THE FABRIC
THE FURNITURE
THE UPKEEP OF THE CHURCH
CLEANING AND REPAIRS
EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS
[Illustration: Decorative]
THE FABRIC
Grasmere Church, as it stands at present, is itself the sole guide we
have to its age and the method of its building. No document exists,
prior to the Restoration, that concerns the fabric. It was then
apparently the same as it is now. As one steps within the portal,
and sees through the gloom its strange double nave, the rude spaces
broken through the thick intersecting wall, and the massive, split,
misshapen timbers that support its roof, one wonders who were its
planners and builders. Here surely in this strange and original
structure we see a work conceived and carried out by the very men who
worshipped within it. Sturdy, strong, and self-dependent, they would
seem to have asked little or no aid either in money or skill, for the
rearing and decoration of their church. Yet its builders, when they
came to remodel, if not to rebuild their ancient place of worship,
must have known edifices of statelier plan. There was Kendal, their
great centre, with a church that must always have kept abreast of the
time in architectural beauty, and which--from the earliest fifteenth
century at least, showed the dressed columns of stone, the soaring
arches, and chantried aisles which yet remain. St. Martin's of
Windermere, too, in the next parish, possessed a duly proportioned
nave, chancel, and aisle; and the columns--built though they were of
undressed stone--rose to support a clerestory and the evenly-timbered
roof. Hawkshead again (whither the dalesmen often repaired to market
or fair) owned a church that was ruder than the others, indeed--since
its huge cylindrical piers support circular arches, and the timber of
its roof is rough-hewn--but had a well-proportioned plan for nave and
aisles.
[Illustration: Old Window in the South Wall.
Outside View]
These places, it is true, had advantages over Grasmere. Kendal was
in contact with the great world and with the heads of the church,
who visited it regularly. It had, besides, access to freestone.
Windermere, like Hawkshead, had to let the intractable slate of
the neighbouring mountains suffice for the main structure: hence
the great piers without capitals and the plaster finish of their
interiors. But Windermere had an advantage in its nearness to Kendal;
and Hawkshead in its association with the abbey of Furness, which
was easily accessible from there. Grasmere, on the other hand, was
probably ignorant of the beauties of the Abbey Church of St. Mary's
at York, to which it was attached. The church was practically shut
up within the remotest chamber of the mountains, and could only be
reached by 17 miles of bad road from Kendal, over which no wheels
could travel. But with no freestone near, with only the hard mountain
slate to rive, or the boulders of the beck to gather; without
traditional skill and with very little hard cash, our builders of
Grasmere proceeded--when need came--to alter and enlarge their
House of God by such simple methods as house and barn "raising" had
made familiar to them. Thus we read the story of the structure as
it stands at present, and see that the builders had clearly little
help from the outer world. We see, too, that this structure was an
alteration of an earlier one; which was not itself the first, for
the first stone fane probably replaced a wooden one, either here
or on Kirk How. It was doubtless of that simple oblong form, without
chancel or tower, which was technically known as a chapel,[124] and
of which specimens have remained among the mountains to this day. But
an _ecclesia parochia_, possessed of daughter chapels, could not be
permitted by the higher powers--whether of church or manor--to retain
so lowly a form. The manorial lords may have interested themselves
in its reconstruction, though there is no evidence of the fact. In
any case, it is likely that the Abbey of St. Mary would take the
necessary steps to bring it up to the requirements of its position,
and of the worship to be conducted within its walls. The visiting
brother would carry accounts of the remote little church to York; and
a monk skilled in architecture could be brought over to plan a new
building, and to direct its construction. The customary model for
a small parochial church would be adopted, which allowed a chancel
for priests officiating at the mass; then a nave without aisles
for the worshippers, lighted by narrow windows--for before glazing
was possible the opening had to be guarded from weather by wooden
shutters--and to the west a tower, in which to hang the bells that
should call the parishioners from far.
[124] _Gothic Architecture in England_, Francis Bond, p. 191.
Such doubtless was the existing church in its first state, and of
it there may remain the tower, the porch, the south wall, and one
window. There are indications that before its enlargement it was more
ornate then now. Freestone was used, though sparingly, to emphasize
the chief architectural points. The opening into the tower, piercing
four feet of solid wall, has a moulding of freestone (now battered
away) to mark the spring of its slightly-pointed arch; while a
string-moulding is discernible in the north wall of the nave, which
may once have accentuated the window heads. The windows--if we may
suppose the one left between porch and tower to be a relic of the
original set[125]--were simple openings finished by an "ogee" arch.
The font may be as old as the window, if not older. Its mouldings,
which originally followed the rim and divided the bowl into a
hexagon, are almost obliterated; and though no doubt it suffered
during the Commonwealth, when it was degraded from its sacred use,
the damage may not be wholly due to that cause. The freestone used
in the building was unfortunately friable, and must have suffered at
every alteration--such as the piercing of the north wall by arches,
and the building up of the tower-arch for a vestry. It could not be
replaced by the remodellers; and they seem to have intentionally
chipped and levelled it, and then freely whitewashed it over, with a
general view to tidiness. They even went beyond this; for when the
east wall was reconstructed in 1851, a stone carved with the likeness
of a face was found built into it. This is now in the Kendal Museum.
The piscina, too, now refixed (and, unfortunately, redressed), was
found, covered with plaster, lower down in the same wall.
[125] This is almost a certainty. A drawing made by a friend of
Mrs. Fletcher, of Lancrigg, showed two like windows on the south
side; but it is unfortunately lost.
[Illustration: Profile of Stone Head]
The worn, maltreated freestone might, if we knew its origin, tell
something of the tale of the building. A well-squared yellow block,
recently laid bare in the porch, is certainly not the red sandstone
of Furness.
[Illustration: SCULPTURED STONE FOUND IN TAKING DOWN THE EAST
WALL OF GRASMERE CHURCH]
Now should the age of the fabric, decorated thus simply though
judiciously, be questioned, it must be owned that there is nothing
to indicate its being older than the fourteenth century. It is true
that a western tower with no entrance from outside was a feature
of many Saxon churches, but such towers continued to be built for
parish churches until a late date. The rough masonry of the Grasmere
tower is due to the material; and the massive boulders used in the
foundation were no doubt gathered from the beck, whose proximity must
have been highly convenient for builders who were poorly equipped
for the quarrying of their slate rock. The "ogee" or trefoiled arch
was a development of the Decorated style of architecture, which
evolved the form from the elaborate traceries of its windows.[126]
The Decorated style is roughly computated as lasting from the open
to the close of the fourteenth century, and the period of its use
coincides fairly with the time when our church fell under the
influence of the monastery.
[126] S. Holborne: _Architecture of European Religions_.
A church of primitive size would be sufficient for the folk of the
three townships, while they lived in scattered homesteads and were
all bent upon husbandry, with short intervals of warfare with the
Scots. But it would become too small for a growing population that
throve in times of peace upon the wool trade.[127] With walk-mills in
the valleys, and families growing rich as clothiers, some extension
of the church would be necessary; and this extension seems to have
been started in a fashion strangely simple. Leaving the walls of the
edifice intact with its roof, a space almost equal--for it is but one
yard narrower--was marked off on the northern side, enclosed by walls
and roofed over. The intervening wall could not be removed, because
the builders were incapable of spanning the double space by a single
roof. It was therefore left to sustain the timbers of the two roofs,
and through its thickness (over three feet) spaces were broken in the
form of simple arches. Thus--though one is called an aisle--two naves
were practically formed, separated by the pierced wall. The date
of this enlargement is uncertain. If we place it in the era of the
prosperity of the townships from the cloth trade, it could have been
done no earlier than the reign of Henry the Seventh, and no later
than the early days of Elizabeth; while a supposition that it was not
taken in hand until the dissolution of the monastery had thrown the
men of the three townships on their resources is strengthened by the
character of the work.
[127] See Fullers and Freeholders: _Trans. of Cumberland and
Westmorland Ant. So._, N.S.
How long the enlarged church remained under a double roof cannot be
said. Trouble would be sure to come from the long, deep valley, where
snow would lodge and drip slowly inside. Clearly there was urgent
need for action and radical alteration when the powerful Mr. John
Benson, of Baisbrowne, made his will in 1562. A clause of this runs:
"Also I giue and bequeath towardes the Reparacions of the church of
gresmyre XXs so that the Roofe be taken down and maide oop againe."
But how to construct a single roof over the double space? This
insoluble problem (to them) was met by the village genius in a
singular manner. The arched midwall was not abolished. It was
carried higher by means of a second tier of arches whose columns
rest strangely on the crowns of the lower. These upper openings
permit the principal timbers to rest in their old position, while
the higher timbers are supported by the abruptly ending wall. Thus
a single pitched roof outside is attained, sustained by a double
framework within. The result is unique, and remains as a monument of
the courage, resource, and devotion to their church of our mountain
dalesmen.
* * * * *
[Since this chapter was written the stone face--p. 104--has been
returned by Kendal to Grasmere.--ED.]
THE FURNITURE
Of early furniture there is, of course, no trace within the
church. All the accessories of the ritual of the mass, whether in
metal, wood, or textile, as well as such as would be required for
processions on Rogation Days, were swept away at the Reformation. A
reminder of these processions may perhaps be found in the field at
the meeting of the roads near the present cemetery, which goes by
the name of Great Cross, for here, doubtless, a Station of the Cross
stood where the priest and the moving throng would halt and turn.
Another field is named Little Cross.
[Illustration: Date on Bench End]
One upright piece of oak, roughly cut with the date 1635, remains
to show us the style of the old benches--or forms as they were
called--which filled the space above the earthen floor. The bench
itself, to judge by the aperture left in this end-piece, would appear
to have been no more than six inches wide, and almost as thick; the
bench-end, which was further steadied by a slighter bar below, was
sunk into the ground.
[Illustration: BENCH END.]
These benches could not have been fixed with any permanence, for the
earthen floor was often broken up for the burial of parishioners.
The custom of burial inside the church was a favourite one, and
was continued down to the nineteenth century. While the choir was
reserved for the knight or gentleman (and of the former there were
none within the parish) and for the priest, the statesman was buried
in the nave or aisle; and only
the landless man or cottar would be laid in the garth outside.
Frequently in wills the testator expressed his wish to be buried
as near as possible to a deceased relative, or the place where he
had worshipped. He was in any case buried within the limits of his
township's division in the church. In 1563 Mr. John Benson, of
Baisbrowne, who was a freeholder and probably a cloth merchant,
desired to be buried "in the queare in the parish church of
gresmire as neare where my wife lyethe as convenientlye may be."
After the Fleming family of Rydal and Coniston became possessed of
the advowson, they were many of them--beginning with William the
purchaser in 1600--buried within the choir; though no monument or
tablet exists prior to the one commemorating Sir Daniel's father,
1653. The tithe-paper shows the rate of payment for interment in the
higher or lower choir. Besides fees paid to the officials of the
church, the townships, through their individual wardens, took payment
for all "ground broken," as the phrase went, within their division,
and the receipts from this source appear regularly in their accounts.
The usual fee for an adult was 3s. 4d. (a quarter mark), and out of
this 2d. had to be paid by the wardens for laying the flag. Less was
charged for children, while women who died in childbirth were buried
for nothing but the actual cost of the flag-laying. Under the year
1693, when seven parishioners were laid within the church soil, we
read "& more for the burying of two Women yt. dyed in Childbed in
the Church00li 00s 04d." There were seven burials in 1723, five in
1732, five in 1766, and four in 1773. As late as 1821 Rydal and
Loughrigg buried one inhabitant in the church, and Langdale three. It
is singular that the Grasmere township discontinued the custom before
the two others, for no interment took place in her division after
1797.
The following extracts from the wardens' accounts show how frequently
the floor of the church was disturbed and levelled:--
£ s. d.
1674 It. for lying Flags of 2 graves in our third 00 00 04
1689 For lying the Grave Flags and mending
Forms 00 00 06
1690 All three townships pay for "lying Flags
and mending Fourmes."
1713 For Lying ye Flaggs upon Several Graves
wh. had fallen in 00 01 00
1728 For mending the Flaggs and Fourms 00 02 02
1729 For flagging and Leavelling ye Church
floor 00 00 10
1763 Grasmere mende forms and levell flags, 1s. 6d.; Loughrigg
and beneath Moss the same, 1s. 8d.
1772 New flags bought, and extensive work done upon the
floor, at a total cost of £9 8s. 1-3/4d.: the flagging of the
"low end" not being completed till next year.
1774 For "mending Furmes in Church & a Soal-tree" 12s. 4d.
is paid.
1782 Grasmere purchases an oak tree for seats in her third,
13s. 4d., carpenter 13s. 4d.; with a final 11s. 6d. next
year for repair of the old ones.
1783 Loughrigg and beneath Moss proceeds to the same; and
two new "Sole-trees" [foot-rail] with the railing and
repairing of four forms cost £1 9s. 0d., besides 1s. 8d.
spent in ale at the public auction of the contract, and 2d.
for advertisement of same.
s d
1811 For Levelling Church & mending Windows 1 6
1819 To clearing Church of Stones and Rubbish 1 6
1828 Outlay unusual. Grasmere shows "To Flags & Flagging
in the Church" 19s. 4d. "To repairing seates" 2s. 0d.
Loughrigg and beneath Moss "To Ambleside Church-warden
paid for New Seats" £2 1s. 6d. Langdale "To
Repairing Flags in Church" £1 6s. 6d.; Seats and Wood
19s. 9d.
1833 Grasmere repairs "fermes" in Church, 6d.
The soil beneath the church is thus literally sown with bones, and
the wonder is that room could be found for so many. But in this
connection it must be remembered that the practice of burying without
coffins was the usual one until a comparatively recent period.
No wonder that plague broke out again and again, that the fragrant
rush was needed for other purpose than warmth, and that fires within
the church could not have been tolerated.
The custom concerning these forms or _ferms_, as locally pronounced,
was rigid. Every man had a right, as townsman or member of a _vill_,
to a recognized seat within the church, which was obtained through
the officials of his township. This seat was, of course, within the
division of his township. The women sat apart from the men, and even
the maids from the old wives. So tenaciously was the hereditary seat
clung to, that reference to it may occasionally be met with in a
will.[128]
[128] Edward Forrest, of Ambleside, when providing, in 1637,
for his younger son (then under age) as a landholder, adds "and
it is my mind and will that my said son Richard shall sitt next
his elder brother Edward in the same forme, and likewise to haue
another seate for a woman in the other forme, or seate accustomed
for women." This was in Ambleside Chapel, but the custom was
general.
Mr. George Browne possesses a copy of a document drawn up in
1629, after there had been contention, which gives the order of
seating in Troutbeck Chapel. As this has not been printed, it may
be briefly summarized here. A plan accompanies the paper. The
general order was, for the men to be seated round the chancel,
and upon a certain number of the front benches on the north side,
which was free. The women were behind the men, five being placed
on each form. They paid for their seats, at a diminishing rate
from the front, the price starting at 20d.--one-eighth of a mark.
The plan gives the place of every townswoman, and it is expressly
stated that if there be a young wife in the family as well as an
old one, she is to take her place on another form.
Some serious alteration in the allotment of seats was probably made
in 1676, judging from these entries in the wardens' accounts.
li s d
Ittem for Laughrig third for lifting seatts upon
Church & when ther names was sent in writting 00 2 00
Itt. for grasmyre third for ye like 00 2 00
The Squire of Rydal, as soon as the Restoration permitted it, set
to work to furnish that part of the church in which he worshipped
suitably to the honour and dignity of his family. The family seats
had before his time long stood vacant, even if they had been ever
regularly used. His predecessor, John, as an avowed Roman Catholic,
had preferred to pay heavy fines rather than obey the law in the
matter of attendance at the Communion of the parish church; and there
is little doubt that the mass was celebrated in private for him at
Rydal Hall. John's mother, Dame Agnes, may have attended during her
widowhood; but her husband William, the purchaser of the tithes and
patronage, must--always supposing him to be a good Protestant--have
attended more frequently at Coniston.
But Squire Daniel was a pillar of the church as well as of the State
in his neighbourhood, and his accommodation within the building was
framed in view of the fact. The following entry occurs in his account
book, under July 13th, 1663. The monument referred to is doubtless
the brass tablet we now see in the chancel, and it appears to have
waited for its fixing for ten years after its purchase in London:--
li s d
Spent at Gresmer, when ye wainscott seat, & my
father's monum.t were set up 00 00 06
And two days later the bill for the seat was paid. It is not very
intelligible, but reads thus:--
Paid unto Christ. Robinson of Kendall (Joyner) li s d
for 10 yards and foot 2/1 of double wainscott at
4s P' yard, and yards 4 foot 2/1 of single wainscott
at 3s P' yard, for a Board, Ledging & knobs in
all (being for ye seats at Gresmere) ye sum of 03 06 06
No doubt this is the fine old pew which still stands between the
pulpit and the priest's door of the chancel. In it, for nearly forty
years, the squire worshipped, with his growing family about him. The
regularity of his attendance is shown by his account book, where
every collection is entered; and in spite of his frequent ridings on
public and private business, he never but once (till the close of
the book in 1688) missed the four yearly communions in his parish
church. On that occasion, when Easter Day, 1682, was spent at Hutton,
he attended a service at Grasmere on the previous Good Friday (held
possibly by his order), at which his Easter offering was given.
Given this day (being Good-Fryday) at ye Offertory in Gresmere
Church for myselfe 5s., for Will, Alice, Dan, Barbara & Mary 5s.
The sums given were invariable: 5s. for himself, 2s. 6d. for his wife
(while she lived), and 1s. for each child.[129]
[129] For the custom of Easter offerings, see Canon Simmons'
Notes to _The Lay Folks' Mass Book_, pp. 239-241.
It was in 1675 that the sad necessity rose of putting up a monument
to his excellent wife. The brass was apparently cut in London, for he
sent to his Uncle Newman there:--
3li 10s. 0d. towards ye paying for my late dear wifes Epitaphs
engraving in brass.
Though 2s. 6d. more was paid afterwards.
Unto Rich. Washington of Kendall for amending of my late Dear
Wifes Epitaph in brass.
Washington, who was entered in 1642 among the "Armerers Fremen and
Hardwaremen" of Kendal, and was mayor of the city in 1685,[130] was
wholly entrusted with the next family brass; for we find that under
date February 10th, 1682, he was paid "for ye Brass & the cutting
of ye Epitaph for my Mother and Uncle Jo. Kirkby, £4 10s 0d which
my brothers Roger & William are to pay me again." But this was for
Coniston Church.
[130] _Boke off Recorde of Kirkbie Kendal._
It was after the squire's second son, Henry, had become Rector of
Grasmere, and by his encouragement, that the church was freshly
beautified and "adorned." The entry of 1s. paid in 1662 to James
Harrison for "makeing ye sentences w'in ye church" shows that
something was at once attempted; for it was as imperative that a
church should be "sentenced" as that the Royal Arms should be put
up, or the Commandments or Lord's Prayer. All these were devices
(expressly enjoined by the sovereign) for covering up the nakedness
of the churches after they had been stripped by the Reformers of
all objects of beauty and reverence, in roods, images of saints,
tapestries, &c., &c.; for Elizabeth and many of her subjects had
been horrified at the effect of changes that appeared to rob the
churches of their sacred character.[131] Frescoes on plaster had, of
course, been used from early times as a means of teaching Holy Writ
and Legend to the unlettered folk, and fragments of such pictures
are still to be seen in Carlisle Cathedral. But at the Reformation,
when plaster and paint were again resorted to, only the written
word was permitted (with the exception of the Lion and Unicorn);
and the wall-spaces of the churches became covered with texts
and catechisms,[132] which were surrounded or finished by "decent
flourishes."[133]
[131] _English Church Furniture_, Cox and Harvey.
[132] An unusual catechism, printed in the Rev. E. J. Nurse's
_History_, may be seen in the parish church of Windermere.
[133] So important was this scheme of decoration considered, that
in the reign of Charles II. the Archbishop of Canterbury gave
a commission to his "well-beloved in Christ," a craftsman who
belonged to the "Art and mysterie of Paynterstayners of London"
to carry it out in all those churches of his province where it
was found wanting.--_English Church Furniture._
In its turn the reformed style has disappeared, even in churches
peculiarly suited to it, like those of the Lake District, where the
rough unworkable slate is bound to be covered by a coat of plaster.
During recent restorations, however, at both Windermere and Hawkshead
the sentences were found under coats of whitewash, and they were
in a truly conservative spirit painted in again. Grasmere, weary
of "mending" the sentences and whitening round them, finally wiped
them out in the last century, and substituted the ugly black boards
painted with texts, which still hang between the archways. Fragments
of the old sentences were descried when the walls were recently
scraped and coloured.
It was in 1687 that a complete scheme of decoration was carried out
within the church, and one James Addison, a favourite decorator in
the district, was engaged for the purpose. The contract made with him
is preserved in the churchwardens' book:--
Mr. Adison is to playster what is needfull & whiten all the
Quire & Church except that within the insyde of the Arche of
the steeple to paint the 10 Coman's on the one syde of the
Quire window & the beliefe & Lordes prayer on the other with 8
sentences & florishes in the Quire & 26 sentences in the Church
with decent Florishes & the Kinges Armes well drawn & adorned.
Later on comes the copy of an agreement in later handwriting:--
March the 29th An'o Dom'i 1687.
Mem'd. It was then agreed on by and between James Addison of
Hornby in the County of Lancaster Painter on the one part
and Mr. Henry Fleming of Grasmer the churchwardens and other
Parishioners of the Parish aforesaid: That the said James
Addison shall and will on this side the first day of August
next after the date hereof sufficiently plaster wash with
Lime and whiten all ye church of Grasmer aforesaid (except ye
inside of the steeple) and well and decently to paint ye Tenne
Commandm'ts, Lord's prayer and thirty Sentences at such places
as are already agreed on together with the Kings Arms in proper
colours and also to colour the pulpit a good green colour and
also to flourish the Pillars and over all the Arches and doors
well and sufficiently, the said Parson and Parishioners finding
lime and hair onely. In consideration whereof the sd. Parson and
Parishioners doe promise to pay him nine pounds Ten shillings
when or so soon as the work shall be done.
And be it likewise remembered the s'd Parson and Parishioners
gave him 05s in earnest and that the Parson is to pay the fifth
part of the nine pounds Ten shillings, the parishioners being at
the whole charge of the lime and Hair.
The names of the 18 Questmen
For Grasmer For Langdale Rydal Ambleside and
Loughrigg.
Reg. Thompson W. Satterthwaite Thomas Benson
John Hird Jno. Middlefell Jo. Banks
Jo. Hawkrigge Geo. Cowperthwaite Reg. Braithwaite
of townhead Chr. Dawson Jo. Newton
Jo. Hawkrigge Leo. Benson Jo. Braithwaite de[134]
of Howhead James Dixon Hawkshead
Hen. Hird Hen. Barrow
Eadwin Green
[134] This is somewhat inexplicable unless the copyist, who has a
late hand, has mistaken Howhead (in Ambleside) for Hawkshead. And
the last figure in the account should be £1 18s.
Church Wardens
For Grasmer Eadwin Green
Rob't Hird
For Langdale Geo. Cowperthwaite
Leo. Benson
For Rydal Ambleside and
Loughrigg Ed. Benson de Highclose
Tho Newton de Ambleside
Memorand. That to promote ye Painting of ye ch'h ye Parson did
offer to pay according to ye proportion ye Quire did bear to
ye whole ch'h to ye plastering washing w'h lime and painting
of ye ten Command'ts Creed L'ds prayer and 30 sentences, tho'
y'er had but been 4 or 5 Sentences in ye Quire before and now ye
ten Comma'd'ts and Creed were to be painted on each side of the
quire windows The Charge of all which was commuted at £8 0 0 and
ye K'gs Arms and ye painting of ye pulpit at ye remainder. So
that the quire appearing by measure to be a 5 part ye Parson was
to pay £1 12s. 0d. but to be quit of the trouble of providing
his proportion of lime and hair he did prefer to pay ye 5 part
of the whole £9 10s. 0d. ye parish finding all lime and hair
which was agreed to. Besides ye £9 10s. 0d. agreed to be paid
there was 5s. 0d. given to the painter in earnest to have the
work done well.
£ s d
March 29. Paid for ye 5 part of the earnest money
given to the painter 00 01 0
June 21. Paid to Mr. James Addison for ye parsons
share of painting the Church being ye 5 part of
£9 10 0 00 18 0
The contract included the painting of the pulpit of a cheerful green,
as we read. It was a plain structure of wood, and the "Quission"
bought for it in 1661, as well as the cloth then procured for the
Communion Table, were doubtless worn out; for we learn from the
church-wardens' Presentment for 1707 that these and some other
points about the church had been found wanting by the higher church
authorities. The paper runs:--
The defects found in our church for and at ye late Visitation,
viz. The Floor of the Church-porch & Isles uneven Flagg'd; The
South wall of the Inside fro' ye Bellfry unto ye East, dirty;
A decent Reading-pew, Com'unio'-Table-cloth of Linen, & pulpet
Cushio' wanting; A Table of degrees wanting, & a crackt Bell.
All these faults except two (viz. The Reading-pew & crackt Bell)
are amended. The porch & Isles even Flagg'd. The Wall made
white & clean, A decent Table-cloth, Pulpet-Cushion, & Table of
degrees, procured.
A new Reading-pew is in making at present, & will shortly be
perfected. & as for the Bell it was referr'd to Dr. Fleming's
discerec'on to be amended & made tuneable; & he resolves in
convenient time to call together & consult w'th the chief of his
Parishion'rs to do it, & in w't time and manner, to the best
Advantage."
Accordingly we find entries of the expense incurred by a few of these
requirements:--
li s d
1706 For Cloth, Silk, Fring and Tassles for ye pulpitt
Cushion 01 02 05
For Flocks harden and making ye pulpitt
Cushion 00 03 01-1/2
For Cloth for ye Table Cloth and makeing 00 05 11
1709 For mending the Stairs and laying ye Flaggs
in ye Clarks pew 00 10 00
Nothing is heard, however, of a new reading-pew, and in 1710 the old
one was mended at a cost of 1s. 8d. The bells, as we shall see, had
to wait.
Not until a hundred years later was a vestry thought of. In 1810
Thomas Ellis was paid 7s. for planning it, and George Dixon £12 2s.
1d. for its erection. It is said to have been made of wood, and
simply partitioned off the north-west angle of the church. It was
fitted with a "grate," that cost with carriage 19s.; and this being
set on the side nearest to the pews, diffused what must have been
but a gentle warmth through the edifice. It is the first heating
apparatus that we hear of, and the expenses for charcoal and wood,
with 3s. paid annually to the clerk for setting on the fire, were
small. Tradition says that while George Walker lighted the vestry
fire he rang the eight o'clock bell--a call to matins which had
survived the Reformation, and the service then abolished.[135]
[135] _Mediæval Services in England._ Chr. Wordsworth. Tradition
from Edward Wilson.
Time brought other improvements. The harmony of a church choir
entailed its special expenses. In 1812 the ladies of Rydal Hall,
widow and heiress of Sir Michael Fleming, provided "Psalmody" for
Grasmere church at a cost of £2 2s., and for Langdale at £1 1s.
Probably the price of this early tune-book was one guinea. A charge
of 7s. 6d. appears in 1829 for a new pitch-pipe. A "singing school"
was started, causing considerable expense in candles (12s. in 1844).
Edward Wilson fitted the "singing pews" with drawers in 1851. There
was apparently no instrumental music in the Grasmere choir, though
there may have been in Langdale chapel to judge from an item of
expense for violin strings.
[Illustration: Old Pitch Pipe]
Many odd expenses are noted in the accounts, as well as the
replenishing of worn books and garments. A large Common Prayer Book
cost in 1692 13s. 6d., and another in 1733 14s. Prayer Books began,
too, to be supplied in the body of the church; the townships buying a
few at a time, at a price varying from 6d. to 1s. In 1808 a new Bible
cost £2 2s., while the price of a large Prayer Book in 1823 was £2
5s., and another in 1835 £1 12s.
The "surp-cloth," "surpless," or "surplice" was renewed at various
prices. After the marvellously cheap one of 1661 (5s.; surely the
product of the valley, in flax-growing, spinning, and weaving),
others were got in 1697 for £1 12s., in 1730 for £1 11s. 4d., in 1734
for £2 7s. In 1755 a new one is set down at the modest sum of 1s.
5-3/4d., which, if multiplied by three, is barely 4s. 6d.; and in
1775 one (or perhaps the same) was altered for 1s. An amusing item
appears in the receipt columns of the three townships in 1795, when
they sold the old surplice and divided the amount. "By 1/3 of the
Old Surplice 2s. 7-1/2d."
"Communion Linnen" cost in 1823 14s. 6d. In 1820 a surplice cost £2
18s. 4d., and in 1830 £1 17s. 9d.
THE UPKEEP OF THE CHURCH
The one document that exists concerning the fabric of the church and
of its upkeep was written as late as 1661, when the Episcopal Order
of church government was restored.[136] There is every probability,
however, that in substance it merely reinstitutes an old custom. The
document is printed here:--
[136] Rydal Hall MSS.
A true Cattollogue made the twenty-first day of Apprill in
the 13th yeare of the Kings Ma'tyes reigne in the yeare of
our lord god 1661 by the eighteene men Appointed for the good
of the parish church of Gresmyre whos names are here under
written that is to say what particulars both of the church &
church-yard-wall; and what parte is divided to every Third and
what parte is not divided; what hereafter shall be expressed &
to whom they doe belong of right to be mayntayned & uphoulden.
Imprimus the chancell or quire ought to be maintained by the
parson or rector that is to say the roofe to the midle of the
rigging soe ffarr as the quire doth extend and the quire doore &
ffoure windowes within the Compass of quire: & the pues within
the quire and all the body of the church both roofe walles &
Timber doth belong to the whole parish equally amongst them that
is to say; Gresmyre third: Langdall Third & Loughrigg, Ridall
& Ambleside third; to be maintained & uphoulden every third
Alike; by even portions and likewise the roofe of the steple
& the belle wheeles, things or any nessary thing whatsoever.
Concerning the steple or within the steple all to be regarded &
done at generall charges of those three thirds Abovementioned
without any deniall; & the door both at the topp & below; &
the 4 windowes Above at the bells and the steple window below;
and the east window opposight to the higher pillors; & those
doth belong to all the said 3 thirds equally Amongst Them to
be mayntained & upholden; Now for the particulars within the
Church ffor every third, & how ffarr every third ought to brake
ground; as ffolloweth viz: Gresmyre Third, ffrom the quire
wae upon the South side of the Church and Their fformes to ye
steple doore; with the Cross alley coming in at the posterne
doore; and to the midle of the Alleys of the south side ffrom
the quire wale; to the midle of the steple, doth belong to
gresmyre third, & five formes next to Langdall quire wale; & to
the midle of the alley, & Two short fformes at north side of
the second piller & halfe of one fforme being between Loughrigg
quire and Ridell fformes with the fformes upon the weste Sid of
the Church next to the west doore; doth belong To gresmyre third
And all the remaindor of the fformes upon the north sid of the
Church to the midle of the north Alley doth belong to Langdall
Third; & the midle of the church to the midle of the north
Alley; & to the midle of the west alley; with the two crosse
alleyes viz, one at the ffont & the other belowe the quire
wale; doth belong to Loughrigg Ridall & Ambleside Third; And
for the windowes belonging to this Loughrigg third here named,
be in number Three being upon the south sid of the church; one
window at the backe of the portch; and two windowes betweene
the portch doore & the pulpitt; and the portch Doore, doth
belong to Loughrigg, Ridall & Ambleside third, to be up houlden,
mayntained & kept in repaire of their own proper Costs & charges
for ever; and likewise their parte of the Church yard Wale,
viz.: one yeat which doth extend ffrom the South nooke of the
steple & ffrom thence southward to the east nooke of Gresmyre
third; when it begines to be seated with in the church yard; of
their owne costs & charges Now windowes belonging to Langdall
Third be in number three; one window being in the east end of
the church oppossigt Againe the east end of the north Alley &
two windowes nexte Adjoyning to it upon the north side of the
Church; to be upholden & mayntained & kept in good repaire of
Langdall thirds owne proper costs charges and their parte of
the church yard, walle from the north nooke of Gresmyre third;
being seated within the church yard, to the south nooke of the
steple, & likewise one yeate with A feeld opposight Against
Robert Harrison Doore; to be keept in good repaire of their owne
proper charges & costs of Langdall third without any deniall
According to the true intent & meaning of these presents;
Gresmyre windowes be in noumber three; upon the north side of
the Church the lowest Towards the steple & the west doore doth
belong to Gresmyre third; & these to be mayntained & keept in
good repaire of gresmyre third own proper Costs & Charges And
the church-yard soe ffarr as it is seated within the church-yard
with A pair of yeates & the roofe over the said yeattes of their
owne proper costs & charges & note all repaireing the pulpitt
church chest or any Bookes that doth concerning the church in
any respects to be done At A generall Charge of the wholl parish
be equall portions without any deniall & likewise the haske &
joules at A general Charge of the parish and likewise A fonte
At A generall charge to be maintained In Testamony thereof we
the said eightenne have sette our honds the day & yeare ffirst
above-written.
[The names of the Eighteen follow, under three headings of
Gresmyre, Loughrigg, and Langdall. They are often crossed through
and written again. On the other side of the MS. is given the
following list.]
The names of the Eighteen of the parish of Grasmere as they now
stand, April the 24th, 1688.
Grasmere Langdale Loughrigg and
beneath Moss
Reignald Thompson George Cooperthwaite John Banks
John Haukrigg Christopher Dawson Reignald Brathwaite
John Hird James Dixon Hendry Barrow
John Haukrigg John Middlefell Thomas Benson
Robert Harrisin William Satterthwaite Thomas Newton
Edwin Green Leonard Benson Thomas Mackereth
Something has already been said of the constitution of the parish,
and of the lay control which existed over its finances--the three
townships within the parish being represented by a body of eighteen
(six for each) as well as by two churchwardens; and this document,
while it strengthens the suggestion that the great addition to the
church had been carried out by the united parish, and at the expense
of the three townships--shows us exactly how each township arranged
to fulfil its obligation to maintain the building in proper repair.
It was an intricate matter. Each township by a common agreement made
itself responsible for the maintenance of a particular portion of
the church, not only of the fittings, but of the walls and windows
of the fabric, as well as of the garth outside, with the garth wall
down to its own particular gate of entrance.[137] There were besides
general charges, along with the expenses of the Sunday worship,
in which all took an equal share. Such an undertaking--both joint
and individual--may seem to a merely modern mind a complicated
business, especially as the church consisted structurally of two
parts, which had to be divided for purposes of finance into three.
But such problems were as nothing to men whose farmholds belonged to
a township (indivisible in itself) that was broken up into several
lordships, and whose land--though permanent in quantity--was every
year freshly apportioned within the common fields of his _vill_. The
subsequent accounts of the churchwardens, of which a few have already
been given, prove that the obligations incurred by this document were
rigidly fulfilled.
[137] The churchyard wall at Milburn, Westmorland, is still
divided for purposes of repair amongst certain inhabitants and
property-owners, who speak of their share as _dolts_ (Old Norse
_deild_, a share, from _deila_, to divide). _Transactions_,
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 9, p. 297.
The division of the fabric amongst the townships was made on the
following lines. The care of the chancel, with its four windows and
door, fell, of course, to the recipient of the tithes--who at this
time was the rector. The township of Grasmere undertook to repair
the south wall of the church from the chancel door to the tower, and
half the aisle. The benches between this wall and aisle were all
apportioned to the folk of the township, as well as a few odd ones
in other parts of the church. The windows for which Grasmere was
responsible were not, as would naturally be supposed, those of the
south wall, but three in the north wall nearest to the east.
Langdale's share was wholly on the north side. Between the north
wall, which it was bound to repair, and the aisle, stood the forms
on which the folk of that valley were seated. The windows specially
apportioned to its care were the one in the east wall of the
northern half of the church (whose precincts were called the Langdale
choir) with the two in the north wall next to it.
Rydal and Loughrigg (in which township Ambleside above Stock was
joined for church matters) was responsible for the three windows in
Grasmere's south wall and for the porch. The forms for this portion
of the parish were apparently set in the middle of the church, on
either side the central arched wall.
The churchyard wall also was divided among the townships: Grasmere
taking the north-eastern portion, with the lych gates; Langdale the
stretch onward to the tower, with its own gate (now closed), which
was opposite Church Stile, or Kirk Steel, then an inn; and Rydal and
Loughrigg the stretch beyond to the south, past the present gate,
which was reserved at that time for the folk of the township.
Each township had clearly its own quarter of the churchyard as well
of the church, wherein to bury its dead. Within, the portions were
marked by the position of each township's seats, and without, by the
gates. The field apportioned to Langdale, by Harrison's inn, was no
doubt used for the tethering of horses from that distant valley.
The three townships jointly attended to the upkeep of the tower, the
bells, the roof of the church, the pulpit, and church furniture.
When the regulations for church repairs were thus solemnly written
out, there was urgent need for them. Neglect and ill-usage had
reduced the fabric to a forlorn state, and the accounts of the
wardens (who, however, went cautiously to work on renovation) show
what was immediately required for setting the place in decent order
and reinstituting the services and sacraments of the established
church. From the sum paid to the "glasser"--6s., for glazing only
Grasmere's share of the windows--it would seem that the winds of
heaven had blown freely through the building. The font, which was
always displaced by the Puritans, and often maltreated, required
mending in the stone part as well as the lead; and a new cover was
procured. A table-cloth--presumably of linen--was bought for 1s.
4d., a bottle (for the wine?) for 3s., a surplice for 1s. 8d., and a
pulpit cushion for 2s. 2d.
The binding of the Bible next year cost 1s. It had undoubtedly had
hard wear during the diverse ministrations of the Interregnum. It may
have been the very book bandied about on that Sunday of 1655 when
John Banks and his attendant minister were defied by the clerk, and
John, upon that official's persistence in reading aloud a chapter
from its pages, forcibly closed it, and handed it to Mr. Turner. Also
a Book of Common Prayer was got for 1s. 6d., a sum so small as to
raise a doubt of its newness. The large sum of £1 1s. was expended
on "makeing up ye raills in ye quire," which shows that this guard
to the space about the communion table (often maliciously broken by
zealots) was in a bad state. The rails were entirely renewed, and a
fresh table made in 1755; and it is interesting to note that they
were constructed on the spot by joiners brought from a distance,
no doubt Kendal. The wood was procured in Rydal, at a cost of £4
12s., with carriage 2s. 6d. Other expenses, in iron-work, turning
"bannisters," glue, &c., with the boarding of the men, came to £2 1s.
0-1/2d. No doubt the existing rails are those then made, with the
little table now used as a credence table.
[Illustration: Old Altar now used as a Credence Table]
An object within the chancel is older than these. It is a box
carved with the date 1648 and the words "S. Oswaldus Poor Box." It
is strange that this object should be acquired at a time when the
country was at strife and the church disestablished--unless, indeed,
it was the gift of a rich parishioner like Mr. Thomas Braithwaite
of Ambleside Hall, who was elder of the parish during the rule of the
Presbyterians.[138]
[138] The family employed carvers about this time for their
houses and elaborate mantelpieces.
The placing of the King's Arms within the church was obligatory.[139]
This was a costly business, for two men, who brought the painted
panel, had to be boarded in the village. Some of the money went,
however, in drink, and the occasion was evidently made an excuse for
village jollity.
[139] This was removed from Baisbrowne, and is now at Water Park,
Coniston.
Gradually other articles customary in a properly-appointed church
were acquired. A table-cloth--this time probably of cloth--was bought
in 1665 at a cost of 16s. 7d., and "A cloth to Cover ye Ellements" at
2s. followed in 1672. The Communion vessels in use up to this time
must have been of the rudest description, for those that replaced
them in 1670 were of simple pewter, except the "dubler"--doubtless a
plate for the collection of alms.
li s d
Itt for A pewder dubler & pewder cup & a london
plater 00 4 6
Itt. for a wood dubler 00 00 3
The accounts show no further expenditure on this score, except for
the repair of a "Flagon" (3d.) in 1708, and for "Sodering ye Tankers"
in 1726. The existing plate was supplied by private piety, as its
inscriptions tell. The two silver cups bear the date 1714, and they
are of the same pattern; but one carries the cross with sacred
monogram and the legend "The Parish Church Plate of Grasmere Renewed
Ao. Doi. 1714" (having been probably bought from the proceeds of
the sale of the older plate or by collected offerings), while the
other with a coat of arms inside its border, bears the inscription:
"The gift of Mrs. Dorothy Benson of Coat How to the Parish Church
of Grasmere Ao. Doi. 1714." This lady, wife of Thomas Benson,
freeholder, of the homestead by the Rothay, gave also a beautiful
old silver alms dish, said to be a piece of Dublin plate.[140] The
date on this is 1729. She gave a silver paten also, on which only the
maker's date (1731-2) is engraved. It is singular that each of the
three pieces displays a different coat-of-arms.[141]
[140] Old church plate of the Diocese of Carlisle.
[141] See Fullers and Freeholders.
Mrs. Benson's munificence was clearly felt by the parish, for the
item in the accounts of 1729 "For Wine given as a Present to Mrs.
Benson," 8s., must have been intended as an acknowledgment.
Another offering of plate was made much later (1852) by Mrs. Letitia
Lough, a friend of the Wordworths, who resided for some time at Fox
Ghyll, and later removed to Grasmere.
In connection with the Communion vessels of the Restoration period,
it must be borne in mind that there was far less use for them then
than now. The sacrament was at that time administered only four times
in the year. This fact is not only shown by the accounts of the Rydal
Hall agent and of the churchwardens, but it is expressly declared by
one of the answers made by the wardens at the Presentment of 1723.
They add that they provide fine white bread and good wine for the
sacrament "att ye charges of ye Inhabitants"; and four years later
they append to this statement "Easter excepted, which is at the
Charge of the Parson."
Thus on three occasions--Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Michaelmas--the
churchwardens and the Eighteen were bound to provide bread and
wine;[142] while the expenses of the Easter celebration were borne
by the rector, who received the Easter dues. When the tithes were
leased to laymen, this layman took over the charge. And as Squire
John Fleming held the tithes, items for this expenditure are found in
Tyson's and Harrison's account-books.
[142] Is it possible that this custom may be referred to the
ancient one of the Anglo-Saxon race which thrice in the year
enforced the attendance of the markmen, unbidden, at a great
religious rite, for which the sacrifices were provided at the
cost of the whole district? See Kemble's _Saxons in England_.
In 1632 6-1/2 gallons of wine were procured "against Easter" for
Grasmere church, at a cost of 13s.; and the Easter bread (fine
wheaten bread as has been said, much relished by people whose staple
food was oatmeal), with the charge for procuring it, amounted to 10d.
In 1643 8 gallons were got in for the same purpose, costing £1 1s.
8d.; and next year 9 gallons, at £1 4s.--that is to say, some 4-1/2
dozen bottles of our present size were drunk on this occasion. The
wine cost 4d. to 5-1/2d. a bottle.
The amount of wine drunk by the parishioners seems large, even
when we remember that the whole of the adult population in the
three townships were bound to attend, and did attend these solemn
functions. Of this there is proof, for every non-communicant was
taxed, as existing Subsidy Rolls show. It is probable that when
receiving the wine, the parishioner took a hearty drink from the cup,
and not a sip as at present.[143]
[143] About 1634 George Methwen, curate of Bamburgh, was summoned
before the Court of High Commission for drunkenness and other
misdemeanors, in the evidence this appears: "At Easter gone
twelve monethes at Easter last, examinate (the witness) did
receive the Holie Communion, and Methwen, when he did distribute
the wine, did holde the same in his owne hand and would not
deliver it into examinate's handes for to drinke, as he thinketh
he ought to have done; for examinate in regard to his holdinge
on it in that manner, could scarcelie taste of the wine. Methwen
did serve some others at that time in the like manner, whoe tooke
offence thereat."--_History of Northumberland._
It is possible, of course, that not all the wine was drunk,
but passed to an official as a perquisite. See Cox's _Parish
Registers of England_, p. 227.
The churchwardens' accounts for bread and wine at the three
communions are accurately recorded after the Restoration, as well as
their expenses for the journey required to procure them--the ride to
Kendal being charged as 8d., or if only to Ambleside 4d. Unluckily,
however, only the sum expended is given, and not the amount of wine.
In 1666 the three sacraments cost the parish 9s. 9d., 9s. 3d., and
9d. 3d. respectively; in 1668, 6s. 11d., 8s. 3d., and 8s. 3d.; in
1669, 10s. 3d., 10s. 3d., and 7s. 9d. From 1681 the accounts kept
separately for Grasmere and for Loughrigg with Rydal each show an
expenditure for bread and wine; but the Langdale division, which had
now acquired the privilege of a Communion in its own chapel once a
year, was apparently let off. The expenses for that year were set
down as £1 13s. 3d.; Grasmere paying £1 0s. 1d. and Loughrigg and
Rydal 13s. 2d.; the division being based probably upon the number
of communicants in each township. In 1691 the total expenditure
was £2 6s. 6d., and it remained at much this figure till 1729. The
charge from that time became a fixed one, Grasmere paying 7s. 2d.,
6s. 6d., and 7s. 2d. for the Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Michaelmas
celebrations (which included two journeys); and Loughrigg and Rydal,
4s. 4d., 5s., and 4s. 4d. (one journey), and it remained at these
figures till 1821, when there was a change of rectors. From this
date the charge was exceedingly irregular, figuring occasionally as
high as £2 7s. 10d., while sometimes it does not appear at all, the
bread only being accounted for. Then it dropped greatly. From 1833
Loughrigg and Rydal ceased to pay--in consideration, no doubt, of the
celebrations held in the new chapel in Rydal; and Grasmere figured at
a sum under £1, or not at all! By a new arrangement in 1842 Loughrigg
and Rydal recommenced its contribution, though on a new basis of
irregular payments; and this continued until the break-up of the old
order in 1857, when it joined for the last time at the sacramental
bread and wine provided at the old parish church, paying 4s. 9d.,
while Grasmere paid 14s. 3d.
It may be of interest to note that with the new order and the new
rector (who kept a book in which he entered particulars of the
communicants) the bread and wine for Grasmere alone cost £2 5s. 9d.
When, in 1860, it rose to £4 10s., the sum included 8s. paid by the
rector to the wardens in place of his Easter provision. This ancient
rectorial charge is mentioned for the last time in 1865. It was
probably coincident also with the appointment of the Rev. Fletcher
Fleming, that the old order of sacraments four times in the year was
changed to a monthly celebration.
The following extracts from the accounts, besides others interspersed
in the text, show that the townships carried out their separate
obligations until the Vestry revolution of 1856-7, a period of almost
200 years. They apparently gave out their share of the work to their
own townsmen. John Birkett, who received 1s. for a "yeat stoop," in
1755, for the Loughrigg and Beneath Moss Gate, was a Rydal man. The
ale charged 1s. 8d. in the public auction, when that township let the
contract for the repair of its benches in 1783, was doubtless drunk
at the Fleming's Inn in Rydal, where such scenes were frequent.
1667 to John Hawkrigg for mending gresmyr-yeat 1s 4d
1668 for glassing one window for gresmyr 3s 6d
1669 It. to Milles Mackereth for a Gammer & Crake & loupp to
gresmyre Church yeats 1s 9d.
1670 for mending sliper of our Church yeats 1d
1678 For langdall yeat & laughrigg yeat for Irron-worke 6d; also
"for mending Churchyard wale for laughrigg third" 1s 6d.
1680 Loughrigg and beneath Moss repaire "our window" 1s 0d
1683 Grasmere repairs windows, 8d., "yeats" 1s. 0d., and Lou. &
b. M. the "Church wals" 10.
1730 Lou. and b. M. makes a new gate 16s 6d.
1751 Langdale makes a new gate 10s 7d
1755 Lou. and b. M. makes new gate 8s 0d. and mends wall 4s 4d
1759 Grasmere and Langdale repair their walls
1761 Grasmere mends gates 1s 10d.; while mending of the church
porch, 4s 6d is entered in general charges
1768 Grasmere "glasses" windows 9s 6d
1769 All three gates are repaired, and Grasmere mends her windows
1773 Loughrigg and beneath Moss makes new gates and stulps 11s
11d, also repairs wall 10s 0d, Langdale does the latter 7s 6d
1775 Grasmere sells old gates for 4s 0d
1776 Lou. and b. M. works on wall £3 5s 0d
1777 Grasmere collects material for wall 19s 4d. Langdale makes
new gate 9s 0d
1780 Grasmere raises wall from the school-house to where it
meets "Rydal third" £1 17s 3d. All the townships repair their
windows
1782 Lou. and b. M. again repairs wall, evidently with
thoroughness, giving 1s 0d in ale to the men who work the
foundation in water (of the river). The leading of stones for 5
days with 2 horses cost £1 0s 0d. Total £2 3s 6d
1790 Langdale pays "for new stoops for Langdale gate & hanging"
4s 3d while all three townships mend windows--Grasmere for its
"third" 6s 10d, Langdale 10-1/2d, and Lou. and b. M. is 6-1/2d
1799 Lou. and b. M. pays "To mending Rydale Gates" 1s 0d
1806 Lou. and b. M. pays £1 5s 6d for a new gate, to Edward
Wilson of Grasmere
1811 Lou. and b. M. repairs "Church Garth Wall" £1 11s 9d; and
gate 2s 6d, to John Watson, smith, of Grasmere
1819 Lou. and b. M. repairs wall, 15s 0d; and windows 15s 3d
1822 Lou. and b. M. mends and paints church gates 6s 4d
1832 Lou. and b. M. glazes windows 1s 9d
1835 Lou. and b. M. pays for new gate £1 0s 0d
1840 Lou. and b. M. repairs windows 5s 1-1/2d
1842 Langdale pays 9s 0d to Edward Wilson for new gate
1852 Lou. and b. M. repairs wall 7s 10d; and mends and paints
gate 4s 3d
1856 The three townships repair separately for the last time:
Grasmere painting gate and windows at 7s 6d; "Rydall and
Loughrigg" (now styled) painting her gate at 2s 0d and Langdale
hers at 1s 6d
* * * * *
[The churchwardens' accounts are in 3 volumes:
The 2nd volume of these is missing, but there is a copy. This
copy begins in 1732, overlapping by three years the first
volume, which ends in 1735; but the copy of the 2nd volume only
goes as far as 1782, and the 3rd volume begins in 1790, leaving
a gap of eight years.]--ED.
CLEANING AND REPAIRS
The townships joined at many general repairs, as well as at the
cleaning of the church, and the expenses of maintaining worship
within it. It is interesting to note how extremely small these
expenses were. The cleaning, or "dressing," as it was called, of the
church, the greasing of the bells, the washing of the linen, the
writing of the register, the whipping of dogs out of church, and the
"drawing" of the accounts, all appear to have been paid for at the
Restoration at the rate of 1s. each per annum. This moderate fee was
presently raised to 1s. 6d., 2s. 6d., 3s., or 3s. 6d., but never rose
higher for over a hundred years. The "surpcloth and table-cloth" were
washed twice in the year 1662 for 1s., but from 1664 onward three
times were allowed for 3s., and by 1702 the laundress had secured
an additional 6d. for mending. The cleaning of the windows "and
sentences" (which were presumably touched up with paint) became a
regular charge at 1s., and the burnishing of the church plate was 6d.
But there were other expenses, belonging to the general charge,
which, being irregular but frequently recurrent, were troublesome to
the wardens and Eighteen, whose business it was to lay such a rate
annually on the inhabitants of the parish as should cover the outlay.
Such was the repair of the church roof, which was often needed; even
the moss (which it was the custom to stuff within the rigging to
arrest and absorb the wet which ran down from the ill-fitting slates)
required frequent replenishing. Accordingly, after sundry payments
made for "mossing church" or "mending slates," the Eighteen entered
into a contract, in 1686, with two Grasmere wallers for the upkeep
of the whole of the church roof, except the choir, for nine years,
for the sum of 7s. 6d. a year. In 1704 one William Grigg obtained
the contract for three years at the same rate, and undertook to keep
the roof in a sound state "as to Slatt and Moss (excepting upon
extraordinary Storms whereby the roof shall suffer much Damage which
shall be referred to the Eighteen the Easter following)." Grigg,
however, made no bad-weather demands, and it was only in 1714, a
year after the contract had been transferred to Edward Hird, that "a
violent storme" caused the spending of 18s. beyond the stipulated 7s.
6d. The parson and Eighteen then (1715) transferred the contract to
Stephen Haukrigge. The sum was perhaps too small, for in 1718 John
Warriner secured 8s. 6d. on the contract. "An extraordinary Storme"
in 1719 cost only an extra 3s. The contract, which afterwards rose
to 11s. 6d., had ceased by 1732, and odd sums for repair occur from
time to time, such as 13s. in 1733 and the same in 1734, with 3s.
3d. for slates and carriage. But little was apparently done, and by
1809 the roof seems to have been in a bad condition, for the ominous
item occurs "To cleaning Snow out of Church 2s. 0d." It was radically
repaired in 1814, when £37 1s. 11d. was spent on the slates, £11 on
timber, which was paid to Lady Fleming, the wood being doubtless
felled in Bainriggs, and the extraordinary sum of £1 13s. 6d. on ale
to the workmen and "letting" the contract.
THE BELLS.
Grasmere's pleasant chime of three bells is undoubtedly an old one.
The metal of the existing bells that sends its resonance through
the vale may be that of the first bells, though robbed of antique
inscription or mark by recasting. It is quite possible that at the
Restoration there still hung in the tower the Pre-Reformation triad,
stamped with an invocation to some saint in Longobardic characters or
with a quaint inscription in Black Letter; for the Rev. H. Whitehead
discovered in Cumberland many an ancient bell that had escaped
confiscation and the melting-pot in the dark days of Henry VIII.'s
ruthless robberies and his successor's drastic commission.[144]
[144] 7 Ed. VI., 1553. See _Transactions_, Cumberland and
Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vols. 6 and 14.
They were then, however, in a bad state, and the churchwardens
immediately proceeded to have them set in order, as the accounts show.
It is clear from the items that one of the wardens, Michael Knott,
rode to Cockermouth in search of a bell-founder, and that one was
procured whose name was John Langsha; also that he came over to
Grasmere and did the work there.
Now Mr. Whitehead considered that there was no bell-foundry in
Cockermouth at this date. When its three bells were recast in
1673-4 the expenses of the bell-founders' journey were paid, and
they apparently dug a pit in the churchyard and cast the great bell
there.[145] Such a method was resorted to when the remoteness of the
church or the badness of the roads made the carriage of the bells a
difficulty.[146]
[145] _Church Bells of Cockermouth. Translations_, vol. 14, p.
295.
[146] _Bells of England_, J. J. Raven, p. 190.
Who, then, was John Langsha? Until more evidence is forthcoming we
must suppose him to have been an itinerant founder. He or the firm
he worked for may have had head-quarters in some town of Cumberland,
and travelled thence to wherever they were called. According to
Mr. Whitehead, there was a bell-foundry of some repute at Penrith
in the seventeenth century. The account books do not show how this
renovation of the Grasmere bells was paid for. The wardens paid
John his "earnest," and a small item that remained after he left;
otherwise the only sum of consequence that appears is 9s. for two new
bell-ropes.
Only casual expenses in connection with the bells are given after
this for some time. For instance, in 1669 the item occurs, "in drinke
when we did turne midlmost bell," 2s. 6d. But the presentment of 1707
certainly discloses the serious condition of one bell, which was
then cracked; and the reliance of the wardens on the "discretion" of
their rector was misplaced, as nothing was done. There would seem to
have been no good founder at this time in the adjacent counties; for
when the bells of Brigham were renewed in 1711, under the incumbency
of Roger Fleming (another son of Sir Daniel), a Gloucester firm of
founders was actually called to the rescue. The bells, however, went
no further than Kendal, where there was, adjacent to the church,
a bell-house which could be hired, and there the Gloucester man
superintended the casting of them.[147]
[147] "Church Bells of Brigham," _Transactions_, Cumberland
and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 14, p. 283. It seems
strange that there was no reliable bell-founder in Kendal, where,
in the seventeenth century, there was a goodly number of workers
in metal. (See _Boke off Recorde_.) Of these the Washingtons were
apparently the most accredited workmen. A Richard of the name
"besydes Kendal" at the Dissolution, bought the house of the
Friars in Penrith, with its bell. (_Transactions_, Cumberland and
Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 6, p. 435.) The Richard
of the next century was busy with arms during the Civil Wars,
and worked for Rydal Hall. Mr. R. Godfrey ("Westmorland Bells,"
_Transactions_, Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society,
vol. 6, p. 84) considers that the Crosthwaite bell, dated 1695,
was cast by Christopher Hodson in Kendal. In the preceding
century one of this name (spelt Hodgson) appears among the
freemen of the city, while a John and a Robert stand in the later
list of freemen armourers and hardwaremen, though the mark for
"foreigner" stands after their names.
At Grasmere, procrastination prevailed. The wardens, in 1723,
admitted "The Bells are not firme & in good order, but they are
agreed to make them good as soon as possible." In 1727 they again
admitted the bells to be out of order, but the ropes (it was
declared) were "good & firm." In 1729 the bells still waited to
be repaired "upon a convenient opportunity." In 1731 the great
plunge into expense was at last taken. "One of our bells is in
good order, The Other two are recasting at York & the ropes are
making, & everything hastning forwards to have them in good order."
Accordingly, the accounts for 1732 show the enormous outlay incurred
of £40 3s. 9-1/2d., and next year of £49 3s. "Towards Casting the
Bells and other Charges;" besides £3 14s. 5d. for "Charges for a
Ringing loft."
It is of interest to note that the Grasmere folk, in their bell
troubles, returned to their old ecclesiastical centre at York, whence
their first bells would come, and where there were good founders.
The inscriptions on the two largest bells, in an ornamental border
running round the crown, are as follows:--
GLORIA IN ALTISSIMIS DEO 1731
ED HIRD JOH WILSON GEO
HE HIRD WIL RIGG MACKERETH
CHURCH E Seller
WARDENS Ebor
in. dia.
SOLI DEO GLORIA 1731 E Seller
Ebor
Each bell carries besides on the waist below the founder's name,
the arms and crest of the Flemings of Rydal. Arms: _Gules, a fret,
argent_. Crest: _A serpent nowed, holding a garland of olives and
vines in his mouth, all proper_. Motto: PAX, COPIA, SAPIENTIA, on a
shield 5-1/4 by 3-3/4 inches.
[Illustration: Arms of the Lo. Fleming Family on the Great &
Middle Bells.]
Information about our bell-founder may be found in Mr.
J. E. Poppleton's _Bells in the West Riding of Yorkshire_.[148] At
the Restoration, and for nearly a century afterwards, a firm of
Sellers worked at a foundry in Jubbergate, York. William, the first
known of the family, founded a bell which yet hangs in Eskdale
Church, Cumberland. Edward, who followed, died in 1724, and was
succeeded by his son, the founder of the Grasmere bells. The second
Edward used the same signatory mark as his father, and it was the
custom of both to give, after the Latin inscription--and provided
there was no donor--the names of the rector and churchwardens who
were in office at the time of the founding. The Fleming coat-of-arms
undoubtedly stands for Dr. George Fleming, then rector.
[148] _Yorkshire Arch. Journal_, vols. 16, 17, and 18.
A catastrophe is disclosed by the presentment of 1798, when the
"least bell" was "burst and unringable." It remained in this
condition for eleven years, when a private individual came to the
rescue. Its inscription runs:--
COPIA PAX SAPIENTIA Re-cast at the expence of Mrs. Dorothy Knott
1809 T MEARS & Son of London
Dorothy Knott was probably daughter of John Knott, of the Howe in
Applethwaite, born 1728, and of the family who removed from Grasmere
to Rydal.[149] From her benefaction to the school, we learn that
she lived in Ambleside, where spinster ladies of means were wont to
settle.
[149] For the Knott family, see "A Westmorland Township,"
_Westmorland Gazette_, May 7th, 1810.
The firm of Mears, who cast the bell, worked at the noted old foundry
in Whitechapel.[150] If this bell went to London, its journey was
a long one. But the turnpike roads were now made, which must have
facilitated carriage, and the bell would arrive by what is now the
Wishing Gate road. An old man living in Grasmere in 1886 used to
tell of his grandmother, who remembered the church bells having been
brought by sledge over the top of White Moss, then the only road into
the valley.[151] These must have been Seller's bells, for it is just
possible for three generations to bridge the 155 years; and this
traditional touch helps us to realize the remoteness of the valley in
those days, which no wheeled traffic could reach.
[150] Raven's _Bells of England_, pp. 212-16.
[151] W. Wilson's "Former Social Life in Cumberland and
Westmorland," _Transactions_, Cumberland and Westmorland
Antiquarian Society, 1886.
When odd work was done in the belfry in 1775, a letter from the
bell-founder cost 5d. for porterage.
Casual repairs continued to be done in the place.
John Watson, the smith of Winterseeds, tinkered the bells in 1807;
and three years after, when the little bell had arrived from London,
the two others were also down, for he was paid £3 14s. 8d. for
repairing them, and John Hartley received the considerable sum of
£11 14s. 6d. for hanging them. In 1764 bell-wheels and clappers were
repaired. The head-stocking of the great bell and two bell-clappers,
in 1767, cost £3 7s. 9d. Again, in 1773, 1774, and 1775, head-stocks,
clappers, and repairs to ringing-loft cost about £1. The ropes in
1769 cost 7s. 4-1/2d.
[Illustration: Great Bell Hammer]
It is clear that Sabbath bell-ringing was for long one of those
boon services which the Grasmere parishioner gave willingly to his
church. Ringing on Gunpowder Plot day, and some occasions of national
rejoicing and sorrow were paid for; but until 1692 nothing is put
down in the accounts for ringing, only a small item for grease
for the bells. In that year, however, the Eighteen entered into a
contract with the clerk, who was to procure men to ring on Sundays
and Holy Days, and to furnish the necessary grease, at the rate of
10s. a year. Next year, on its renewal with Thomas Knott, the sum
was dropped to 8s. 6d. "and what more as the Eighteen shall think
fit." However, the new clerk, Robert Harrison, in 1695 secured 10s.,
and at this figure it remained for some fifty years. After a gap of
eight years in the accounts, the item reappears in 1751 at £1, and
from that time onwards it fluctuates between the sums of 10s., 13s.
4d., £1, even once in 1759 touching £1 10s., as the Eighteen were
parsimoniously or liberally inclined. Finally, after a halt at 15s.,
it rose in 1794 to £1 1s., and from that slowly mounted until by 1814
it had reached £2 15s. 6d., at which it remained for eleven years.
From 1826 it rose again, and between 1831 and 1858 it stood at £3 6s.
£1 was then added.
The tower was an irregular source of expense, as the following items
show:--
1665 the makeing of ye steple door 3s 6d
1694 For mending the Garret: Flags 6d
1697 Lime for church and steeple £1 17s 1d; this item includes
"charge for Bargaining." "For sand" 3s 0d. "For
Rough-Casting the steeple" £4 0s 0d
1717 For repairing the Steeple loft and two Doors
02: 14: 00
1718 Edwin Green, one of the Eighteen, is paid 4s 0d "for
attending when the steeple was repaired."
1734 For a lock to ye Steeple door 8d
Work was done on the steeple and steeple window in 1757; and in 1767
a load of "slape" cost 1s. and lime 2s. 6d. The work of white-washing
recurred frequently. Church and steeple were entirely rough-cast
in 1773, at the considerable cost of £13,[152] the east window
(presumably of the north aisle) being at the same time repaired. The
interior was done in 1780 for £1 5s. 6d., and the exterior both of
church and steeple in 1791--which with the pointing of the windows
came to £3 15s. The townships repaired their individual windows next
year, this being repeated more radically in 1801.
[152] The tower and all the body of the church was rough-cast in
1910 at a cost of £200 5s. 1d.--ED.
The years 1803 and 1804 show that drastic work was done. One item
stands "To expenses of Letting white-washing the Church 8s. 0d."--a
sum spent mainly of course in copious draughts of ale. Another is
"To writing Contracts of Letting 1s. 6d." The amount actually paid
for "mending Roof of Church, and Whitewashing Church in and Out, and
Pinning up all Broken places in the Ruff Cast & Plaster," was £8
12s.--certainly a modest one. Church and tower were whitewashed in
1815 for £5 18s., and Edward Wilson, carpenter, received 18s. for a
"Craddle to White Wash Steeple." The process was repeated in 1832 at
a cost of £2 17s. 7-1/2d., and again in 1842, when Levi Hodgson was
paid £4 15s. 9d. for the work.
The scraping, smoothing, and daubing to which the church was
constantly subjected, may account for the mutilated state of such
bits of freestone (shallow mouldings, &c.) as are yet visible. In
what year Addison's decorations were effaced by a coat of whitewash
is not known. It is supposed that the black boards, painted with
texts, which yet hang in the church, replaced them, as being more
convenient for the whitewashers. If so, the once admired art of the
painter was allowed little more than fifty years in which to delight
and instruct the people; for one board gives, with the names of the
churchwardens, the date 1741. It is singular that in that year the
accounts show no unwonted expense.
An item that occurred from time to time for "mending sentences" was
changed in 1763 to an annual charge of 1s. for "cleaning church
windows and sentences."
Many little odd expenses there were: such as the "hack" or pick,
which, from its constant work on the graves, often wanted "laying,"
or a new shaft, at 3d. A fresh one and a "Cald-rake" were bought in
1715 for 1s. 6d.; while in 1802 "laying Mattock" cost 1s. 9d., and
"New Coolrake" 1s. 6d. In 1824 a new spade cost 3s. 9d. Occasionally
the church chest wanted "gimmers" or hinges, or new locks, a pair of
which cost, in 1752, 1s. 4d. An "iron chest" was bought in 1816 for
£7 17s. 6d. The ladder was mended often, and a new one in 1734 cost
9s. The "Corps Cloth," procured before 1798, when it was mended at
4d., required "Dying and Pressing" in 1803 at 3s. 3d.; and it was
renewed in 1823 for £2 15s. A new bier cost, in 1812, 11s. 6d. In
1821 a small hearse was built by Edward Wilson, which could travel
on the improved, but still narrow roads of the parish. Its use was
paid for; but in some years it was not had out at all, so--as its
initial cost was £14 9s., and the clerk was paid presently 5s. a year
for attending it, and a "Hearse House" was soon found necessary (£11
15s.)--it was not a paying affair.
Edward repaired the "Corpes Stool" for 2s. in 1847.
"A booke of Canons" was bought in 1665 at 3s. 3d.; a register book in
1685 at 11s., and again in 1784 at 8s.; a book of articles in 1691 at
1s.; and in 1692 "a Paper Booke for Registring ye poor" at 2s. 9d.,
as well as an Act of Parliament "for Setling ye Poor" at 3d.
But besides regular and casual expenses ever increasing, there were
special acquisitions too costly to be dealt with in the ordinary
yearly accounts. Such was the church plate, and the bells (as we have
seen), and, presumably, the clock, which at an unknown date replaced
the dial. The present clock was, according to the terrier, presented
in 1817, and was supplied by a Mr. Bellman, of Broughton-in-Furness.
The bill of 7s. 6d., paid to "Late Mr. Bellman for dressing church
clock," was not entered until 1820, though the previous year the
regular charge started "To John Watson for attending clock & keeping
water from it," which was £1 3s. 6d. for that year and afterwards 2s.
6d. less. The old clock existed till recently.
[Illustration: _Work on Inner Door._]
The church porch, like the tower, was repaired at the general charge.
This, in 1761, cost only 4s. 6d. The outer doors of the porch were
renewed in 1821. Edward Wilson contracted for the wood-work for £5,
while John Watson executed the iron-work for £3 5s. 8d. The priest's
door was renewed also, being doubtless paid for by the rector. These
doors remain, and the initials of the Winterseeds smith, which he
stamped upon his work, may be seen.
[Illustration: _Hinges of the Outer Door of the Porch._]
[Illustration: Door Handle in the Porch.]
At the opening of the nineteenth century the condition of the church
floor and of the antique forms had become a matter for serious
consideration. Nothing effectual, however, could be done in the way
of levelling and paving until the custom of burying within the church
had ceased. Even then there was reluctance and difficulty, for the
soil was full of bones, and so close to the surface did these lie,
that, according to tradition, many were gathered and laid elsewhere,
when the alteration finally was made. This was radically
undertaken in 1840. The floor, which until then was below the level
of the ground outside, was filled in and paved. The old benches
were removed, and pews set up in their place. Foreign timber--deal
painted--was for the first time used instead of native oak, and the
wood-work was given to an Ambleside man. The cost of the renovation,
which included repairs to roof and renewal of windows, amounted to
£300, and this was raised by subscription--Queen Adelaide (who was
visiting the district) contributing £50.
The abolition of the forms could not do other than tend to the
breaking up of old customs. The pews were no doubt apportioned to the
various households, in Grasmere township at least; while the question
of the rightful share possessed by the sister townships in this
altered accommodation was left open, as the events of 1856 show (see
Church Rates). With household pews, men and women sat together. The
western door, hitherto used by the men, and outside which (according
to tradition) all secular notices had been given out, was now made
up. £1 1s. had been paid, as late as 1816, "To John Watson for
Hanging of Men's Door." At the same time the tower-arch was walled
up, and the tower used for a vestry--the old wooden one being cleared
away. The font was brought into the church. The expenses of the old
vestry fire, which had risen to 5s., cease accordingly, and those of
lighting the "stove"--placed presumably in the church itself--begin
at 12s. a year. Comfort was now thought of. Straw matting had indeed
been procured for the communion rail in 1780 (3s. 1d.); it was bought
in 1844 for 11s. 4d.
The era of subscriptions raised the rate of church expenses
enormously, as has been seen in the 1840 renovation. In 1876 the
rough-casting of the church outside was done by subscription, and
contracted for at £30; £70 13s. 0-1/2d. being altogether expended
upon that and new spouts and painting clock, a sum which should be
compared with the cost on previous occasions.
The Rev. E. Jefferies, who was the first rector--certainly after
the days of Dr. Fleming--to take a zealous interest in the fabric,
reconstructed in 1841 the entire east wall at his own expense.[153]
He also presented the two carved chairs that stand within the
sanctuary. He made with his own hands a communion-table[154] and
foot-stools; the latter remain.
[153] See Middleton's Guide.
[154] This table is now in use at a Mission room in Ulverston
parish.
Another great renovation was carried out in 1879-80 under Mr.
Fletcher. Like the last, its cost was defrayed by offerings (£660),
and much of the work done in 1840 was now undone. The deal pews were
cleared away and the existing oak benches substituted--Grasmere
workmen being employed. The tower arch was again opened out, and the
font replaced. A vestry was partitioned off the north-east angle
of the church, which was formerly known as the Langdale choir. New
pulpit, font-cover, communion-table, and Litany-desk were provided
in 1884, and five years later the lectern was given by Miss Agar, of
Silverhow, in memory of her aunt. The alms-dishes that hang on the
south wall were found a few years ago in the old tithe-barn, which
has been turned into a parish-room.
[Illustration: Old Collecting Plate with Handle.]
THE CHURCHYARD.
From the Restoration there is evidence that the garth outside the
church was cared for. It was surrounded, as we have seen, with stout
rough-cast walls, which were divided among the townships for upkeep.
The space within them was not strictly divided, yet the older graves
show that there was an inclination for each township to lay its dead
adjacent to its own gateway and stretch of wall. The keeping in order
of the grassy space, with its ever-increasing mounds, fell to the
general charge. An item stands in 1673, "For dresing weeds out of ye
Church yard," 1s. 6d.; and a charge becomes frequent for "repairing
church-yard walks, 4s. 6d.," or "cleaning church-yard," 2s. 6d. Three
days at this in 1631 cost 6s. 9d.
Grasmere township paid in 1661 "For our P't of the Dyell" 1s. This
must have proved an unsatisfactory time-teller, as in 1683 4s. was
paid "For a diall & post." A post alone cost, in 1732, 1s. 9d., and
again in 1743 a new dial-post was fixed at 3s. 9d.
Trees were planted from time to time. Young ashes were set in 1684
at a cost of 1s. 6d. The yew tree, though no longer needed for the
bow, was still grown. A fresh one, planted in 1706, at a cost of
1s., perhaps took the place of the old one blown down in the gale of
December 18th, 1687.[155] This, too, which would now have numbered
over 200 years, appears to have gone. The existing trees were planted
in 1819 through the instrumentality of the poet Wordsworth (from a
sum supplied by his friend, Sir George Beaumont), and he continued to
care for them.
[155] December 18th, 1687: "There hath been three very great
Windes lately viz. Nov. 10, 87. at night, Dec. 3, 87. at night,
and yester-night and all this day which was ye worst, & which
hath blowne down ye great Ewe-tree in Gresmere Church Yard, the
very tall Firr Tree at Ambleside, & many trees in Rydal Demesne,
etc. It was accompanied with much snow."--Sir D. F.'s Account
Book.
The poet himself lies beneath their shade. Of the countless graves
that stud this ancient burying-place, it is his that draws the
pilgrims from afar; and the yard, encircled by its yews and the great
mountains, has perhaps inspired more and better poetry than any other
plot in England. Hartley Coleridge, Sir John Richardson, Green and
Hull the artists, are buried here, and their graves may be found by
referring to the short Guide issued by Mr. Peterson.
Wordsworth's monument, a medallion by Woolner, is within the
church. The beautiful inscription is a translation of Keble's Latin
dedication of his Oxford Lectures on Poetry to Wordsworth.
EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS AND PRESENTMENTS
GRESMYRE.
The First day of Apprill in the XIIIJth of the Kings Ma'tyes
Reigne A treue & A P'fect Acount of ye Disbursment of James
Benson & Robert Watson Church Wardens For the yeare last past.
li s d
Anno Domini 1661 as Followeth
Imprimus for mending & mossing the Church 00 07 04
Ittem for mending the Font stone 00 02 08
Ittem for the Font Couer[156] 00 02 08
Ittem soldering the lead in the Font stone 00 00 06
Ittem For a Quission for the pulpitt 00 02 02
Ittem For A table cloth 00 01 04
Ittem For A Raill at the pullpit side 00 00 10
Ittem For our p't of the Dyell 00 01 00
Ittem For mending the great bell Leather 00 00 02
Ittem For our p'te of A surp cloth we bought 00 01 08
Ittem For Drissing the Church 00 00 04
Ittem For greace to ye bells For our p'te 00 00 04
Ittem For Lime for ye windowes & Fireing for
glasser 00 00 04
Ittem payed to ye glasser for mending our p'te of
windowes 00 06 00
Ittem For A new botle to the Church 00 03 00
Ittem payed For bread and wine 00 08 04
Ittem payed to John Jackson for lying 2 graues 00 00 04
Ittem For writting this yeare 00 00 04
Ittem for Two Journeyes to Ambleside 00 00 08
--------
li s d
The sume totall 02 09 0
[156] The old font cover (see engraving) is lost.
Two churchwardens sign by a mark at the bottom. This is clearly an
account for Grasmere township alone.
GRESMYRE.
A Booke For the whole p'rish Concerning the Church Affaires, For
the Churchwardens to writte their Accounts, euery yeare & to
subscribe their names to the same mad The 23th day of Apprill
1662.
Church wardens For this present year.
Gresmyre Michaell Knott Langdell James Harrison
Willm Watson John Harrison
Laughrigg Ridell Amblesid' Thomas Partrigge
Thomas Braythwaitt
li s d
Imprimis for our Journey to Kendal to be sworne 00 06 00
Ittem for paper 00 00 03
Ittem for dresing of ye Church 00 01 00
Ittem for binding ye Church bible 00 01 00
Ittem for ye bell Founder John Langsha in earnest 00 05 00
Ittem for Ringing up on Cronoc'on Day 00 01 06
Ittem disbursed for ye Comon prayer book 00 10 06
Ittem for mending ye midle bell Ropp 00 01 00
Ittem to James Harrison for makeing ye sentences
w'in ye church 00 01 00
Ittem to Michaell Knott for a Journey to cockermouth
for bell founder 00 02 00
Ittem left behind unpayed when bell founder was
at grismyre 00 01 06
Ittem for writting ye P'sentm't for ye whole p'rish 00 01 00
Itt for writting ye P'sentm't into 3 P'ts 00 01 00
Itt payed to ye Archbishopp men 01 09 06
Itt for Ringing upon gunpowder treason day 00 01 00
It for our Journey to ye lord Bishopp men 00 08 00
Ittem for setting up ye Kings armes & Charges in
Drinke 00 16 06
A slott to ye west doore of gresmyre owne Charges 00 01 09
for bread & wine in owne Charges 00 09 08
for grease to ye belles 00 01 0
washing the surp cloth & table cloth twice in ye
yeare 00 01 0
for makeing up ye raill in ye quire 01 01 0
Ittem for Driueing wedges in ye Frame of ye bells 00 00 03
Ittem for gammers for ye Raill doore 00 01 8
Itt. for setting Church (wardens?) nome in ye
Church 00 00 06
Itt for lyeing Flagges at Raill 00 00 03
Ittem for two new bell-roppes 00 09 00
Ittem for writting 00 01 0
Ittem for mending ye midle bell Claper leather 00 0 06
Itt to John Newton for quorter of 2 men y't com
to sett up ye Kings Armes in ye Church 00 02 0
Finis ye 21th of Aprill 1663.
The sume tottall 06 16 04
Churchwardens' Accounts for 1790.
Grasmere April the 6th being Easter Tuesday
Churchwardens chosen for the ensuing Year.
For Grasmere James Fleming for Knott houses
John Allison for Thompson's Underhelme
For Langdales John Benson for Milnbeck
Edward Tysons for Fieldside
For Rydal & Loughrigg--Edward Park for late Edward Benson's
High Close
For Ambleside--Thomas Lycott.
General Charge. £ s. d.
To Ringing on Sundays & Holydays & to Grease &
greasing the Bells 13 4
To dressing Church and Church Yard 2 6
To cleaning Church Windows and Sentences 1 0
To washing Church Linen 3s 6d, to cleaning Church
plate 6d 4 0
To the Rushbearers 2s 6d, to drawing the accounts 3s 5 6
To writing Marriage Register 1s, to drawing copy of
Register 2s 6d 3 6
To Dogwhipper 3s to Steeple Window mending 3-1/2d
Repairing Choir Door 4 5-1/2
To Bell ropes mending 1s, to 4 Bushels of Lime &
Carriage for Steeple Roof 7s 4d 8 4
----------
£2 2 7-1/2
----------
For Grasmere in particular. £ s. d.
Received by Assessments for Repairs of Church &
Schoolhouse 4 3 4
Rec.d of the old Churchwardens 6 11-1/2
------------
£4 10 3-1/2
------------
Disbursements. £ s. d.
To the old Churchwardens going out of their office
& Journey 1 4
To the new churchwardens entering on their office
& Journey 1 4
Paid to the Commissary for their part of one Presentment
and Prayer Books 7 7-1/4
To Bread & Wine & Carriage at Whitsuntide 7 2
To Bread & Wine at Michaelmas 6 6
To Bread & Wine & Carr: at Christmas 7 2
To writing their part of one Presentment 1 0
To Charges at laying Church Rate 1s, to repairing
school windows 1s 3d 2 3
To repairing Church windows in Grasmere Third 6 10
To Wine at Xtmas 1786 lost by Leakage of the Wood
bottle & unsettled before 6 10-3/4
Their Third part of General Charge 14 2-1/2
-----------
£3 2 3-1/2
-----------
Remains 1 8 0
For Loughrigge & beneath Moss. £ s. d.
Received by Assessment for Repairs of the Church 1 13 4-1/2
Recd. of the old Churchwarden 1 13 4
Recd. for one burial in the Church 3 4
Recd. of Ambleside Churchwarden 5 0-1/4
------------
£3 15 0-3/4
Disbursements.
To the old Churchwarden going out of Office & Journey 8
To the new Churchwarden entering on his Office &
Journey 8
Paid to the Commissary for his part of one Presentment
& prayer Books 5 0-3/4
To writing his part of one Presentment 6
To Bread & Wine at Whitsuntide 4 4
To Bread & Wine & Carriage at Michaelmas 5 0
To Bread & Wine at Christmas 4 4
To Charges at laying Church Fees 1s, to repairing
Church Windows 1s 6-1/2d 2 6-1/2
To flagging a grave 2d To Wine lost by Leakage of
w'd bottle at Xmas 1786 4s 7-1/4d 4 9-1/4
His Third part of General Charge 14 2-1/2
---------------
2 2 1
---------------
Remains 1 12 11-3/4
---------------
* * * * *
The account for Langdale does not appear.
[Illustration: PLAN OF GRASMERE CHURCH TO FACE PART V.]