CHAPTER XXIV

QUENTIN DURWARD

The true 'Scott Country' is limited strictly to Scotland, England, and

Wales. So long as he remained upon the soil of his own native kingdom,

Sir Walter wrote of what he had seen and for the most part traversed

only familiar ground. In Scotland, he was equally at home in the

Lowlands or Highlands. He visited England often enough to know well

the inspiring mountains of Cumberland and Westmoreland, the hills and

valleys of Northumberland, the broad expanse of Yorkshire, with its

delightful scenery and many historical associations, the moorlands of

Derby, the charming roads and pleasant villages of Nottingham,

Leicester, Warwick, and Oxford, and the highways and by-ways of the

ever-fascinating London. With the history, the legends and the poetry

of his own country he was as familiar as a child would be with the

environment of his own home. They were a part of the mental equipment

that had been developing steadily from the time he was three years old.

When he stepped out of this familiar region, for the first time, there

came a remarkable change, and in January, 1823, when he began the

composition of 'Quentin Durward,' we find him floundering about in a

sea of gazetteers, atlases, histories, and geographies. On the 23d of

that month he wrote to Constable:--'It is a vile place, this village of

Plessis les Tours, that can baffle {338} both you and me. It is a

place famous in history ... yet I have not found it in any map,

provincial or general, which I have consulted.... Instead of

description holding the place of sense, I must try to make such sense

as I can find, hold the place of description.'

Fortunately he had the assistance of his friend Skene, who about this

time returned from a tour in France, and placed at the disposal of the

author a great variety of sketches of landscapes and ancient buildings,

besides a journal full of accurate notes; for the novelist's

artist-friend knew from long companionship exactly what would be most

appreciated.

Though a stranger in a strange land, Scott was not entirely alone, for

he took with him into the unknown country three good Scotchmen, namely,

Quentin Durward, whom he made an archer in the Scots Guard of King

Louis XI; the picturesque and interesting Le Balafré, Quentin's uncle,

already a guardsman; and Lord Crawford, the aged commander of the

guard, a Scotch nobleman, whose great ability and experience had won

the esteem and confidence even of the suspicious King. This was surely

a stroke of genius. The old Scotch friends of the novelist could not

help following with interest the thrilling adventures of their

countrymen in a foreign land, while, on the other hand, the tale raised

up a host of new admirers in France and throughout the Continent. The

Frenchmen saw with amazement King Louis XI and Charles the Bold

suddenly come to life and, under the skilful direction of the Scottish

Wizard, walk about again amidst some of the most stirring scenes of

European history. Not in all their literature had the French people

seen such striking {339} portraiture of these famous men nor such vivid

pictures of the ancient manners of their own people.

A line, nearly straight, drawn diagonally across the map of France and

Belgium, representing a distance of perhaps three hundred and fifty

miles, will fairly suggest the geography of 'Quentin Durward.' Its

southwestern extremity would be Tours, about one hundred and forty-five

miles from Paris. It would pass through Péronne, in the north of

France directly east of Amiens; then dropping slightly to the south,

and across the border of Belgium would reach its northeastern

termination in the city of Liège.

The town of Tours was much favoured in the fifteenth century by the

frequent visits of Charles VII, Louis XI, and Charles VIII, in

consequence of which it then reached its highest state of prosperity.

It was long famed for its silk industry, founded by Louis XI. Two

miles west of the town, on a low marshy plain between the rivers Loire

and Cher, and close by a hamlet of a few scattered cottages, is the

famous Castle of Plessis les Tours, where the action of the story

begins. Only a fragment of the original structure now remains, as part

of a modern château.

The old castle looked more like a prison than a king's palace, and

seemed well adapted to be the den of the 'universal spider,' as Louis

came to be called, from which he could weave his dangerous web in every

direction and ensnare the feet of those whom he selected for his prey.

It was in this dismal place that Louis XI shut himself in the last days

of his life, weak from illness and pain and almost insane from

distrust. Here he died, in 1483, to the great joy of the kingdom.

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Every year he had added new walls and ditches to his fortress. The

towers were covered with iron as a protection against arrows. Eighteen

hundred heavy planks bristling with nails were placed outside the

ditches to impede the approach of cavalry. Four hundred crossbowmen

manned the towers and the villainous Tristan l'Hermite had full

authority to seize and hang any innocent stranger whom he might choose

to suspect.

As I write, I have before me two pictures:--one a contemporary print of

the ancient castle, the other a portrait of the King. The former, a

group of low, irregular buildings, with slanting roofs and small barred

windows, having a chapel attached to one end, contains nothing whatever

to suggest a royal palace. The latter shows the face of a sly,

cunning, unscrupulous plotter, full of cruelty, baseness, vulgarity,

and hypocrisy, yet terribly in earnest and revealing the features that

mark an irresistible will. I can almost fancy a resemblance between

the two pictures. The mean unpretentiousness of the castle and its

lack of symmetry suggest the unprepossessing appearance of the King,

whose whole aspect was vulgar, his clothing purposely plain and often

untidy and his manners completely devoid of dignity and common

courtesy. Its numerous defences, including turrets, battlements,

ditches, and drawbridges, suggest the constant fear of treachery in

which the King lived, never daring to regard his most intimate

companions with aught but jealous suspicion. The real strength of the

fortress, in spite of its ugliness and apparent insignificance are

typical of the tremendous power of this monarch, who pursued his

purposes without regard to truth, decency, honour, or human rights,

reducing the {341} people to a state of abject poverty and misery, yet

enlarging the borders of France to nearly their present extent,

reorganizing the army, centralizing the government, and laying the

foundations of the nation in its modern form.

One might almost indulge the whimsical notion that the little chapel to

which I have referred, pointing heavenward with an attenuated spire of

absurdly slender proportions, symbolizes the King's own feeble efforts

to point in the same direction. His piety was manifested by a dozen

'paltry figures of saints stamped in lead' which he wore on the band of

his hat. He endeavoured to atone for the most atrocious acts of

selfishness and cruelty by gifts of money and outward penance,

continuing his wickedness all the while, but apologizing for it in his

prayers to the saints. But the crowning act of hypocritical piety, as

well as the most absurd, was his attempt to insure his ultimate

salvation by the unique expedient of creating the Virgin Mary a

countess and an honorary colonel of his guards.

This was the strange, but intensely interesting, character, whom Scott,

making free use of the 'Memoirs of Philippe de Comines,' one of the

King's most intimate councillors, succeeded in portraying so vividly

that the tale of which he is the real hero has won universal

recognition as a novel of genuine historical value.

A few miles southeast of Tours is the ruin of a castle still more

terrible in its suggestiveness than even Plessis, for here Louis XI

perpetrated deeds of secret cruelty, which he shrank from committing

within the walls of his own palace. It is the Castle of Loches, for

many years a royal residence. It is interesting to Scotchmen from

{342} the fact that it was the scene of the royal wedding of King James

V to the Princess Magdalene, in whose honour the Palace of Linlithgow

was remodelled and greatly embellished.

The castle is now a pile of ruined buildings, standing on the summit of

a lofty rock, where it dominates the landscape. Its principal tower is

one hundred and twenty feet high, with walls eight feet thick. Its

date is said to be the twelfth century. A part of it is now the local

jail, and the building has been used as a prison for centuries.

Beneath were dungeons under dungeons, dimly lighted by narrow windows,

cut through small recesses in the walls, which are here ten or twelve

feet thick. In two of these were the iron cages invented by Cardinal

John de La Balue. He was a cobbler, some say a tailor, whom Louis

elevated to the highest rank and employed in his secret devices. The

cage was built of iron bars and was only eight feet square. The

Cardinal proved a traitor to his king and the latter's severity kept

him in the dungeon cells for eleven years, a part of which time, at

least, was spent in one of the cages of his own invention. The

governor and gaoler of this dreaded prison was Oliver le Daim, the

King's barber and prime minister.

The events culminating in the murder of the Bishop of Liège were, of

course, purely fictitious. Scott did not hesitate to 'violate

history,' as he afterward expressed it, to meet the requirements of his

story. The actual murder of the Bishop occurred in 1482, fourteen

years after the period of the novel and five years after the death of

Charles the Bold. William de la Marck, called the 'Wild Boar of

Ardennes,' wishing to place the mitre {343} on the head of his own son,

entered into a conspiracy with some of the rebellious citizens of

Liège, against their Bishop, Louis de Bourbon. The latter was enticed

to the edge of the town, where he was met by the fierce and

bloodthirsty knight, who murdered him with his own hand and caused the

body to be exposed naked in St. Lambert's Place, before the cathedral.

Scott's version, never intended to be historically accurate, places the

scene of the murder in the fictitious Castle of Schonwaldt, outside the

city.

The description of the meeting of Louis XI and Charles the Bold at the

town of Péronne and the King's imprisonment in the castle, while

somewhat amplified with fictitious details, is in the essential facts

quite in accord with history. Péronne is a small town of great

antiquity, ninety-four miles northeast of Paris, in the Department of

the Somme. Its castle still retains four conical-roofed towers in

fairly good repair. On the ground floor are many dark and dismal

dungeons. In one of these miserable cells Charles the Simple, in the

year 929, ended his days in agony. He was confined in the tower by the

treachery of Herbert, Count of Vermandois, and left there to starve to

death. Adjoining this room, in what is known as the Tour Herbert, is

the chamber said to have been occupied by Louis XI.

Great was the surprise and alarm among the retainers of Louis when that

monarch, trusting to an exaggerated notion of his own wit and powers of

persuasion, proposed to visit his most formidable adversary, Charles of

Burgundy, at the town of Péronne. The latter granted the King's

request for a safe-conduct, and Louis set forth in October, 1482,

accompanied by a small {344} detachment of his Scots Guard and

men-at-arms, and two faithless councillors, the Constable de St. Pol

and the Cardinal de La Balue. The Duke met the King outside the town

and together they walked in apparent friendliness to the house of the

Chamberlain, Charles apologizing for not taking the King to the castle

because it was not in fit condition. Some portion of the Duke's army

arrived the same day and encamped outside the walls. Learning this,

the King became greatly frightened and demanded quarters in the

castle--a request which Charles granted with great, but secret, glee.

The next day brought forth nothing but ill-feeling and

misunderstanding, which was brought to a climax by the news from Liège.

It was reported that the emissaries of Louis had stirred up sedition

against the Duke, and had killed the Bishop of Liège, and the Lord of

Humbercourt. Charles was a man of tremendous passions and this news

threw him into a fury which he made little attempt to control. His

royal guest became his prisoner, the gates of the town and the castle

were closed, and for a time Louis was in danger of his life at the

hands of his enraged vassal. Louis, meanwhile, remained calm, making

full use of his native shrewdness, keenness of penetration, and unusual

cunning. By a liberal use of money, with which he had sagaciously

provided himself, the Duke's servants were corrupted wherever he could

hope to secure information or assistance. His craftiness, however,

proved unnecessary. Charles cooled off after a day or two and realized

that he could not well afford to violate his safe-conduct. Meanwhile

the news from Liège turned out more favourably. The Bishop had not

been slain and the revolt had been less serious than {345} supposed.

Charles, however, compelled the King to swear a new treaty, which Louis

did by taking from one of his boxes a piece of the 'true cross,' a

relic, formerly belonging, so it was said, to Charlemagne, which Louis

regarded with great veneration. The oath upon the cross duly made,

Louis accompanied his captor on an expedition against the town of

Liège, the particulars of which were not essentially different from the

version of Scott.

The novel brings out to great advantage the striking contrast between

the King and the Duke. Charles was strong, vigorous, clear-sighted,

and in the words of Philippe de Comines, 'a great and honourable

prince, as much esteemed for a time amongst his neighbours as any

prince in Christendom.' The great fault of his character was that

expressed in the sobriquet, Charles the Rash; and this was the cause of

his downfall. That, however, is a tale which Scott reserved for a

later novel.

Though received at first with apparent indifference, 'Quentin Durward'

came in time to be regarded as one of the best of the Waverley Novels,

dividing the honours, in the minds of the boys, at least, with

'Ivanhoe' and 'The Talisman.'

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