interval between Portugal and the Azores, as shown on maps for

nearly a hundred years, was greatly underestimated, and the discrepancy

becomes more glaring as the islands lie farther westward, Flores and

Corvo being conspicuous examples. We should naturally expect to find

the West Indies reported much nearer than they really are by anyone

mapping a record of them. Perhaps the explanation lies in a disposition

of cartographers to expect and allow for a great deal of nautical

exaggeration in the mariners’ yarns that reached them. A careful man

might come at last to believe in the existence of an island but doubt

if it were really so very far away.

THE PARETO MAP OF 1455

Pareto, 1455, has a very interesting and elaborate map[259] (Fig.

21) showing Antillia, Reylla, and I in Mar (the latter without name)

in the orthodox size, shape, and position, but with a great gap

between Antillia and I in Mar where Salvagio should be. Very likely

it was there once. Perhaps this is another case of fading away. One

doubts whether the loss might not still be retrieved by more powerful

magnifying glasses and close study of the significant interval. Pareto

is unmistakably disclosing the same series of islands as the others.

It may be that from him Roselli borrowed the inaccurate “roella” for

Reylla, since Pareto is earlier in using a similar form (Roillo).

[Illustration: FIG. 21--Section of the Pareto map of 1455 showing

the Antilles, St. Brendan’s Islands, Daculi, and others. (After

Kretschmer’s hand-copied reproduction.)]

THE BENINCASA MAP OF 1482

Benincasa’s map of 1482[260] (Fig. 22) presents Salvagio as Saluaga,

and I in Mar without name, but omits Reylla, both name and figure.

The islands shown are in their accepted form and arrangement, except

that Saluaga has but two bays on the western side, and his map adds

a novelty in a series of names applied to the several bays, or the

regions adjoining them, of the two larger islands. These names (Fig.

22) are twelve in number and seem like the fanciful work of some

Portuguese who was haunted by a few Arabic sounds in addition to those

of his native tongue. Several of them, like Antillia, begin with

“An,” perhaps another illustration of the law of the line of least

resistance. I cannot think that there is any significance in these bits

of antiquated ingenuity, though, as we have seen in Chapter V, some

have believed they found in them a relic of the Seven Cities legend.

THE WEIMAR MAP (AFTER 1481)

The Weimar map,[261] though long carefully housed, has suffered

blurring and fading with some other damage in its earlier history.

It is evidently a late representative of the tradition and begins to

wander slightly from the accepted standard. It has been curtailed also

from the beginning, like Bianco’s map of 1436, by the limitations of

the border, which in this instance cuts off the lower part of Antillia,

though the name is nearly intact; but enough remains to indicate a

reduced relative size and a greater slant to the northeastward than on

Beccario’s map. There is, of course, no room for Reylla, and there is

none for I in Mar; but

Salvagio is given plainly and fully, with the letter S quite

conspicuous. I cannot read more of the name on the photograph; but

the Weimar librarian reads San on the original, being uncertain as

to the rest. This map bears traces of local names arranged in places

like those of Benincasa but fragmentary and illegible. Perhaps these

names tend to show that the maps belong not only to the same period,

but to the same general school of development. The other differences

between this map and its predecessors are trivial. The general idea

of the island series is the same so far as it is disclosed, and it is

hardly to be doubted that all elements of the islands of Antillia would

have been presented in the main on this map as they are by Roselli and

Beccario, if there had been room to do so.

[Illustration: FIG. 22--Section of the Benincasa map of 1482 showing

the Antilles, St. Brendan’s Islands, and others. (After Kretschmer’s

hand-copied reproduction.)]

THE LAON GLOBE OF 1493

The Laon globe,[262] 1493, though mainly older, certainly had room

enough, but it appears to have formed part of some mechanism and to

have had only a secondary or incidental, and in part rather careless,

application to geography. It shows two elongated islands, Antela and

Salirosa, undoubtedly meant for Antillia and Salvagio. Perhaps the

globe maker had at command only a somewhat defaced specimen of a map

like Bianco’s or that of Weimar, showing perforce only two islands, and

merely copied them, guessing at the dim names and outlines, without

thinking or caring whether anything more were implied or making

any farther search. This is apparently the last instance in which

the larger two islands of the old group or series, marked by their

traditional names or what are meant for such, appear together.

OTHER MAPS

It may seem strange that certain other notable maps, for example

Giraldi 1426,[263] Valsequa 1439,[264] and Fra Mauro 1459,[265] show

nothing of Antillia and its neighbors. Perhaps the makers were not

interested in these far western parts of the ocean, or the narratives

on which Beccario and the rest based their maps had not reached them;

more likely they were skeptical and unwilling to commit themselves.

It is also true that the Antillia of Beccario and others is made to

extend nearly north and south instead of east and west; that I in Mar

is placed north of its greater neighbor instead of east; and that

the whole chain of islands is moved into considerably more northern

latitudes than the group which we suppose them to represent. Thus the

eastern, or lower, end of Cuba is actually in the latitude of the

lower part of the Sahara, and a point above the upper end of Florida

would be in the latitude of the upper part of Morocco; whereas in the

maps discussed the average location of the chain from the lower end

of Antillia to the most northerly island, I in Mar, would run from

the latitude of northern Morocco to that of southern France. There

are slight individual differences in this matter of extension, but I

believe Antillia always begins below Gibraltar and ends above northern

Spain and a little below Bordeaux. But some dislocation, of course, is

to be looked for in mapping exploration in an unscientific period. The

changes of direction and extension are not greater than in the American

coast line of Juan de la Cosa’s very important map of 1500,[266] not to

mention even more extravagant instances of later date; and the shifting

of latitudes may partly be accounted for by ignorance of the southward

dip of the isothermal lines in crossing the Atlantic westward. Thus a

Portuguese sailor on reaching a far western island or shore having what

seemed to him the climate and conditions of Gascony would be likely to

suppose that it was really opposite Gascony, though in fact it might be

more nearly opposite the Canaries; and the same cause of error would

apply all down the line. Cuba is not really directly opposite Portugal

but may easily have been believed so.

IDENTITY OF ANTILLIA WITH THE ANTILLES

A more difficult question is raised by the absence of Haiti and Porto

Rico from these maps, with all the more eastward Antilles. But it is

possible that they may not have been visited or even seen. We can

imagine an expedition that would touch Great Abaco, coast along

Florida and Cuba, and visit Jamaica, returning out of sight, or with

little notice, of the Haitian coast and barely passing an islet or two

of the Bahamas, which, if not sufficiently commemorated in a general

way by Insula in Mar, might well be disregarded. A report of such an

expedition, adding that Antillia was directly opposite Portugal and of

about equal size, would account fairly for the map which for half a

century was faithfully repeated even in details by many different hands

and evidently confidently believed in.

Unless we accept this explanation, we must assume an uncanny, almost

an inspired, gift of conjecture in some one who, without basis, could

imagine and depict the only array of great islands in the Atlantic.

Certainly the outlines of Cuba, Jamaica, Florida, and one of the

Bahamas will very well bear comparison with Scandinavia or the Hebrides

and the Orkneys as given on maps of equal or even later date. Some

glaring errors are to be expected in such work, as notoriously occurred

in the sixteenth-century treatment of Newfoundland and Labrador.

Applying the same tests and canons and making the same allowances as

in these cases of distortion of undoubtedly actual lands, we may be

reasonably confident that the Antillia of 1435 was really, as now, the

Queen of the Antilles.

Legendary Islands of the Atlantic: A Study of Medieval Geography · 第 4 / 8 章