and loyal servant of the Throne, upon whose services we have
long and confidently relied. During the whole of the Boxer
Rebellion crisis it was he, and he alone, who calmly and
fearlessly held to the path of firmness, whilst all around
him was confusion and shouting, so that without doubt, he was
the means of saving the Empire. Most glorious indeed is his
merit. Although it may be said that the situation has now
been practically saved, we have by no means recovered from
the effects of this grievous national disaster, and there is
urgent necessity for the abolition of countless abuses and
the introduction of a programme of Reform. It is fitting that
all should assist us to this end. Whilst we ourselves, in the
seclusion of the Palace, labour unceasingly, how is it possible
that the Grand Secretary, who has received such high favour at
our hands, should even think of withdrawing from the stress
of public life, leaving to us incessant and harassing labour?
Would not his conscience drive him to remorse when reflecting
on the self-denying duties of every loyal Statesman in the
service of his Sovereign? His prayer is refused.”
On two subsequent occasions before her death, the populace and the
foreign community in Peking were afforded opportunities of witnessing the
Empress Dowager’s return to the city from short excursions by railway,
and on each of these her affable, almost familiar, attitude was a subject
of general comment. The first occasion was in the following spring, when
she visited the Eastern Tombs, and upon her return, sacrificing as usual
before the shrine of the God of War in the _enceinte_ of the Ch’ienmên,
she talked volubly with several of the ladies whom she had met at Court.
After emerging from the Temple, she called upon one of the eunuchs to
bring her opera glasses, with which she eagerly scanned the crowd looking
down from the wall of the city, waving her handkerchief whenever she
perceived a familiar face. On one occasion she even shouted up an inquiry
asking after the health of the daughter of one of the Foreign Ministers.
The Manchu Princes and Chamberlains of the Court were unable to conceal
their indignation and wrath at such condescension on the part of the
Empress Dowager towards those whom, in spite of 1900, they still regarded
(and regard to this day) as outer barbarians. So much incensed were they
that they even urged Chi Lu to beg Her Majesty to desist, and to re-enter
her chair, an invitation to which she paid not the slightest attention,
being evidently well pleased at the violation of ceremonial etiquette
which she was committing. It was noticed that the Emperor, on the other
hand, took no notice whatsoever of the foreigners, and seemed to be sunk
in a deep, listless melancholy.
The second occasion was after the Empress Dowager’s visit to the Western
Tombs in April, 1903, four days after the death of her faithful friend
and adviser, Jung Lu. On this occasion Her Majesty appeared to be in
very low spirits, descending from the train slowly, and with none of her
wonted vivacity. She greeted Kuei Hsiang, her brother, who was kneeling
on the platform to receive her, with one curt sentence, “You have killed
Jung Lu by recommending that useless doctor,” and passed on to her chair
without another word. It was on this occasion, receiving certain foreign
ladies in the travelling Palace erected for her at Pao-ting fu, that the
Old Buddha alluded directly to the massacres of foreign missionaries
which had taken place in that city, “with which she had, of course,
nothing to do.” No doubt by this time, and by force of repetition, Tzŭ
Hsi had persuaded herself of her complete innocence; but however this may
be, she undoubtedly won over most of the foreigners with whom she came in
contact, by the charm and apparent sincerity of her manner.
Before settling down to the accustomed routine of life in the Palace, the
Empress Dowager, whose _penchant_ for personal explanation in Imperial
Edicts seemed to be growing upon her, issued a Decree which gained for
her renewed sympathy from all classes of Chinese officials. After the
usual exhortations to her faithful subjects to co-operate loyally in
her schemes for Reform, to put off the old bad ways and to persist
energetically in well-doing, she gives a graphic description of the
hardships which she and the Emperor endured during her compulsory “tour
to the West.” After referring to the unforgettable shocks and sorrows of
that journey, the Edict says:—
“I have now returned once more to my Palace and find the
ancestral Temples reposing as of old in dignified and unbroken
serenity. Beneath the deep awe which overcomes me in the
presence of my glorious ancestors my soul feels an added
weight of grief and remorse, and I only hope that by Heaven’s
continued favour I may yet live to accomplish some meritorious
work.”
And again, in a later passage, after referring to the drought which had
brought Shensi and Shansi to the verge of famine, she says:—
“The Empire has come upon days of dire financial distress,
and my people have been compelled to find funds for me from
their very life blood; ill would it be for me to requite
their loyalty by further levies of taxation, and the Throne
is therefore bound to curtail its ordinary expenditure and to
make strict economy its guiding rule for the future. With the
exception of such repairs as are necessary to the Temples and
ancestral shrines, I hereby command that no expenditure be
incurred for repairs or decoration of the Palaces, except in
cases of absolute necessity.”
XXIV
HER MAJESTY’S NEW POLICY
The crisis of 1900, all the horror of that abomination of desolation in
her Capital and the hardships of her wandering in the wilderness, had
brought home to the Empress the inherent weakness of her country and
the stern necessity for remedial measures. Already, before the issue of
the penitential Decree, quoted in an earlier chapter, she had announced
to the world, with characteristic decision, her intention to adopt new
measures and to break with those hoary traditions of the past which, as
she had learned, were the first cause of the rottenness of the State.
Her subsequent policy became in fact (though she was careful never to
admit it) a justification of those very measures which the Emperor had
so enthusiastically inaugurated in 1898, but her methods differed from
his in that she omitted no precaution for conciliating the conflicting
interests about the Throne and for disarming the opposition of the
_intransigeants_ of the provinces.
The first intimation of Her Majesty’s conversion to new ideals of
Government was given to the world in an Edict issued at Hsi-an on the
28th January, 1901, in the name of the Emperor. This document, drafted
with the assistance of Jung Lu, is a remarkable example of Tzŭ Hsi’s
masculine intelligence and statecraft, though somewhat marred by those
long-winded repetitions in which Chinese Edicts abound. It was received
with enthusiastic delight by the _literati_ throughout the Empire, even
in Canton and the southern provinces, where, at the moment, Her Majesty
was not personally popular. The vernacular Press claimed it as the most
striking Edict in Chinese history. It combined an eloquent appeal to
the people to accept the principle of reform together with a masterful
justification of China and her people _vis-à-vis_ the outside world.
It was most skilfully worded so as to placate all parties in the State
and thus to enhance the reputation of the Old Buddha. The “Young China”
party was particularly enthusiastic, for by this Decree Her Majesty
definitely abandoned the principle of absolute autocracy which had been
for centuries the corner-stone of the Chinese system of government. It
was realised that so complete a departure from the traditions of the
Manchu Dynasty, of the Imperial Clan and of all her previous convictions,
could not have been attained but for the bitter lessons of 1900, and,
admiration was therefore the more keen for the skill and courage with
which, on the verge of old age, she resumed the burden of government in
her ravaged capital. It was the ruling passion bravely asserted, and
the sympathy of the nation could hardly be withheld from a ruler who
thus bore her share in the national humiliation, who so frankly accepted
responsibility for past errors and promised new and better methods for
the future.
It was, of course, inevitable, in the light of all experience, that many
of her subjects, as well as most foreigners, should doubt her sincerity,
and should regard this Edict, like many others, as a case of “when the
devil was sick.” But gradually, after the return of the Court, as it
became clear to her immediate retainers and high officials that this
self-confident woman was really in earnest, and as she continued steadily
to impress her new policy upon the reluctant Clansmen, her popularity
with the people at large, and especially in the south (where it had been
much damaged by her fierce suppression of the Cantonese reformers of
1898), was gradually restored. From this time forward to the end of her
life, whatever may have been the good or bad faith of her advisers and
chief officials, every act of her career is stamped with unmistakable
signs of her sincerity in the cause of reform, borne out by her recorded
words and deeds.
From the Boxer movement she had learned at a bitter cost the lesson
she was now putting into practice, but for all that she remained to
the end faithful in her affection for the memory of the Boxer leaders;
to the last she never failed to praise their loyalty to her person and
the patriotic bravery of their attempt to expel the foreigner. But she
had been compelled to learn in the hard school of experience the utter
hopelessness of that attempt, and she was forced to the conclusion that,
for the future, and until China should be strong enough, all anti-foreign
proceedings must be suppressed.
Unflinchingly, therefore, she announced to her people a change of front
unparalleled in the history of China. Certain it is (as was fully proved
in the case of the Emperor in 1898) that no other ruler of the Dynasty
could have proclaimed such drastic changes without causing serious
dissensions and possibly civil war. But so masterly were her methods of
dealing with the necessities of the situation, and so forcibly did the
style and arguments of her Decrees appeal to the _literati_, that they
carried very general conviction. Even the most bigoted Confucianists were
won by her subtle suggestions as to what would have been the attitude of
the Sage himself if confronted by such problems as the nation had now to
face.
The text of the Decree recording her conversion is interesting:—
“Throughout the entire universe there exist certain fixed
principles which govern the conduct of men, but nowhere do we
find any finally fixed form of government. It is written in
the Book of Changes[122] that when any given condition of
affairs has run its natural course, and has been succeeded by
another, there is no saying how long this new state may last;
also in the Dialogues of Confucius it is written, that there
is no difficulty in tracing the changes and reforms which each
Dynasty has made in regard to the methods of its predecessors.
Certain things remain ever unchanged, namely, the three
fundamental bonds, between Sovereign and subject, father and
son, husband and wife; also the five great moral obligations.
These vary not, but are all as the sun and moon, enlightening
the world. But in other matters there should be no fixed
objection to change, no hide-bound finality of ideas; to obtain
music from a lute or guitar one must touch all the strings.
Each Dynasty in turn, since the beginning of time, has seen fit
to introduce changes and has abolished certain customs of its
predecessors; our own ancestors have set us many an example in
modifying their conduct to meet the exigencies of their day.
The system which prevailed at the date when first the Manchus
captured Peking was very different from that in vogue when
Moukden was the capital of our Empire.
“Looking at the matter broadly, we may observe that any system
which has lasted too long is in danger of becoming stereotyped,
and things that are obsolete should be modified. The essential
need which confronts us is at all costs to strengthen our
Empire and to improve the condition of our subjects. Ever
since our journey to the West the Empress Dowager has been
over-burdened with the labours and cares of the State.[123]
“Bitterly have we reproached ourselves with the thought that
for the past twenty years abuses have steadily been increasing,
while means of suppressing them have been continually put off
until, at last, the state of our country has become parlous
indeed. At this moment, when peace negotiations are proceeding,
it is a matter of urgent necessity that steps be taken to
reorganise our system of government so that hereafter our
Celestial Empire may recover its ancient place of wealth and
power. The Empress Dowager has now decided that we should
correct our shortcomings by adopting the best methods and
systems which obtain in foreign countries, basing our future
conduct upon a wise recognition of past errors.
“Ever since the 23rd and 24th years of Kuang Hsü (1897
and 1898) there has been no lack of plans for reform, and
suggestions of administrative change, but they have all been
marked by vagueness and foolish looseness of thought. The
crisis which was brought about in 1898 by the arch-traitor
K’ang Yu-wei was in its possible consequences even more
dangerous than the evil which has since been brought about
by the unholy arts of the Boxers. To this day Kang and his
associates continue to preach treason and to disturb the public
mind by means of their writings from overseas. The object of
their writings is simply anarchy, nor do they scruple to use
catchwords which, while apparently appealing to the patriotism
of our people, are really intended to create dissension. Thus
they talk of the “defence of the Empire” and the “protection
of the Chinese race,” and many of their dupes fail to realise
that their main object is not reform, but a revolution against
the Manchu Dynasty, and that they hope to create ill-feeling
between the Empress Dowager and the Emperor. With treacherous
cunning those conspirators took advantage of our weak state of
health, and we were therefore glad when at our urgent request
Her Majesty the Empress Dowager resumed the Regency. With
amazing rapidity she grasped all the needs of the situation and
delivered us from imminent peril, visiting swift punishment
upon those traitors. But, whilst ridding the State of these
evil-doers it was never Her Majesty’s wish or intention
to block reform measures, whilst we, on our side, though
recognising the necessity for change in certain directions,
were never guilty of any desire to abolish all the ancient ways
of our ancestors. Our loyal subjects must recognise that it has
been Her Majesty’s invariable wish, and our own, to follow the
happy mean, we, as mother and son, being in complete accord, to
steer a wise middle course between conflicting policies.
“We have to-day received Her Majesty’s orders, and learn that
she is now thoroughly bent on radical reform. Nevertheless,
whilst we are convinced of the necessity of blending in
one harmonious form of administration the best customs and
traditions of Chinese and European Governments, there is to
be no talk of reaction or revolution. The chief defect in our
system of administration is undoubtedly too close an adherence
to obsolete methods, a too slavish devotion to the written
word; the result is a surfeit of commonplace and inefficient
officials, and a deplorable lack of men of real talent. The
average commonplace man makes a god of the written word,
whilst every bureaucrat in the land regards it as a talisman
wherewith to fill his purse, so that we have huge mountains
of correspondence eternally growing up between one government
office and another, the value of which is absolutely _nil_
so far as any good to the country is concerned. On the other
hand men of real ability lose heart and give up the public
service in disgust, prevented from coming to the front by the
mass of inefficiency that blocks the way. Our whole system of
government has come to grief through corruption, and the first
steps of progress in our Empire are clogged by the fatal word
‘Precedent.’
“Up to the present the study of European methods has gone
no further than a superficial knowledge of the languages,
literature and mechanical arts of the West, but it must be
evident that these things are not the essentials upon which
European civilisation has been founded. The essential spirit
of that civilisation is to be looked for in the fact that
real sympathy and understanding exists between rulers and
people, that officials are required to be truthful in word
and courageous in action. The teachings handed down to us by
our sacred ancestors are really the same as those upon which
the wealth and power of European countries have been based,
but China has hitherto failed to realise this and has been
content to acquire the rudiments of European languages or
technicalities, while changing nothing of her ancient habits
of inefficiency and deep-rooted corruption. Ignoring our real
needs we have so far taken from Europe nothing but externals;
how can we possibly hope to advance on such lines? Any reforms
to be effective and permanent must be made with a real desire
for efficiency and honesty.
“We therefore hereby decree and command that the officials
concerned shall now make close enquiry and comparison as
to the various systems of government in force in European
countries with special reference to those which obtain in China
to-day, not only as regards the constitution of the Court and
central government, but also concerning those things which
make for the prosperity of our subjects, such as the system of
examinations and education, the administration of the army and
the regulation of finance. They will be required to report as
to what changes are advisable and what institutions should be
abolished; what methods we should adopt from abroad and what
existing Chinese institutions should be retained. The things we
chiefly need are a constant supply of men of talent, a sound
basis of national finance, and an efficient army. Reports on
these matters must be forwarded within two months, and upon
them we shall humbly address Her Majesty, and ask for her
decision before we take any definite action.
“Whilst the Court was in residence at T’ai-yüan we urgently
called upon our subjects to assist us, and many Memorials were
received, but as a general rule the advice they tendered was
either stupid plagiarism taken from newspaper articles or else
the narrow and bigoted views of untravelled scholars. They
frequently sounded quite reasonable, but were in reality sheer
nonsense, their principal characteristic being overweening
conceit, which effectively prevented any breadth of argument.
Very few of the suggestions advanced were practicable, for
the reason that in recommending any course of action writers
laid stress upon its alleged advantages without realising its
drawbacks. There are many who talk glibly of reform and the
wealth and power of foreign States, but deceive themselves
as to the real origin of all knowledge; on the other hand
your bigoted Confucianist will discourse endlessly upon the
doctrines of the Sages, without in the least realising the
needs of the present day. It is now for you, our officials, to
steer a reasonable midway course, avoiding both these defects
in submitting your proposals. We desire that your views shall
be elaborated in the fullest detail for our consideration in
determining upon a course of action.
“The first essential, however, more important even than the
devising of new systems, is to secure men of administrative
ability. Without talent no system can be made to succeed. If
the letter of our projected reforms be not illuminated and
guided by this spirit of efficiency in our officials then must
all our hopes of reforming the State disappear into the limbo
of lost ideals. We fully recognise that foolish adherence
to the system of promotion by seniority has been one of the
main factors in bringing about a condition of affairs that
is almost incurable. If we would now be rid of it, our first
step evidently is to think no more of selfish interests, but
to consider the commonwealth only and to secure efficiency
by some new and definite method, so that competent persons
only may be in charge of public affairs. But if you, our
officials, continue to cling to your ancient ways, following
the ruts of procrastination and slothful ease; should you
persist in evading responsibility, serving the State with empty
catch-words while you batten on the fruits of your misdeeds,
assuredly the punishment which the law provides stands ready,
and no mercy will be shown you! Let this Decree be promulgated
throughout the land.”
It will be observed that in this Decree the Emperor is made to renounce
and condemn the Reformers of 1898 and all their works. This, however
sincerely convinced Her Majesty might be of the necessity for remedial
measures, was only natural. For it was never one of the weaknesses of
this masterful woman to make direct confession of error for the benefit
of her own immediate entourage; not thus is prestige maintained in the
atmosphere of an Oriental Court. She was now prepared to adopt many of
the reforms which K’ang Yu-wei and his friends had advocated, but for
all-important purposes of “face” it must be made quite clear that, in
her hands, they were something radically different and superior. In
promulgating her new opinions she could not afford to say anything which
might be construed as direct justification of that reform movement which
she herself had so ruthlessly suppressed. And so the “stupid people”
must clearly understand that her present programme was by no means
“revolutionary” like that of K’ang Yu-wei and his fellow-“conspirators.”
Nevertheless, her proposals for reform went as far as theirs, and, in
some cases, even further, the only real difference being that in this
case she, the Old Buddha, was a prime mover, where before she had been an
opponent.
Looking back on the six years of her life and rule which followed the
return from exile, there can be but little doubt of the sincerity of her
conversion to reform, although there is no reason to believe that her
sentiments towards foreigners had undergone any change for the better.
The lesson which had been brought home to her with crushing force in the
rise and fall of the Boxer movement and in the capture of Peking, was
that national inefficiency means national extinction, a lesson which not
all the statesmen of western lands have fully learned. She had realised
that the material forces of the western world were not to be met and
overthrown by quotations from the classics, and that, if China was to
continue to exist as an independent State she must follow the example of
Japan and put her house in order with equipment and defences adapted from
western models. And with Tzŭ Hsi to realise was to act, a quality which,
more than all others, distinguished her from the ruck of her Manchu
kinsmen and officials, sunk in their lethargic fatalism and helplessness.
The situation which confronted her at the outset was anything but simple.
Apart from the time-honoured privileges of the Imperial clans, whose
arrogant ignorance she had come to appreciate at its proper value, she
must needs be cautious in handling the susceptibilities of the provincial
gentry and _literati_, the backbone of China’s collective intelligence.
At the same time, as far as the foreign Powers were concerned, she must
be careful to preserve to the full that dignity on which her prestige
with her own people depended, that “_l’empire c’est moi_” attitude which
had been rudely shaken by the events of 1900. Not as the chastened
penitent would she appear in their eyes, but as the innocent and injured
victim of circumstances beyond her control. There were, in fact, several
distinct rôles to be played, and none of them were easy.