RECORDS
PATRONS
MONASTIC CONTROL
THE CLERGY
THE CIVIL WARS
THE COMMONWEALTH
[Illustration: Decoration]
RECORDS
The church constitution of Grasmere was therefore from early times
that of a parish controlled and administered by a body of men
representing the people, who were responsible for the funds that
maintained the building and its services, while the clergy who
officiated were supported by the ancient system of the payment of
tithes.
The offering of pious folk of the tenth of their yearly yield was at
first intended to cover all expenses, but it soon became diverted
into purely ecclesiastical channels. The tithe-paying parish indeed
early excited the cupidity of the least scrupulous members of Church
and State. Already in 1254 a rector of Grasmere is found to be
drawing the revenues of the parish without troubling to serve it
except by deputy; for the Pope in that year granted a dispensation to
Henry de Galdington, rector of "Grossemer" in the diocese of York, to
hold an additional benefice with cure of souls.[57] This is the first
record of the church discovered so far.
[57] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. ii., p. 294.
The value of the rectory is stated in the dispensation to be ten
marks (£6 13s. 4d.). Estimates, however, varied widely. About 1291 a
taxation was made out for all ecclesiastical benefices in England,
the cause being Pope Nicholas I.'s promise of the tenths which he
claimed from them, to Edward I. for a term of six years, towards the
expenses of a crusade. This great valuation remained the standard
of taxation until the time of Henry VIII. It is said to have been
completed for the Province of York in 1292; and it sets down the
"church of Gressemere" in the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire as being
worth £16, and that of Wynandermere as £10.[58]
[58] _Tax. Eccle. P. Nicholai_, iv.
But the high valuation of 1292 did not hold good. Complaints from the
northern clergy that through impoverishment by various causes, but
chiefly the invasions of the Scots, they were by no means able to pay
so high a tax, produced some amelioration. A correction was made in
1318, when Windermere was written down at £2 13s. 4d., and Grasmere
at £3 6s. 8d., or five marks. And at this figure it remained.
It stood indeed at five marks in 1283, when the first mention of the
church occurs in connection with the secular lordship.
EDITOR'S NOTE.
The writing down of the value of the tithes of Grasmere was the
subject of correspondence between the author and myself, and
she writes: "The so called taxation of Pope Nicholas IV. was
acknowledged to be too high for the Northern Counties; but the
reduction of Grasmere, when the alteration was made in 1318,
from £16 to five marks (£3 6s. 8d.) is unaccountable to me." It
had stood at this figure previously but had been raised to £16,
and, as will be seen in the text, as early as 1301 in the reign
of Edward I., when the abbot of St. Mary's, York, was allowed
to appropriate "the chapels of Gresmer and Wynandermere,"
Gresmer is described as being worth £20. In 1344, at the
Archbishop's Visitation, it is described as worth 5 marks; only
to be again raised in 1435. In that year upon the death of
John, duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal, to whom they had been
granted by his father, Henry IV., we find among the items of his
property "the advowsons of Wynandermere and Gressemere each of
which is worth £20 yearly." After this the tithes again reverted
to 5 marks and in the reign of Henry VIII. the "pension" paid to
the abbey is put down as only half of that sum, viz. £1 13s. 4d.
at which it still remains.
The terms "pension" and "advowson" may not always mean the same
thing, thus advowson seems to be used sometimes as synonymous
with tithe. Hence Miss Armitt writes "The parish churches, such
as Kendal, Grasmere, etc., were "taxed" from the twelfth century
onward at a certain figure--ten marks (£6 13s. 4d.) £16 or
£30. What did this taxation represent? The absolute sum to be
paid by the rector from the tithes to king, pope, archdeacon,
court, or feudal lord? or was it a valuation only of the tithes,
from which was calculated the amounts of the various 'scots'
or annual payments to ecclesiastical or temporal authorities?"
It seems not unlikely that the rise from £3 6s. 8d. to £20 in
the reign of Edward I. may be accounted for by the fact that
the "Old Valor" which was granted by authority of Innocent the
fourth to Henry III. in 1253 was superseded in 1291 by the "New
Valor" granted to Edward I. by Nicholas IV., so that when Henry
IV. granted the chapels of Grasmere and Windermere to his son
John they were valued in 1435 at £20 each. They were only being
put back to the sum named in the "New Valor" of 1291 which had
been allowed in 1344 to drop to the 5 marks at which they had
stood in the "Old Valor." The tithe taxation as established by
the "New Valor" remained in force until Henry VIII. But a "Nova
Taxatio" which only affected part of the province of York was
commanded in 11 Edward II. (1317) on account of the invasion of
the Scots and other troubles. These various taxings will account
for the variation in payments which were collected for the
benefit of the king.
W.F.R.
THE PATRONS
William Rufus, upon his conquest of Carlisle, gave over to Ivo de
Tailbois all these parts as a fief. After Ivo a confusion of tenure
and administration prevails, into which it is useless to enter. The
line of patrons of Grasmere may perhaps be begun safely with Gilbert
fitz Reinfred, who married Helwise, daughter and heiress of William
de Lancaster II., because it was he who first held the Barony of
Kendal in chief from Richard I., by charter dated 1190.[59]
[59] _Lancashire Pipe Rolls_, Mr. W. Farrer.
His son William, called de Lancaster III., died in 1246 without a
direct heir; and the children of his sisters, Helwise and Alice,
shared the fief between them. It is Alice's line that we have to
follow. She married William de Lindesey, and her son Walter took that
portion of the barony which was later known as the Richmond Fee, and
which included the advowson of our church.
Sir William de Lindesey, his son, was the next inheritor. After his
death, in 1283, a jury of true and tried men declared that he had
died possessed of "A certain chapel there (Gresmer) taxed yearly
at 66s 8d."[60] The chapel of Windermere, set down at a like sum,
belonged to the same lordship.
[60] _Lancashire Inquests_, _etc._, ed. by Mr. Farrer.
Christiana, William's heiress, was then only 16. She was married to
a Frenchman, Ingelram de Gynes, lord of Coucy. There is evidence
that they spent a considerable part of their time in these parts,
their seat being at Mourholm, near Carnforth. Ingelram indeed
fought in the Scottish wars, as did his son William. Christiana
survived her husband some ten years. They had at least four sons,
William, Ingelram, Baldwin, and Robert. It was William who inherited
the chief part of Christiana's property in the barony of Kendal,
which was declared (1334) to include the manor of Wynandermere,
and the advowsons of the chapels of Wynandermere, Marieholm, and
Gressemere.[61]
[61] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. and 14 Edw. III., pt.
3, mem. 11.
The new tenant at once incurred King Edward III.'s displeasure. His
interests lay apparently in France, where he resided, being styled
lord of Coucy[62]; and without waiting to do homage for his mother's
English lands and receiving them formally from the king's hands (as
was the feudal custom), he passed them over to his young son William.
The king pardoned the offence, and ratified the grant,[63] but he
kept the youth, still a minor in 1339, about his person,[64] and
William's short life seems to have been spent in service under the
English banner.[65]
[62] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. There was a question of
a marriage between his daughter Mary and the king's brother.
[63] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III.
[64] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 13 Edw. III.
[65] _Calendar Patent Rolls._
The family of de Gynes had a difficult part to play during the wars
that followed upon Edward's claim to the throne of France. Their
hereditary instincts carried them naturally into the opposite camp,
and they lost their English possessions in consequence. On William's
death in 1343 the king--while he seems to have acknowledged the claim
of his brother Ingelram as his heir,[66] kept the heritage in his own
hands. Moreover, he declared such lands as were held by Robert de
Gynes, a son of Christiana, who was a cleric and Dean of Glasgow, to
be forfeited, because of Robert's adherence to his enemy,[67] and for
the same reason lands at Thornton in Lonsdale held by Ingelram, son
of Ingelram and grandson of Christiana, were likewise forfeited.[68]
[66] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Edw. III.
[67] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Edw. III.
[68] _Calendar of Close Rolls._
The king presently used the escheated heritage to reward a knight
who had served him well in the Scottish wars. John de Coupland had
had the courage and address to secure Robert Bruce as prisoner at
the battle of Durham; and Edward in 1347 granted to him and his wife
for their joint lives the Lindesey Fee which was the inheritance of
Ingelram. He excepted, however, from the grant (along with the park
and woodlands about Windermere) the knight's fees and advowsons of
churches belonging to the same.[69]
[69] _Calendar Patent Rolls_ and _Close Rolls_, 22 Edw. III.
The fortunes of war brought Ingelram, lord of Coucy, and son of
Ingelram, William's brother, as hostage for John, king of France,
to the court of Edward. There he gained by his handsome person and
knightly grace the favour of the king, who granted him the lands of
Westmorland which had belonged to his great-grandmother Christiana,
created him Earl of Bedford, and gave him in 1365 his daughter
Isabella in marriage. Ingelram for some time satisfied his martial
instincts by fighting in the wars of Italy and Alsace; but on the
renewal of the struggle between England and France, followed by the
death of his father-in-law in 1377, his scruples were at an end. He
renounced his allegiance to England, haughtily returned the badge of
the Order of the Garter, and joined the side of Charles II.[70]
[70] Rymer's _Foedera_, _Dic. of Nat. Biography_. "Proof that
Ingelram Earl of Bedford was son of Ingelram brother of William,
who was son of William de Coucy, Christiana's son, is contained
in _Inq. p.m._, 50 Edw. III. (1) No. 18." Mr. W. Farrer.
The Lindesey Fee was once more forfeited to the Crown. Richard II.
granted it, however, to Phillipa, daughter of Ingelram and Isabella,
and to her husband Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford (1382); and when
the latter was outlawed by Parliament in 1388 it was confirmed to
her.[71] After her death (1411) she was declared to have been seised
of the advowson of the chapel of Grismere, taxed at £10, and that of
Wynandermere, taxed at 100s.[72]
[71] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 5 Rich. II., 9 Rich. II., and 2
Hen. IV., part iv.
[72] _Inq. p.m._ MS. Rawl., B 438, f. 71.
Phillipa had no children. Henry IV. now granted the Fee to his
son, John, created duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal. He died in
1435. His property in the barony of Kendal included the "advowsons
of Wynandermere and of Gressemere, each of which is worth 20 li
yearly."[73]
[73] _Inq. p.m._, 14 Hen. VI., No. 36.
The Duke of Bedford's widow, Jaquetta of Luxemburg, received the
third part of the Fee as her dower, with the advowson "of the church
in Gresmere." She married Richard Woodville, created earl Rivers.
After her death she is said (1473) to have possessed "the advowson or
nomination of the church or chapel of Gressemere," though in 1439 she
had allowed her privilege to lapse.[74]
[74] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 1 Edw. IV., pt. 7, mem. 8; and
_Inq. p.m._, 12 Edw. IV., No. 47.
The Fee was next granted by Henry VI. (who inherited it as heir to
his uncle John) to John Beaufort, duke of Somerset.[75] The duke's
daughter Margaret--afterwards countess of Richmond--came into
possession of it at his death.[76] After a lapse, when Yorkists sat
on the throne, and Sir William Parr of Kendal held it, the Fee (now
including the advowson of Grasmere) returned to Margaret and passed
to her grandson Henry VIII. He sold the advowson and patronage of
Grasmere. Its subsequent history will be given later.
[75] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 22 Hen. VI.
[76] _Inq. p.m._, 22 Hen. VI., No. 19.
Such was the illustrious line of our church's early patrons--some
of them the most striking figures in a chivalrous age. But it is
not to be supposed that they knew much of the little parish hidden
amongst the mountains. When the rectorate fell vacant, they would
grant the post to some suppliant clerk or priest, who would carry
their nomination to the higher ecclesiastical authorities. The right
to nominate often fell into the king's hands, through minority of the
heir, confiscation, or inheritance. For instance, the king appointed
to the rectory of Windermere in 1282, in 1377 and in 1388. Edward
III. nominated Edmund de Ursewyk to "Gressemer" in 1349; and Henry
IV. did the same for Walter Hoton in 1401.
MONASTIC CONTROL
Our church of Grasmere was not left to the control of parson and
manorial lord like other tithe-yielding parishes, it was snapped up
by a big monastery. The abbeys that had sprung up all over England
in post-Norman times were of a very different order from the simple
religious communities of Anglo-Saxon times; and before long it became
a question as to how they were to be maintained on the splendid lines
of their foundation. By the reign of Henry I. they had begun to
appropriate rectories, and in 1212 the parish church of Crosthwaite
was given over to the control of Fountains Abbey in Yorkshire, which
carried off all the profits of the tithes, merely restoring £5 a
year to the rector, who was elected by its chapter.[77] St. Mary's
Abbey had been founded in York city in 1088, and its chapter found
it necessary by the end of the thirteenth century to look round
the great church province of Richmondshire to see if there were no
revenues which might by royal favour be appropriated.
[77] _Victorian History of Cumberland._
In December, 1301, Edward I. despatched a writ to the sheriff of
Westmorland, bidding him inquire of true and lawful men whether it
would be to the damage of the Crown or others if the abbey of St.
Mary of York were allowed to appropriate the church of Kirkeby in
Kendale with its chapels and appurtenances.
The inquisition was held, be it noted, not at Kendal but at Appleby,
where a sworn jury declared the appropriation would damage no one.
An explicit statement was added which concerns us. "The chapels of
the said church, to wit the chapels of Gresmer and Winandermere are
in the patronage of Lord Ingram de Gynes and Christian his wife, by
reason of the inheritance of the said Christian, and they hold of
the king in chief.... And the chapel of Gresmer is worth yearly 20
li."[78]
[78] _Inq. ad quod damnum_, 38/6.
Accordingly a license was granted by Edward I., under date February
23rd, 1302, for the Abbot and Convent of St. Mary's, York, "towards
the relief of their impoverished condition," to appropriate the
"church of Kirkeby in Kendale, which is of their own patronage, in
the diocese of York, and consists of two portions, on condition that
they appropriate none of its chapels, if there are any."[79]
[79] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 30 Edw. I.
The appropriation took effect; and moreover the Abbey succeeded in
gaining jurisdiction over the "chapels" of Windermere and Grasmere.
The nomination of the rector indeed remained in the hands of the
lord of the Fee, but it was passed on to the chapter of the Abbey
for confirmation, before being finally ratified by the Archdeacon
of Richmondshire. Thus three august authorities had to bestir
themselves, when a fresh parson was needed for our parish; and in
1349 King Edward III., the Abbot of St. Mary and Archdeacon Henry de
Walton were all concerned in the business.[80] No doubt the monks
seized the right to nominate whenever they could, and in 1439 George
Plompton was named by them before his admission by the archdeacon.[81]
[80] _Calendar Patent Rolls._
[81] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Hen. VI., p. 1.
This change was not put into effect, however, without fierce
opposition in the district. In 1309 an appeal went up to the king
from the Abbot of St. Mary, who styled himself "parson of the church
of Kirkeby in Kendale," wherein he stated that when his servants had
gone to carry in the tithe corn and hay, they had been assaulted by
Walter de Strykeland and others; and moreover that Roger, the vicar
and the other chaplains and clerks appointed to celebrate divine
service in that church, hindered them in the discharge of the same,
trampled down and consumed his corn and hay, and took away the horses
from his waggons and impounded them. Whereupon three justices were
appointed to adjudicate upon the case.[82]
[82] _Calendar Patent Rolls._
From this it would be seen that the local clergy were as bitterly
opposed to the monastic rule as the gentry and the people. Sir
Walter de Strickland with armed servants at his command headed
the opposition. His lands at Sizergh lay to the south of the town
of Kendal and he refused to the men of the monastery right of way
across them for the collection of the tithes of corn, which was
always made while the stooks stood upright in the field. After much
wrangling, for no abbot was ever known to withdraw a claim, articles
of agreement were made out between them, which reiterated the
statement that the church of Kirkby Kendal was "canonically possessed
in proper use" by the monastery.[83] However, the convent found it
easier to let the tithes to the opponent, rather than to wrestle with
an obstructionist policy; and in 1334 Sir Walter is found agreeing
to furnish to the monastic granary now established at Kirkby Kendal
three good measures of oatmeal for the tithe of the sheaves of
Sigredhergh, sold to him by the abbot and convent.[84]
[83] Sizergh Castle MSS.
[84] MS. Dodsworth 28, fol. 78.
But the people were not appeased, and when in 1344 the archbishop
made a visitation, opportunity was taken to lay before him, in the
name of "the common right," complaints against the monopoly of funds
by the convent, as the following document shows:--
Release of the Abbot and Convent of the Monastery of St. Mary,
York, concerning their churches, pensions, and portions.
In the name of God, Amen, Since we, William, by divine
permission Archbishop of York, ... in our progress of visitation
which we have lately performed in and of our diocese ... have
found that the religious men the Abbot and Convent of the
monastery of St. Mary, against the common right detain the
parish churches and chapels, portions, pensions, and parochial
tithes underwritten, namely, ... the annual pensions in the
parts of Richmond: of the church of Richmond 100s. and 20
lbs of wax, ... of the vicarage of Kirkby Kendall £4, of the
churches of Gresmere and Winandermers 5 marks.... We have
commanded the said abbot and convent ... to show their rights
and titles before us and have caused them to be called, ... and
we ... having considered the rights and good faith of the said
religious men ... release the said abbot and convent ... as
canonical possessors of the said churches, chapels, portions,
pensions (&c).... Dated at Cawood, on the 20th day of the month
of August in the year of our Lord MCCCXLIIIJ, and in the third
year of our pontificate.[85]
The appeal had been made in vain. Yet opposition could not have
ceased, as the case was finally carried to Rome. In 1396 a
confirmation of the abbey's possessions (including the chapels of
Gresmere and Wynandremere, worth 5 marks each) was made by the Pope,
on petition by the abbey, according to letters patent of Thomas
Arundel, late archbishop of York, dated November, 1392.[85]
[85] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. v., p. 1-4.
THE CLERGY
Though not successful, Sir Walter de Strickland's opposition had done
some good, but for exactly 200 years longer did the monastery by the
walls of the city of York hold sway over the church of Grasmere. In
what degree its influence was felt in the mountain parish cannot be
told, or what it gave in return for the pension it abstracted. It
may have assisted in the rebuilding of the edifice, lending aid by
monastic skill in architecture. Probably it supervised the worship
in the church, and improved the ritual, passing on to the village
priest the tradition of its own richly furnished sanctuary. Signs
were not wanting at the Reformation that the district had been
ecclesiastically well served.
It has been seen that the parson of the parish was a pluralist
and a non-resident as early as 1254; and so were those of his
successors of whom we have evidence. The glimpses obtained through
scant record disclose the tithe-taking rector of the valley as a
figure distinguished by education, if not by family, and known to
the lofty in station. He is termed "Master," and bears the suffix
"clerk"; while "Sir" is reserved for the curate, his deputy, who
has not graduated at either university.[86] He was skilled in law
more than in theology. He may have served an apprenticeship in the
great office of the Chancery; sometimes men of his position are
termed "king's clerk."[87] He was not an idle man, and was often
employed in secular business by the lord of the Fee. It may have
been in the collection of the lady's dues--for the heiress Christiana
de Lindesay, had married Ingelram de Gynes, of Coucy in France, in
1283--that the parson of Grasmere suffered an assault (1290) at
Leghton Gynes (later Leighton Conyers). It is certain that when
Robert de Gynes, one of the sons of Christiana, and possessed of some
of her lands about Casterton and Levens, went "beyond the seas" in
1334, he empowered Oliver de Welle, parson of Grasmere, to act with
Thomas de Bethum as his attorney. Oliver de Welle had a footing in
our valleys besides his parsonage, for he is stated to have held,
under the lord William de Coucy, deceased, "a certain place called
Little Langedon in Stirkland Ketle," which was then (1352) in the
custody of the executor of his will, John de Crofte.[88]
[86] Dr. Cox, _Parish Registers of England_, p. 251.
[87] In 1383 Richard de Clifford, "king's clerk" was presented to
the church of Warton in Kendale, _Calendar Patent Rolls_.
[88] MS. Rawlinson, B. 438, f. 2.
Edmund de Ursewyk, "king's clerk," whom the king nominated
to Grasmere in 1349--the young lord William de Coucy being
dead--doubtless came of a Furness family, and may have been related
to Adam de Ursewyk who held land for his life in the barony, by grant
of the elder William,[89] as well as the office of chief forester of
the park at Troutbeck.[90]
[89] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III.
[90] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III.
"Magister George Plompton" was another learned cleric of good
family, being the son of Sir William Plumpton of Plumpton, knight.
He was a bachelor-at-law, and was ordained sub-deacon in 1417. It
was in 1438-9 that he was nominated to the rectory of Grasmere, by
the Chapter of St. Mary's, and some years after he acquired that of
Bingham in Nottinghamshire. This he resigned (and doubtless Grasmere
also) in two or three years' time, owing to age and infirmities.
He retired to Bolton Abbey, and in 1459 obtained leave from the
Archbishop of York to have service celebrated for himself and his
servants within the walls of the monastery--a permit which gives a
picture of affluent peace and piety in a few words.[91]
[91] Canon Raine's Notes to _Testamenta Eboracensia_, Sur. So.,
vol. 30, p. 68.
Master Hugh Ashton, parson, acted as Receiver-general for the lands
of the Countess of Richmond (the Lindesay Fee) in 1505-6.[92] On his
resignation in 1511, Henry VIII. exercised his right as inheritor
of the Fee, and nominated John Frost to the rectory; the abbot and
convent presenting in due form. This happened again in 1525, when
William Holgill was appointed.[93]
[92] Min. Acc., Hen. VII., 877.
[93] "List of Rydall-Writings." D.F.
Of other rectors of the post-Reformation period we know little or
nothing. Richard, "clericus," was taxed in 1332 on goods worth £4,
a sum higher by £1 than any land-holding parishioner in the three
townships.[94]
[94] _Lay Subsidy Roll_, West, 195/1A, 6 Edw. III.
LIST OF RECTORS AND CURATES
1254 Henry de Galdington. _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol.
2, p. 294.
1290-91 William de Kendale. _De Banco Rolls_, Rev. 86 in 79d.
Adam de Ottelay, "capellanus." Levens Rental of Ed.
2 or early Ed. 3.
1332 Richard "clericus." _Lay Subsidy Roll_. West., 195/1A.
1334
June 24 Oliver de Welle. _Close Rolls and Patent Rolls._ 8 Ed. 3.
1349 Edmund de Ursewyk. _Patent Rolls._
1362 Hugo de Middleton. Torre's _Archdeaconry of Richmondshire_.
Dec. 3
1401
Jan. 13 Walter Hoton "parson." _Patent Rolls_, Henry IV.
---- Reginald Pulham. Torre; no date given.
1443
May 24 Peter Yrford. Torre.
1459
Feb. 10 George Plompton. Torre. _Calendar Patent Rolls._
1486 James Chamer "capellano."
1505-6 Hugh Ashton, "clerk," Min. Acc., Henry VII., 877.
Resigns Grasmere Rectory in 1512. Rydal Hall
MSS.
1511 John Frost, on resignation of Hugh Ashton. Rydal
Oct. 18 Hall MSS.
1525 William Holgill or Hawgill. Rydal Hall MSS. Chester
Mar. 14 Diocesan Registry.
1548 Gabriel Croft, instituted on death of Holgill. Chester
Jan. 11 Registry. Called Rector at Visitation of Bishop of
Chester, 1554, when the following names accompany
his.
Dns William Jackson. His will was proved Jan. 21,
1569, which calls him "late curat of Gresmer."
Dns John Hunter.
Dns Hugo Walton. Hugh Watson "preist" bur. March
8, 1577. Grasmere Church Register.
1563 "Sirre Thomas Benson, curate" witnesses will of John
Benson Esq. of Baisbrowne.
1569 ? Master John Benson, rector.
? Lancelot Levens. Chester Diocesan Registry.
1575[95] John Wilson, instituted on death of Lan. Levens.
July 18 Chester Diocesan Registry. Bur. May, 13, 1627.
Grasmere Church Register.
[95] 1575--March 20. James Dugdall, "Clericus" witnesses Indenture
between Wil. Fleming of Rydal and his miller.
1627 Robertus Hogge. Removed following year. Rydal Hall
July 16 MSS.
1628 Henry Wilson, B.A., instituted, according to Chester
May 24 Diocesan Registry, on death of John Wilson, by
presentation of Agneta Fleming. Ejected 1644.
Died 1647.
CLERGY DOING DUTY DURING THE COMMONWEALTH
1645. "Mr. Benson."
1646. "Sir Christopher Rawling." Probably had served as
Curate for some time previously. The Register
gives the baptism of his child in 1641 when he is
called "Clericus." He likewise joined Parson Wilson
in a bill in 1642.
1653. John Wallas. Independent. Ejected 1655.
1655 John Tompson. Probably Presbyterian.
RECTORS AFTER RESTORATION
1660. John Ambrose. Probably nominated on death of Henry
Wilson, but not allowed to serve.
1684 Henry Fleming, B.A. on death of J. Ambrose.
1728 William Kilner on death of H. Fleming.
1728 George Fleming, LL.D. (Dean of Carlisle) on session of
W. Kilner.
1733 William Fleming, M.A. on resignation of Geo. Fleming.
1743 John Craik, B.A. on death of W. Fleming.
1806 Thomas Jackson on death of J. Craik.
1822 Sir Richard Fleming, Bart., on death of T. Jackson.
CURATES
The curates who officiated under the rectors were a different class
of men. Constantly resident, and seemingly holding the post for
life, they belonged as a rule to the district--even it might be,
to the township--as did William Jackson, who died 1569. A sharp
boy, son of a statesman, might attract the notice of the parson,
or of the visiting brother from St. Mary's Abbey. After serving an
apprenticeship, as attendant or acolyte within the church, he might
be passed on from the curate's tuition--for the latter almost always
taught school--to Kendal or even to the abbey at York. On being
admitted into the order of priesthood, he would return to his native
place (should the post be vacant) and minister week by week to the
spiritual needs of his fellows and his kinsfolk. Sometimes he even
took up land to farm. Adam de Ottelay, "chaplain," is set down in an
undated rental of the early fourteenth century, as joining in tenure
with John "del bancke."[96]
[96] Levens Hall MS.
The "chaplain" James Chamer, who witnessed a Grasmere deed in 1486,
was probably the curate there.[97] It must be remembered, however,
that the three townships appear to have been, from an early (but
unknown) date, furnished with resident curates, acting under rector
and abbot. Little Langdale too, if tradition be correct, had its
religious needs supplied by a chapel. It is possible, indeed,
that this may have been served through the priory of Conishead in
Furness, to which William de Lancaster III.--the last baron to rule
Kendal as a whole, who died 1246--granted a settlement or grange
at Baisbrowne and Elterwater, which was later called a manor. This
grange lay within Grasmere parish, as does the field below Bield,
where tradition asserts the chapel to have stood. The first express
mention of a chapel at Ambleside (within the township of Rydal and
Loughrigg) is found in a document of Mr. G. Browne, dated 1584. But
in the rental of 1505-6, William Wall, "chaplain," is entered as
holding in Ambleside one third of the "pasture of Brigges." There
is little doubt, therefore, that he was resident in the town, and
uniting husbandry with his clerical office. Of a chapel in Great or
Mickle Langdale the first evidence that occurs (after the strong
presumptive evidence of the four priests serving the parish to be
given immediately) is the indenture of 1571, which expressly mentions
it.
[97] Rydal Hall MS.
THE START OF THE REFORMATION
The revolution which Henry VIII. brought about in the ecclesiastical
world of England shook our parish, as the rest of England.
Not content with the suppression and spoliation of the lesser
monasteries, he turned to the greater ones, whose riches in gold and
jewels, in land and revenue, excited his cupidity. Remote Grasmere
even, by diversion of the pension she had dutifully paid her church
superior, might supply something to the royal pocket! So the new
supreme Head of the Church is found in 1543, bartering what he could
to two of those job-brokers of ecclesiastical property, who were so
evil a feature of the Reformation. The parchment at Rydal Hall runs
thus:--
A Breuiate of the Kings Grant of Gersmire Advowson to Bell &
Broksbye in 35^{to} Hen. 8
Be it remembered that in the charter of our most illustrious lord
Henry the Eight, by the grace of God king of England, France, and
Ireland, defender of the faith, and on earth supreme head of the
English and Irish church, made to John Bell and Robert Brokelsby
within named, among other things it is thus contained:--
The king to all to whom, &c. greeting. We do also give, for
the consideration aforesaid, and of our certain knowledge and
mere motion for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to
the aforesaid John Bell and Robert Brokelsbye, the advowson,
donation, denomination, presentation, free disposition, and
right of patronage of the Rectory of Gresmere in our county of
Westmorland, which, as parcel of the possessions and revenues
of the late Monastery of St. Mary near the wall of the City
of York, or otherwise or in any other manner or by any reason
whatsoever, has or have fallen, or may fall, into our hands.
Witness the king at Walden the twenty-first day of October in
the thirty-fifth year of our reign.
This is clearly a copy of but a part of the original charter, and the
"consideration" which Henry received does not transpire; but in the
following month the two speculators procured a licence to sell again,
and they passed over their purchase of the Grasmere advowson, and of
all woods upon the premises--meaning no doubt the old demesne of the
Lindesay Fee--to Alan Bellingham, gent., for £30 11s. 5-1/2d.[98]
Bellingham in the same year purchased direct from the Crown that
portion of Grasmere known as the Lumley Fee--thus gaining the
lordship of some part of the valley.
[98] "List of Rydall-Writings," by D.F., in which he writes the
names as Bellowe and Brokylsbee.
Henry's sale of the advowson did not touch the tithes, which were
left in the hands of the rector; but he reserved for himself the
"pension" of 2-1/2 marks which had been regularly paid out of them to
the abbey. It passed down with other Crown property to Charles II.,
and in his reign was sold, according to an Act of Parliament which
was passed permitting the sale of such royal proceeds. Since that
time it has been in private hands, and bought and sold in the money
market like stocks. It may perhaps be traced by sundry entries in
account books, as paid by the tithe-holder: in 1645, "for a pension
for Gresmire due at Mich: last" £1 13s. 4d. It was paid in 1729 by
Dr. Fleming as "Fee-farm Rent" to the Marquis of Caermarthen; and
later by Mr. Craike to the Duke of Leeds; while Sir William Fleming,
as owner of the tithes of Windermere, paid the same from them.[99]
It is still paid through a London agent, being officially set down
as "Net Rent for Grasmere, £1. 6s. 8d.: Land tax, 6s. 8d." This sum
represents--not five marks--but five nobles, or half-marks. Thus it
may be said that the dead hand of Henry VIII. still controls the
tithes of Grasmere.
[99] Rydal Hall MSS. and Tax Eccles. P. Nicholai.
This tyrant wrought other changes for Grasmere. When creating the new
diocese of Chester, he swept our parts of Westmorland within it. The
archdeaconry of Richmondshire remained, but the archdeacon was shorn
of power. He no longer instituted our parson, as in the days prior to
the rule of St. Mary's Abbey, and this empty form fell to the Bishop
of Chester; who, on the death of parson Holgill in 1548, appointed to
the office one Gabriel Croft, upon nomination by the patron.[100]
[100] Chester Diocesan Register.
Now Croft was seemingly a man of unscrupulous temper. The boy Edward
was by this time upon the throne, and spoliation of church revenues
was, under his advisers and in the name of Protestantism, the order
of the day. The parson of Grasmere was one of those who seized the
opportunity offered by the general misrule; and he committed an act
for which there could be no legal pretext. Previous rectors had
drawn the tithes of the parish, and pocketed the large margin that
remained, after the stipends of the worthy curates who did their work
had been paid. But Croft went beyond this. In 1549 he sold the tithes
on a lease, and not for the period of his life (which he might have
claimed as his right) but for ninety-seven years. The purchaser was
his patron, Dame Marion Bellingham of Helsington, widow; and she paid
him a lump sum of £58 11s. 5-1/2d., upon the agreement that she and
her heirs would furnish from the tithes a stipend for the rector of
£18 11s. 7d.[101]
[101] List of Rydall Writings. D.F.
The bargain, ratified by John, Bishop of Chester, was excellent for
both parties; but it was disastrous for the parish. So far, the
tithes, however mismanaged, had lain in the hands of the church
and the clergy, for whose support they were rendered. The Abbey
of St. Mary, while exacting a pension from them, exercised in
return a supervision that was doubtless of benefit; for under it,
the rector--though he took the bulk of them himself--could hardly
escape providing the three priests resident within the parish with
sufficient stipends. Moreover, as he was an absentee, it is probable
that he made a stable arrangement for their ingetting, that would
be convenient to himself and comfortable for the parishioners (such
as obtained later), and that he even farmed them to the dalesmen
themselves. This method saved him the risks of an annual tithing
carried out by a paid agent, and it insured him a regular (if more
moderate) income, in easily transported silver money. The evidence
of the lawsuits shows that the system of paying a certain fixed
sum instead of the tenth in kind was actually in force for some
commodities, while in some cases this composition or prescription
extended to the whole of a landed estate.
The change was sharp, from church control to control by a lay
improprietor, whose simple business it was to squeeze as large an
income as he could out of his investment. He was not likely to leave
the tithing on the old easy footing, nor was the parishioner inclined
to increase his offering without resistance. Squire William Fleming
was a big enough man to front on his own account the common foe.
Averring that, in satisfaction of all tithes the customary annual sum
of 20s. had been paid for "the demeanes of Rydall," he refused Alan
Bellingham's demand for a tenth of hay, wool and lambs taken from the
yearly yield. Alan, who denied the custom, sued him in the Consistory
Court at York, including in his claim the proceeds of the years 1569
to 1572, for which payment had been made. The spiritual court judged
in his favour; whereupon Fleming carried the case to the civil court
of King's Bench. Here, after several adjournments, and a trial before
justices connected with the county, the final verdict was given in
his favour (1575).[102]
[102] _Coram Rege Roll_, N.T., 17 Eliz., ro. 218.
Before the case was settled, the contenders struck a bargain, and the
ownership of the advowson of Grasmere passed from Alan Bellingham
of Fawcet Forrest, executor of Marion Bellingham, to the Rydal
squire for the sum of £100, and that of the remainder of the lease
of the rectory and tithes for £500.[103] The tenfold increase of
the purchase money in twenty-four years time shows the enormous
increase in tithe value when in the grasp of lay hands; for a rise
of agricultural prosperity would not account for it. Squire William
now became in his turn the oppressor; but the tale of the powerful
opposition he roused in the parish must be left to another chapter.
The advowson remains yet in his family.
[103] Dated Nov. 3, 1573. "List of Rydall Writings."
To return to the parsons. Croft, with an annuity assured to him,
and a small capital in gold, no doubt troubled himself little about
his parish. He had defrauded it and crippled its funds for the
next hundred years. The curates we suppose stuck to their posts,
though where their stipends came from is a problem. Little change
in ritual could have been made, before Edward's death and Mary's
accession brought a reinstitution of the old form of faith, as well
as a hopeless attempt to restore stolen church property. In 1554 the
Bishop of Chester held a visitation at Kendal for these parts, and
the officials of the parish are set down in the following list:--[104]
Gresmer. Mr. Gabriel Croft, Rector ibm. pt.
Dns Willmus Jackson, pt. xh.
Dns Joh^{es} Hunter pt.
Dns Hugo Walton pt.
pt. Joh^{es} Benson }
pt. Georgius Mylforth } Guardiani
pt. Edwardus Benson }
pt. Rogerus Gregg }
pt. Nicolaus Dicson } Inquisitores
Tho^{as} Gregg }
pt. Hugo Gregg}
[104] Chester Diocesan Registry.
It is clear from this that three curates then served the
parish--"Dominus" being the latinized "sir" of the customary title.
Of the third in the list evidence is found in the parish register,
where the burial is recorded on March 8th, 1577, of "Hugh Watson
preist," this no doubt being the correct form of his name. It seems
likely that he officiated in Ambleside, which by this time was a
thriving little town. Of John Hunter nothing further is known: he may
have served the chapel in Langdale.
Record of William Jackson is found in his will:--[105]
Sir William Jackson _late curet at Gresmer_.
Jan. 21, 1569. I William Jackson clarke and curat of Grysmer--to
be buriede within ye parishe church of Grysmer, near where my
IJ brothers was buried--To my parishe church VIs. VIIId. And yt
to be payd.... Kendaill for a booke at I bought of (erased) to
the betering of the.... To the poor folkes XXXs. to be divided
at the sytct of my supervisores. Item I give to every on of my
god children, VId.--To every sarvent in my maister's house XIId.
Item I geve to Sir Thomas Benson a sernet typet. To my Mr. John
Benson a new velvet cap--By me Sir William Jaikson at Grysmer.
Inventory, 21 Jan. 1569.--Rament unbequested to be sold be my
executores and supervisores. A worsate jaccate, a brod cloth
jacate, a brod clothe side goune, a mellay side goune, a shorte
goune, a preiste bonate, a velvate cape, a sylke hate, II. pare
of hosse, a mellay casseck, a worsat typat, a matras, a great
chiste, a ledder dublat. Summa, III li. XIIs.... In wax and
sergges, books and parchment, with other small thyngs to be sold
within my chamber. I owe to Christofor Wolker's wyff Under Helme
XIIs. of newe money to be payed to hyr, whych she dyd bowrere
for me in my tyme of nede.
[105] Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire.
Surtees Society.
The following extract from the Kendal Corporation MSS. may not be
inappropriate here:--
MSS. of the Corporation of Kendal.
This MS. commences 10th Report.
Sept. 26, 1653. Prov. at election of a Mayor. Order that every
Alderman shall provide _a gowne_ for the following Sunday, or
be fined 40s. _Gowns_ according to an ancient order, to be all
of one form "of blacke stuffe, to be faced with black plush or
velvet, _and Mr. Maior himselfe to have one readie_ against
Sunday next or else forfeit 40s."
(A 13). "Abstract of fines of Leete Courte," Oct. 20, 1612.
Various penalties for misdemeanours.
"Abstracte of Fines for the Bilawes Courte," Dec. 14, 1612.
Various injunctions and fines.
"_Offerings and bridehowes_ allowed by Mr. Alderman" (then
head of Corporation) and 4 Burgesses and the Vicar then being.
Bidden dinners or "nutcastes, or _merie nightes_" for money not
to exceed 12 persons. Same for "_churching dinner_" for monie
taking, only 12 wives allowed.
From this will something may be gathered of the life of the village
priest who belongs to the vale, and whose simple wish is to be buried
by his two brothers within the church. He has his appointed chamber
in his master's house--doubtless the rectory. His possessions are
few. There are some books, also parchment and wax, for the making of
wills and indentures; there is the mattress on which he slept, and
a great "chiste," in which no doubt papers and clothes were stored
together. Of clothes he had a goodly stock, in jackets, gowns,
tippets, caps, and the stout leather doublet which no doubt he donned
for his long tramps through storm and rain and snow to the dying. The
sale of all these was to furnish money for his legacies--for coin he
had none. His benefactions are characteristic: loyally to his parish
church a noble, or half a mark; to every servant of his master 12d.;
to each of his godchildren 6d.; and he desires besides that an old
debt, incurred in his "tyme of nede," should be paid in new money.
Some crisis is suggested here, when the good wife of Under Helm
collected money for him.
But other facts may be gathered from this will. Our good curate
bequeaths to "Sir Thomas Benson" his sarsnet tippet, clearly from its
superior stuff, the best that he had. This, the usual outer dress
of the priest, was a long garment made with sleeves, reaching to
the ankles, and was tied with a girdle.[106] Now a Thomas Benson,
"curate," witnessed the will of John Benson of Baisbrowne in 1563; he
must then have served the chapel of Langdale for a series of years.
Also it seems probable that the curate's master, John Benson, was the
rector, succeeding Croft or another.
[106] Wall's _Old English Parish_.
A spirit of peace and goodwill breathes through this document, and
one too that suggests continuity in the order of the church. Yet it
must be remembered that it was written in the reign of Elizabeth,
when the Protestant religion had been firmly established by law, and
written moreover by a man who had undoubtedly followed the Catholic
ritual fifteen years before. His fellow curate too of that date,
"preist" Watson, was still alive, surviving him by eight years. There
is a Protestant odour about the cassock, and Jackson possessed one;
but his wardrobe is distinctly of the old-world, priestly type. It
is probable indeed that there was little change made for some time
even in the services of the church. The people of the north-western
mountains were conservative, and it was they who most stoutly
resisted the suppression of the monasteries. There is evidence to
show that the new tenets were but slowly adopted in these parts.
The church at Crosthwaite was found as late as 1571 to be still in
possession of the furniture and pictures that had lent a touch of
splendour to the former ritual; and they were then most stringently
ordered to be destroyed.[107]
[107] Victorian _History of Cumberland_.
The people were not likely to welcome changes that brought in their
train not only impoverishment of service, but reduction in the number
of the clergy; for with the diversion of the tithes, there ceased to
be any provision for the salaries of curates.
Langdale did without a curate, and not until over 200 years was
the township once more blessed with a resident minister, though the
chapel was used for services. Ambleside was in different case. Now a
thriving little town, equally distant from the two parish churches
that claimed it, with fulling mills bringing in wealth, it was able
to maintain a curate independently, and did so.
James Dugdale the cleric, who witnessed a Rydal deed in 1575, might
have been supposed to serve at Ambleside, only that Priest Watson was
then alive. Certain it is that in 1584 the townsfolk placed their
support of chapel and curate on a solid basis, pledging each man his
portion of land thereto. This was immediately before the appointment
of John Bell as curate. The pledge was repeated in a deed of the year
1597.
The rector of the parish, with no more than £18 odd as stipend,
had now to perform the entire duty of the wide parish. Nothing is
known of Croft's later dealings with the rectorate, nor of Lancelot
Levens, who followed him. But on the latter's death in 1575, John
Wilson was instituted, and for fifty-two years he served as rector.
From his handwriting, seen in the market-deed, and from the register
(most negligently kept during his time of office) an unfavourable
impression is created. When he died in 1627, there followed--after
a few months interlude, when Robert Hogge served--the Rev. Henry
Wilson, B.A., who was to become notorious as a Royalist and
High-Churchman. He was nominated by Dame Agnes Fleming, the clever
widow of Squire William, who at this time ruled at Rydal Hall for her
son John.
The expenses of the tithe gathering were not great. An item of
2s. 0d. is paid to David Harrison, the Rydal inn-keeper, against
"tythinge," and "for gathering tith Eggs" 1s. 0d. These last
offerings were paid in kind, and we know from subsequent accounts
that this persuasive office was somtimes filled by women, "two
wiues," being paid in 1643 "for goeing 3 dayes gathering Eggs at
Easter."
The later account-sheets kept by Richard Harrison show less
completely than Tyson's the income derived from the tithes.
li s d
Rec. in pt. of Lambe booke of gresmire at seaverall
tymes due before this 23 June 1643 due at Easter
last 11 6 0
Rec. more in pt. of lambe booke, for gresmire that
was begun at Easter last. Rec. this 10 Aug. 3 1 10
The tithes on lambs amounted therefore in 1643 to £14. 7s. 10d. Next
year:--
li s d
Rec. more at before this 16 Julie 1644 in pt. of Easter
Reckinings of Gresmire due at Easter last 7 1 9
Rec. more in pt. of Lambe booke then due 11 12 6
Rec. for Easter Reckininges Lambe silvr and some
arreares due before this 26 Julie 1645 for gresmire 35 12 0
Rec. of Easter booke & Lambe booke due at Easter
1646 for gresmire before this 4 Ap. 1646 30 2 6
We have no entries discriminating between tithe and demesne wool,
which was now selling at a high price; nor do we hear of the tithe
corn, except that in 1643 the sum of 10s. 0d. was paid for the hire
of a barn for it. In Tyson's accounts the even money received for
it--as well as other entries which connect its payment with the
holder of Padmire in Grasmere--give an appearance of it having been
then farmed, as it was at a later time.
THE CIVIL WARS
It is clear that the tithes were dropping in value; and this is
little to be wondered at when the condition of the country is
considered.
War was rife, and the "troubles" that affected every household--high
and low, either in actual fighting or in tax-paying--were felt with
peculiar poignancy at Rydal Hall. Squire John Fleming, as a rich
man, had not stooped to conceal his religion, and had cheerfully
paid his fine of £50 a year as a Catholic of the old faith. He died
on February 27, 1643, at an unfortunate time for his young children,
when warfare was just beginning in the north-west. He was buried
the same evening, like many another recusant, in Grasmere Church;
and though Parson Henry Wilson was paid a fee for "ouersight of his
buriall" it is possible that mass was first said over the body in
the "Chapel" chamber at Rydal; for one Salomon Benson, a mysterious
member of the group of papists gathered about the Squire, in receipt
of a pension of five marks a year, was probably a priest.
The orphaned children--two girls growing to womanhood and a younger
boy--were now left with all the wealth that would be eventually
theirs, in charge of executors. Chief among these was Richard
Harrison, a nephew of the Squire, and a Roman Catholic. He appears
to have lived with his wife and son at Rydal Hall, and to have had
entire management of the household in the years that followed.
The position was a difficult one, and naturally grew more so as
time went on, and success began to attend the Parliamentary party.
The money-coffers of Squire John were freely dipped into for loans
to support the Royal cause, which the young heir joined in person;
and the house was the resort of Royalist soldiers and gentlemen of
the neighbourhood. As a consequence, it was peculiarly obnoxious
to the supporters of the Parliament, and was likewise detested by
the Puritans as a hotbed of Papists. Therefore, when the houses
of Royalists were sacked up and down the county, there was little
probability that it would escape.
A tradition has always existed that Rydal Hall was entered and
plundered by the soldiers of the Commonwealth; but it is in the
account-sheets of Richard Harrison that explicit evidence of the fact
has now, and for the first time, been found. The catastrophe would
belong wholly to Rydal history, but for a clause in the accounts
which concerns Grasmere church.
Dates are difficult to follow in the sheets, but it is clear that
the year 1644 marked the turning-point of the war. The hopes of the
Royalists had been high when Prince Rupert marched through Lancashire
to meet the enemy; but they were crushed by the terrible defeat of
Marston Moor on July 1st. The king's forces in these parts were
completely scattered, and there was a tremendous exodus of loyalists,
who left to join the king's army in the south. The band was led by
Sir Francis Howard, and it included the young heir of Rydal. The
exodus is marked in the account-sheets by the numerous sums borrowed
from the Rydal chests by various people, beginning with the chief
himself. Even the loyal parsons borrowed, and small sums were lent
about this time to two of the Cumberland curates, who possibly went
off on king's business too. Henry Wilson, the rector of Grasmere, was
a noted Royalist, and apparently acted as an emissary in the cause.
The following entry records one of the many loans to him, at a time
when he too was leaving the country:--
li s d
Lent parson wilson upon his note by & with the consent of Mr.
Phillipson & Mr. Willm. wch. makes that he hath lately lent
8 li wch. he will either repay or els giue satisfaction that
it may allow when he comes & serues the cure at Gressmire
Church lent him this the 13 July 5 10 0
It is clear that in this year, 1644, the hall and its inmates shared
in the general sufferings. Friendly messengers rode by night to give
warning when another hall was sacked. Hostile soldiers were quartered
on the premises, and some pillaging of horses and other things was
done, for which Harrison tried to obtain restitution. He also sought
protection--if it might be granted by wire-pulling and bribery--from
Colonels Bellingham and Briggs, who commanded the Scots troops in
Westmorland. It is possible that the new glass required both for the
hall and for the choir of Grasmere church, "which was broken," may
have been the result of some hostile demonstration.
But the actual raid upon the hall was made at Eastertide, 1645. The
soldiers of "Captaine Orfer & Collonell Lawson" entered it, searched
for money and took all they could find (which was little) and carried
off Richard Harrison to prison, where he remained till Pentecost.
Further mischief is recorded in another paragraph of the sheets, when
the sum of £2 4s. 8d. is set down at Easter, 1645, as "pd. for bread
and wine twice at Gresmire Church in regard it was once plundered by
Lawson's souldiers."
Now this provision for the Easter communion, which the tithe-holder
was bound to make, was a special provision, always accounted for
separately, and probably delivered direct to the church from the wine
merchant, whose name is occasionally mentioned. So in this case, the
church itself was presumably entered with violence, and by the same
troop that visited Rydal Hall.
It was a Cumberland troop that did the mischief, as is evident from
the names of the officers. Colonel Wilfred Lawson of the Isell
family was an ardent fighter for the Parliament. Captain Orfeur was
doubtless a member of the stock of Plumbland Hall.[108]
[108] He may have been one of the brothers of William, head of
the family, who died in 1660. See "The Orfeurs of High Close,"
_Transactions_ Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society,
vol. iii.
The troop may have marched from the siege of Carlisle Castle, which
had been held for the king through the winter; and nothing is more
likely than that, on their march over the Raise, they would halt at
Grasmere, and do what despite they could to a sacred building held
by an episcopalian parson and a recusant patron, who were of course
odious for their so-called "delinquency." The event, however, is
inferred rather than actually stated in Harrison's account.[109]
[109] It is necessary to be explicit on this point, for, on the
authority of the writer's MS., a statement that the church of
Grasmere was broken into by the Parliamentary forces appeared
twice in print in 1910, without any reference being given to the
actual source of information, or its ambiguity.
At Whitsuntide, on his release from prison, Richard Harrison
returned to his post at Rydal Hall as factotum and financier. The
position became steadily worse. Young William Fleming had returned
from Bristol, after reverses in the south, only to be captured and
imprisoned in Kendal; and his freedom had to be procured by a heavy
ransom. In restless mood he declared his intention of going overseas,
and considerable sums were paid for his fitting out; but he never
got beyond London, where he died shortly after of smallpox. The
Parliamentary Committee, then sitting at Kendal, exacted heavy fines
from the estate for delinquency. Oppressive taxes too were repeatedly
levied for the support of the Parliamentary forces and the Scotch
army. This extraordinary outflow of money, as well as the loans made
to friends, must have materially reduced the wealth of Squire John,
and have left less for the suitors who presently appeared to claim
the hands of the heiresses.
Not the Rydal estate alone, but the whole country-side groaned under
the burden of taxation. It is therefore not surprising that from the
hardness of the times, as well as from possible illwill, the tithes
began to yield an uncertain return; and that to come by them at all
it was sometimes necessary to engage a strong man or a stout party
for the business. An item in the account-sheets for 1645 runs:--
li s d
spent in 3 dayes when we went to gather the tith woole
being ten in company 1 4 0
Spent more when Mr. Mason & I went to gather the
Easter dues at severall tymes 15 0
Oct. Adam Fisher & young Jarrat for Inning the tith
corne at Gresmere this yeare 1645 1 0 0
Adam Fisher was the Rydal blacksmith, and doubtless a strong man.
Clearly no farmer could be found to take up a contract for the tithes
of corn; and as we have seen, a barn had been hired for its housing.
In 1648 Harrison went into Cumberland, and spent a week getting the
"tith-rents" due on St. Mark's Day; and he enters:--
li s d
geaven my cosen Lamplougs man for his paynes in
comeinge to meete me there with directions from
[parliamentary] comittee to pay there rents unto
me, otherwise I had gotten none payd 0 5 0
Harrison was subjected to another imprisonment, and squeezed by
the hostile government of many further sums. His account-sheets
close in 1648-9, when the hall--soon to lie under the ban of
sequestration--was itself closed.
THE COMMONWEALTH
The year 1645 marked the beginning of a great change in the church
government of Grasmere. Already the new system devised by the
Presbyterian party (which was now in the ascendant after the success
of the Scotch at Newcastle) was being put into force as a substitute
for episcopal rule. The division of the country into sections, each
called a _classis_--to be administered by a committee of laymen
empowered to nominate for each parish a minister and four elders--was
very rapidly carried out. The following answer was sent to the
Parliament's demand, by letter from the Speaker, that _classes_ for
South Westmorland should be formed:--[110]
[110] Shaw, in his _Church under the Commonwealth_, says that the
scheme was already working in Northumberland and Durham at the
close of 1645, and that it seems to have been put in force in
Westmorland early in 1646. This letter explains the delay.
Honourable Sir
We received your Honours letter (dated the 22nd September last)
the 3d of February last Wherein is required of us with advise
of Godly Ministers, to returne to your Honour such Ministers
and Elders as are thought fitt for the Presbiteriall way of
Government (which wee much desire to be established) and the
several classes. After wee received your Honours letter to that
purpose (though long after the date) wee speedily had a meeting;
and upon due consideration nominated the Ministers and Elders
which wee thought fitted (as your Honour may conceive by this
enclosed) for the Presbiteriall imployment as is desired and
have divided the County of Westmerland into two Classes. Since
the expediting of this your Honours direction: Wee have heard
of an Ordinance of Parliament directing to the election of such
persons: But as yet neither Order or Ordinance hath come unto
us; Only your Honours letter, is our Warrant and Instruction;
And accordingly we make bould to send (here inclosed) the names
both of Ministers and Elders. And if we faile in the Parliaments
method in this particuler, Wee shall willingly (upon your
Honours next direction) rectify any mistake for the present,
and shalbe willing to submitt to your Honours and Parliamentary
directions; Which wee shall duly expect, that in wharsoever
wee haved missed, wee may amend it. Thus with our Service
recommended Wee remaine
Yours Honours Servants
Ric Prissoe, Maior Edmond Grey
Thomas Gleddall Rich Branthwait
Ger Benson Allan Gilpin
Rowland Dawson Thom Sandes
John Archer
Kendall 10 Martii, 1645
(Endorsement) 10 Martii, 1645 (1645/46). From the Maior and
Committee at Kendal with their Classes.
For the Honourable William Lenthall, Esq., Speaker of the
Commons House of Parliament. These--[111]
[111] MSS. Tanner, 60, fol. 527, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
In the list of the parishes with their church officials which
accompany this servile epistle, ours appears thus:
Grasmere
Mr. Henry Wilson, minister of Gressmer a notorious malignant and
articled against at Parliament.
Elders.
Mr. Thomas Brathwait Edward Knotts and
Michaell Benson Francis Benson
The newly-elected elders were men of good position and character.
Mr. Brathwaite, son of Gawen, and grandson of James, was soon to
become the head of the Ambleside Hall family. The Bensons were the
descendants of the rich clothiers of Elizabeth's days. Francis,
living at his freehold of the Fold, Loughrigg, was later to display
his indomitable will as a disciple of George Fox. Edward Knott was
one of a race of Grasmere statesmen whose course was a forward one
for some hundreds of years, and whose later history belongs to Rydal
and Coniston.
But before these men were chosen, or this letter written, the
"Committee" in Kendal had already interfered in church matters in
Grasmere, and had suspended the parson. The Rev. Henry Wilson had
served the king's cause in other ways than by preaching; and it is
probable that the sums of money he began to borrow from 1643 from the
Rydal Hall estate (whose coffers all the needy Royalists had recourse
to) were used upon journeys to and fro as an emissary, or were
expended in some other way for the cause.[112]
[112] The secret messengers who passed with despatches between
the king and his army endured great perils and sometimes lost
their lives.
li s d
Lent to P'son wilson upon his bill & Sr. Chr: Rawlings
13th of August for 6 weekes or els to Allow in his
wages at Martinmas 1 0 0
* * * * *
Lent to Mr. Wilson P'son of Gresmire the 16 July
upon his bill to be allowed in his sty. pd. at martinmas
next 1644 3 0 0
By September he had borrowed £4 more, and on December 30th, £2 10s.
But the Parliamentary party had by this time determined to put a curb
on the Royalist parson's excursions. There exists among the MSS.
of the Corporation of Kendal, a bond, dated November 16th, 1644,
entered into by him to Colonel James Bellingham, "that the said Henry
Wilson shall appear and render his body into the hands of the Provost
Marshall of Kendall, at the end of twenty dayes next after the date
hereof, and in the mean tyme shall not travell forth of the County of
Westmorland nor hold any intelligence nor send any message by word or
writeing to any of that party now in armes against the parliament,
but in all things demeane himselfe well, and not indeavour in any
wise to seduce or withdrawe the affections of any of his parishioners
or others from the service of King & Parliament."
Attested by James Bellingham, Thomas Brathwaite, and Thomas
Kelver.[113]
[113] Communicated by Mr. J. A. Martindale.
Under the pressure of military force he was constrained to appear
before the Parliamentary tribune at Kendal; and he must have been
then formally inhibited from duty; for the Rydal account-book shows:--
li s d
pd to Mr. Benson who serues at Gresmire put in by
the Committee & ordered to pay the stypend to
him that was due to Mr. Wilson for Halfe A
yeare ended at penticost last 1645 9 5 9-1/2
pd to mr. benson by an order from the Committee for
Halfe A yeares wage for serving the Cure at Gresmire
ended at Martinmas last 1645 9 5 9-1/2
It is singular that in the Committee's report of its action to the
Parliament, in the letter already given, it makes no mention of
Mr. Benson's supersession of the rector. It was not destined to
stand however; and possibly there was opposition in the parish. For
Harrison enters, under February, 1646:--
li s d
pd. to Sr. Chr: Rawling in pt. of his wages for seruing
the Cure of Gresmire for Halfe A yeare to end at
penticost next & either to pay it again or els to
stand in paymt. 5 0 0
The remaining £4 was paid on May 22nd, "by order of the Comittee."
It would be interesting to know who this server of the cure was. He
had been resident since at least 1641, when a child of his "Christe:
Rawlinge, cler," had been baptized. He had likewise joined Parson
Wilson in his bill three years earlier. His prefix "Sir," betokened
him to be of the lower order of clergy, who had not graduated at
either University.
Meanwhile Wilson, without stipend, was sinking under a weight of
debt. A year after the death of his first wife, he had married (in
1639) Mrs. Dorothy Forrest, and he had (besides a former family)
young children born in 1642 and 1643. Harrison thought it necessary
now, in 1645, to obtain the consent of the young heir of Rydal, and
of another executor, before lending him further sums of money:--
li s d
Lent parson wilson upon his note by & with the consent
of Mr. Phillipson & Mr. Willm. wch. makes
that he hath lately lent 8 li wch. he will either
repay or els giue satisfaction that it may allow
when he comes & serues the cure at Gressmire
Church lent him this the 13 July 5 10 0
Possibly he left Grasmere for a time, yet it is clear that he had
hopes of recovering his position there. It is noteworthy that the
curates of St. John's and St. Bride's, Cumberland, borrowed money
about the same time, and probably for the king's business likewise.
Parson Wilson--for so he was still called--borrowed £2 more in April,
1646, making in all £10, and £5 more in May. This was done by consent
of the executors of the late Squire John Fleming, and he gave them a
bill which terminated on September 29th. He was quite incapable of
meeting such a bill, and it became necessary to devise a plan for
securing repayment.
Now steps upon the scene a figure destined to play for long a
prominent part in Grasmere church affairs. "My Cozen Ambrose" is
mentioned in Harrison's account-book as ordering an additional 15s.
to be paid to parson and clerk on death of Squire John "for oversight
of his buriall" and now he took more pronounced action. He was nephew
of Squire John, whose sister Dorothy--his mother--had married the
lord of Lowick. He had been educated for the church, and in 1629 was
elected Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.[114] From the first
he was doubtless intended to fill the post of rector of Grasmere,
as the patronage belonged to the family. Truly, the living for the
moment was worth no more than £18 11s. 7d., the stipend paid by the
tithe-holder; but Gabriel Croft's lease of the tithes was to lapse in
1647, when they would again belong to the rector. So when Wilson was
found to be in the last straits for money, John Ambrose came forward
(with the lease in view) to adjust matters. Under date January, 1647,
Harrison entered in his book:--
pd. to Mr. Wilson P'son of gresmire accordinge to articles
made betwixt Mr. Wm. and him by doctor Ambrose order for
delapidations for gresmire Rectorie and for confirmeinge all
the tythes of Rydall at 20s P' annm. duringe his life upon his
agrement 24 mch 1646, and a bill 15 li lent money deliuered him
in, and pd. him this daie more to make up the Some to 22 li 10s,
set down by doctor Ambrose 7 li 10s 0d.
[114] Dr. Magrath's _Flemings in Oxford_.
Thus the broken-down parson was mercifully left in his dilapidated
house with his debt cleared, a few pounds in hand, and the prospect
of £1 yearly in lieu of the Rydal demesne tithe, which was the
ancient prescription.
Little as it was, it was better than nothing, and the incoming of
other tithes to the parson was problematic, even if he were again
allowed to serve the cure. But this doubtful future he had not long
to face. The church register of that year records on June 26th
"buryall Henry Willson Clerk of Gresmyre."
There is scarcely a doubt that the Rev. John Ambrose was at once
nominated to the post by the Fleming family. In evidence given for
the Restoration lawsuit over the tithes, it is stated that he had
been inducted "about 15 years since," and had kept the office and
officiated, till ejected by "the late usurpers." The position with
tithes restored to it, was worth a struggle to keep, and the parish
elders and the Presbyterian party at large would seem to have offered
no real opposition to this powerful nominee.
That party indeed was losing ground all over England, where a
personal examination before administration of the sacrament--rigidly
enforced under the Scotch system of eldership--was much disliked;
and by 1649 its control over church affairs was practically at an
end.[115]
[115] Shaw's _Church under the Commonwealth_.
The successes of the Parliamentary army had besides, after the
victory of Naseby (1645), brought the Independents into power.
Without passing a law to annul the Presbyterian scheme, they brought
forward in Parliament various fresh ones of their own; and in 1650
a bill was framed for "the better propagating of the Gospel" in
Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland and Durham, these counties
having petitioned that the vexed question of "settling ministers"
might be finally resolved. The Act was to hold good for three years;
and after a slight extension it was abandoned, as the Commissioners
appointed to carry it out had not given satisfaction. It was while
the Commissioners under the Act were in office, and no doubt by
them, that Ambrose, an episcopalian and a Royalist, and nominated
moreover by a family of recusants, was ejected. In the depositions
taken at Ambleside, October, 1663, for the tithe lawsuit, John Newton
of Ambleside declared that the ejection took place about Martinmas,
1653; and "John Wallace of Kendall clerk," aged 32, gave evidence
"that the complainant Ambrosse, by some of the late usurped powers
was sequestered out of the parish church of Grasmere, sitting at
Newcastle on Tyne before 1653, after which this deponent officiated
in the said cure 1653, 4 and 5; and after he left one John Tompson,
clerk, officiated till complainant was restored. During deponent's
officiating most of the parishioners paid their tithes to him,
and owned him as patron; and he believes they did the like to
Thomson."[116]
[116] Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland.
Wallas was clearly placed in the Rev. John Ambrose's post by the
Independents, who now--with John Archer at their head--ruled the
municipal and religious affairs of Kendal, for the Parliament, by
a strong-handed committee; and that it was an ill-judged choice
as well as an ill-favoured one (at least by one section of the
community) is certain. By no religious party should John Wallas have
been considered a suitable pastor for the wide and conservative
parish, since he was either a man of low, disorderly life, or
unfortunate in making enemies who could successfully libel him. In
1655 he was summoned before the justices at the Quarter Sessions
upon two charges. One was the attempted ravishment of Clara Barwis
of Loughrigg, "a virgin" twenty-two years old, and of this offence
he was declared not guilty; while the unhappy girl--likewise charged
with "ye detestable sinne of fornication with John Wallass Clke"--was
by an irrational and shameful verdict sentenced to three months
imprisonment for the joint offence. The other charge against him was
an assault upon one John Hird; but as he brought a counter charge
against Hird, this disturbance of "ye publique peace" must have
assumed the aspect of a free fight.[117]
[117] Book of Quarter Sessions Indictments, Kendal Corporation.
Wallas was not long to enjoy unchallenged his position at Grasmere.
The situation was being watched by one who only awaited opportunity
for action. It was a time of unrest and seething thought; and in 1651
George Fox, after beholding his vision of blood--when he ran through
the streets of Lichfield crying "Woe, woe"--had begun his wandering
life as a preacher. The country was swayed to and fro by contending
religious factions. The more sober and rational-minded among these,
shocked by the confusion that prevailed, formed themselves into
"Voluntary Associations," under which the acting church authorities
of each district--whether Independent or Presbyterian--united for the
purpose of settling (if this were possible) the vexed questions of
the administration of the sacrament and the ordination of ministers.
At once an Association was formed for Cumberland and Westmorland,
where the success that attended George Fox's first missionary journey
through the distracted counties in 1652-3, had brought consternation
to all sections of the Puritan party, and under the leadership of
Mr. Richard Gilpin it proceeded to action.[118] Meetings for the
settlement of church affairs were held every month at Carlisle,
Penrith and Cockermouth, and in 1656 the counties put forth a joint
manifesto, called "Articles of Association."
[118] Fox's _Journals_. He says that he had "large meetings" in
Westmorland.
It was the existence of this body with its moderate and conciliatory
policy, that doubtless enabled the new squire of Rydal to take the
step he had for some time been preparing. Barely of age in 1654, and
not yet in possession of the family estates, he nevertheless--while
studying law in London--kept his eye on the condition of affairs in
Grasmere and sought how he might--if not restore his kinsman Ambrose
to the rectory--at least oust the intruder. An entry in his accounts
of 1s. paid on May 24th "for ye Parrishioners of Gresmire their
Caveat" shows that he had secured the support of part of the parish
at least. Again on June 27th he paid 1s. 6d. "for a cop. of the
Refferees names concerning Wallas." Without doubt he was preparing,
even to the co-operation of Mr. Brathwaite of Ambleside Hall, for
the swift stroke of ejection which was carried through on the eve of
his own entrance to Rydal by his faithful servant John Banks. John
communicated the result in the following letter:--[119]
[119] Rydal Hall MSS.
Hounoured Sir,
I praise God I got saffe to Rydale wth the oxen on Saturday at
night where I was fforced to staye all night it was so late I
acquainted the P'ishors that you had sent them word to get a
minister every Lord's daye till such tyme as you presented one,
and that the might paye them out off the tythes, but none would
meddle unless I would goe to the Church and appear wth them soe
I was fforced either to neglect it or send to Mr. Turner off
Amblesyd to procure him to goe to preach wch I did And he went
to your Cousin Bratwhait to aske his advice and leave that he
might goe, soe he came to Rydale and I went along wth him But
Wallas seeing us cum almost at the Church went quite away to
Langdale Chapple whether he intended to goe beffore or noe I
knowe not But he lefft the Clarke to oppose us who would not
suffer Mr. Turner to read in the usuall place soe I wished Mr.
Turner to goe into the pulpit and officiate But the Clark begun
to read a Chapter and I bid him giue over but he would not soe I
shutt the booke soe Mr. Turner read a Chappter and sung a psalme
and begune to preach and when the sermon was done I spoke to
some of the P'ishoners to procure every Lords daye a minister &
pay them off theire tithes.
Conyston this 11 Feb. 1655.
Your obedient servant
John Bankes.
Good John, with the squire's authority at his back and the
co-operation of the Ambleside curate (a Presbyterian no doubt), had
successfully carried the situation through for that day, but his
spirit quailed before it, as did that of the people. Under date
February 18th he again wrote to his absent master:--
I should be glad to hear ffrom you iff you have heard anything
ffrom Oxford or London concerninge the P'sonage of Grasmire,
ffor wallas keepes the place still and saith he will doe it and
that he is instructed by Mr. Archer to keepe it til such tyme as
he present another, And he saith that he will cause Mr Turner
to be put off his place ffor goeing that one daye to officiate
there, Sir I desire that you will be pleased iff you heare
anythinge to lett me knowe that I may encourage the P'ishoners
ffor the are nowe more dismayed then the were beffore.
In a postscript he reverts to the subject:--
Sir it will not be amisse to remynd them aboue (probably meaning
any grandee with whom young Daniel might come into contact
during his honeymoon visits) concerning Grasmire ffor it is the
Generall oppinion off all heare that Mr. Archer will doe you a
preiudice in it iff he can.
Mr. Archer was of course disputing the right of the Rydal squire
to nominate. But he and the Independents were yet to learn the
indomitable nature of the will that now opposed theirs. The young
squire, too wise to attempt the reinstating of his kinsman, and
assuming the right to nominate, appointed one John Thompson to the
rectory: and he won his way in spite of obstacles placed in it.
li s d
10 ber 4, 56. Spent at Penrith when Mr. Thompson
appeared there to showe unto ye Coms. by wt.
title hee officied att Gresmer 00 01 06
John Banks, then doing business in London, wrote in perplexity
on October 23rd, saying that counsel's opinion was talked of in
connection with the matter. Thompson, however, kept his post. He may
have acted in tune with the Presbyterians for the time being, but at
the Restoration he returned at once to the uses of the re-established
Church of England. At the Quarter Sessions held at Kendal, September,
1660, William Willson of Langdale was charged with "disquietinge,
abuseinge, & disturbinge John Tompson Clerk vicar of Gressmire in
readinge ye booke of comon prayer or service of ye Church & in his
collaton or preachinge at Langdale Chappell" on the 26th, "beinge ye
lord's day" and the said Willson, refusing to submit or to swear the
oath of allegiance, was committed to gaol, with the option of a fine
of 100 marks.[120] Willson indeed was a Quaker or Friend, who abjured
all oaths--a fact at first misunderstood, and which so frequently
caused their committal on political grounds. He was one of George
Fox's most fiery adherents, and a speaker among the little band that
had sprung up in the parish during the anarchy; and in denouncing the
clergy on their own ground (the "steeple-house") he did but imitate
his master.
[120] Book of Indictments, Kendal Corporation.
On the other hand John Wallas--who had apparently been appointed by
his friends to another church--was charged before the Justices with
not reading the Book of Common Prayer, as ordained by law. His next
appearance at court, in 1663, was in connection with the plot against
the king and government, lately discovered. He was suspected of being
mixed up in it, and was committed to Appleby gaol for three months.
The young squire of Rydal, Daniel Fleming, had now a free hand in the
congenial task of setting the church of Grasmere on the old footing.
There was some delay or uncertainty, however, in the return of his
cousin Ambrose to the rectory. The church register contains a note
of money collected, August 25th, 1661, and this is signed by John
Brathwaite, "Rector of Grasmere," by John Browk, "curate," and the
churchwardens; and John Browk's signature as curate occurs again
August 7th, 1663. But it is certain that Parson Ambrose soon made
good his claim to the position of rector, and that John Brathwaite
remained as his principal curate in charge. He was a man who had
seemingly no mind for strife or commotion. He showed supineness in
allowing the squire to conduct the dispute about the tithes which now
arose; as well as later to oppose the scheme of the Ambleside folk to
secure the privileges of baptism and burial for their chapel. On this
occasion the excuse was made of his being then (1674) in residence as
Fellow of St. John's, Cambridge.[121] Perhaps he loved too well the
cloistered ease of the University. He never attempted to reside at
the rectory, and would seem to have arranged for bachelor quarters
to be fitted up at the hall, where he might spend such time as he
thought it necessary to devote to the parish. These entries occur in
the great account book:--
[121] See Cumberland and Westmorland Society's _Transactions_,
vol. vi., N.S.
li s d
Aug. 11. 59. Payed unto Grigg for 3 dayes paveing
& guttering of ye Roome under Mr. Ambrose's
Chamber 00 01 00
Jan. 26. 59. Lost at Tables unto Parson Ambrose 00 01 00
Such peaceful hours of card-playing--restricted to the festival time
of Christmas--were occasionally varied by polemical events; if so, we
may interpret the scene at the Loughrigg inn:--
li s d
June 23, 1669. Spent at Braythey Bridge end in ye
contest betwixt Jos. Penny & my Cosin Ambrose 00 00 06
For the recovery of the tithes, the rector relied entirely on the
legal knowledge and acute judgment of his relative; and the draft
of the Bill presented in the Court of Exchequer, and now lying at
Rydal Hall, is in the latter's handwriting. From this we learn that
certain parishioners refused to pay tithes to the newly-instituted
rector, and that their refusal was moreover of some years standing,
as neither Wallas nor Thompson had been in a position to compel
payment from the refractory. There are twenty-one names cited in the
bill. Many of these were no doubt conscientious objectors, though
some would be of that ever-present class, who seize any excuse for
shirking an obligation. From the wording of the petition, that the
objectors "pretended" John Ambrose never was parson of Grasmere,
nor had been lawfully restored, it looks as if there had been some
opposition to the squire's change of minister at the Restoration.
Mr. Thomas Brathwaite had assisted him as we have seen in the
removal of the Independent, but now the expulsion of the (probable)
Presbyterian minister in favour of the Episcopalian roused the ire
no doubt of the Presbyterian party, headed by the Ambleside Hall
family. Robert Brathwaite, gentleman, was younger brother of Thomas,
and had inherited from his father Gawen not only the property of
High House, Hugill (where he generally resided) but the small
"manor" of Baisbrowne in Langdale. It was on this estate that tithes
were claimed from its owner, who heads the list of recalcitrant
parishioners. Another prominent statesman among them was Christopher
Nicholson, of Padmire, Grasmere, of whose religious persuasion we
know nothing. A third was Francis Benson, freeholder; he, along with
Mr. Brathwaite and Michael Benson, had served as an elder on the
Presbyterian _Classis_, and had now become an ardent Quaker. These,
with the rest, had--so the petition declared--combined to resist
payment, and had persuaded others to do the like. Their position was
certainly weakened by the fact that they had failed to pay these
customary dues for its support, while they were satisfied with the
ministry; yet the demand now made for fourteen years' arrears, may
well have irritated them. The claim upon Mr. Robert Brathwaite's
estate stands thus, when placed in the form of a table:--
£ s. d.
Meadows, of which the "tythe-hay" is worth yearly 0 0 10
Ten cow's milk each yearly 2d. 0 1 8
One tithe-calf 0 1 8
Two foals, each 2d. 0 0 4
Three hundred sheep, of which, the tythe wool is worth yearly 2 0 0
One hundred lambs paying a customary sum each year of 1s. 2d. 11 8
Three sows, the tithe pigs being yearly 10
Ten geese, ten hens, and ten ducks, tithe yearly 5 0
two swarms of bees, customary payment 2d. each 4
Five bushels of plums, with other fruit, tithe worth 3 0
Twenty acres, pastured with barren cattle 5 0
Hemp grown, tithe worth yearly 2 0
Oblaytions 2 6
The demand made upon each of the foremost defendants in the lawsuit
was exactly the same, showing that the estimate of the tithes was
a purely conventional one. It amounted then for each prosperous
statesman to £3 14s. 10d.--a large sum compared with the commutation
of the Rydal Hall tithe; and when this figure is multiplied by
fourteen for arrears, a total of £52 7s. 8d. is reached, which was
likely enough to arouse dismay and opposition. The case dragged
on; and on October 20th, 1663, a commission sat at Ambleside, when
witnesses were called on both sides. The smaller statesmen were no
longer cited, while Robert Brathwaite, Christopher Nicholson, Francis
Benson, and John Benson stood as the defendants.[122] The verdict
is not known; but payment of tithes once more became customary.
The refusal of the Quakers to pay the church rate will be noticed
hereafter.
[122] Ex. Deps., 15 Chas. II., Mich. 33, Westmorland.
The tithes seem often to have been let on lease, which saved the
rector the trouble and annoyance of collection. Edward Benson of
Loughrigg declared, in 1663, before the commission, that he and
Miles Mackereth and John Brathwaite held a lease of them from Parson
Ambrose for three years, which ended April 15th, 1665. About the year
1726 they were apparently farmed by the statesmen jointly. A paper
exists[123] entitled "Grasmere Tyth Corn lett to the Inhabitants Anno
1726. Some wanting." It contains the names of 55 landholders, with
the amount--varying from 1s. to 18s.--paid by each as an equivalent
for the tithe of corn. The total is £18 6s.
[123] Rydal Hall MSS.
This agrees with the statement of Miss Craik, who in 1752 was
corresponding with Sir William Fleming on behalf of her incapable
brother, the rector. While expressing her surprise that he should
think of renting the tithes of corn, she tells him that Mr. Craik's
collector had been persuaded to grant a three years' lease at £14
10s., which was too little. The salary of the collector, she adds,
had been in a former year £5.
The growth of corn increased seemingly in this district as the
eighteenth century went by, owing no doubt to its heightened price
throughout the kingdom. The tithe of it accordingly went up in value,
while wool, from the decay of the cloth trade, went down.
[Illustration: CHURCH WARDENS]
[Illustration: FONT IN GRASMERE CHURCH.
(FROM TABLE BOOK BY WM. HONE, 1827.)]