“We are dumfoundered at this report. How can we hope ever

to purify the standard of morals in the Palace and frighten

evil-doers, unless we make an example of this insolent eunuch,

who has dared to leave Peking without our permission and

to commit these lawless deeds? The Governors of the three

provinces of Shantung, Honan and Kiangsu are ordered to seek

out and arrest the eunuch An, whom we had formerly honoured

with rank of the sixth grade and the decoration of the crow’s

feather. Upon his being duly identified by his companions,

let him be forthwith beheaded, without further formalities,

no attention is to be paid to any crafty explanations which

he may attempt to make. The Governors concerned will be held

responsible in the event of failure to effect his arrest.”

Tzŭ Hsi remained for some time in blissful ignorance of her favourite’s

danger, and even of his death. No doubt the Chief Eunuch’s great

unpopularity enabled Prince Kung and the Empress Tzŭ An to keep the

matter secret until the offender was past helping. Ten days later, Tzŭ An

issued a second Decree, extracted from her like the first by Prince Kung,

in which the eunuch’s execution is recorded, as follows:—

“Ting Pao-chen now reports that the eunuch An was arrested in

the T’ai An prefecture and has been summarily beheaded. Our

dynasty’s house-law is most strict in regard to the proper

discipline of eunuchs, and provides severe punishment for

any offences which they may commit. They have always been

sternly forbidden to make expeditions to the provinces, or

to create trouble. Nevertheless, An Te-hai actually had the

brazen effrontery to violate this law, and for his crimes his

execution is only a fitting reward. In future, let all eunuchs

take warning by his example; should we have further cause to

complain, the chief eunuchs of the several departments of the

Household, will be punished as well as the actual offender.

Any eunuch who may hereafter pretend that he has been sent on

Imperial business to the provinces shall be cast into chains at

once, and sent to Peking for punishment.”

This Decree has a half-hearted ring, as if some of the conspirators’ fear

of the coming wrath of Yehonala had crept into it. Very different in

wording are the Edicts in which Tzŭ Hsi condemns an offender to death.

We miss her trenchant style, that “strength of the pen” which was the

secret of much of her power.

Simultaneously with the death of An, in Shantung, several eunuchs of his

following were put to death by strangling; six others escaped from the

police, of whom five were recaptured and executed. The Chief Eunuch’s

family were sent as slaves to the frontier guards in the north-west.

Several days after the execution of Tzŭ Hsi’s favourite, the eunuch who

had escaped made his way back to Peking, and sent word to the Empress

through Li Lien-ying, another of her confidential attendants. At first

she could scarcely believe that her timorous and self-effacing colleague

could have dared to sign these Decrees on her own responsibility and

in secret, no matter what amount of pressure might have been brought

to bear upon her. When she realised what had occurred, the Palace

witnessed one of those outbursts of torrential rage with which it was to

become familiar in years to come. Swiftly making her way to the “Palace

of Benevolent Peace,” the residence of her Co-Regent, she wrathfully

demanded an explanation. Tzŭ An, terrified, endeavoured to put the whole

blame upon Prince Kung; but the plea did not serve her, and Tzŭ Hsi,

after a fierce quarrel, left, vowing vengeance on them both. This event

marked a turning point in the career of Yehonala, who, until then, had

maintained amicable relations with her less strong-minded colleague,

and all the appearances of equality in the Co-Regency. Henceforward she

devoted more time and closer attention to affairs of State, consolidating

her position and power with a clear determination to prevent any further

interference with her supreme authority. From this time forward she

definitely assumes the first place as ruler of China, relegating her

colleague completely to the background.

When, on the morning after the storm, Prince Kung appeared in the

Audience Hall, Tzŭ sternly rebuked him, threatening him with dismissal

and the forfeiture of his titles. For the time being, however, she

allowed him to go unpunished, but she never forgave the offence, and

she took her revenge in due season: he suffered the effects of her

resentment as long as he lived. Her first act was to pass over his son,

the rightful heir to the Throne, upon the death of T’ung-Chih. It is true

that in after years she permitted him to hold high office, but this was,

firstly, because she could not afford to dispense with his services, and,

secondly, because of her genuine affection for his daughter, whom she had

adopted as her own child.

An Te-hai was succeeded in the post of Chief Eunuch and confidential

attendant on her Majesty by Li Lien-ying, of whom mention has already

been made. For the next forty years this Palace servant was destined to

play a leading part in the government of China, to hold in his supple

hands the lives and deaths of thousands, to make and unmake the highest

officials of the Empire, and to levy rich tribute on the eighteen

provinces. As a youth of sixteen, when he “left the family”[23] (as

the Chinese euphemistically describe the making of a eunuch), Li was

remarkable for his handsome appearance and good manners, advantages which

never failed to carry weight with Tzŭ Hsi. It is recorded on trustworthy

authority that at an early stage in his career he had so ingratiated

himself with Her Majesty that he was permitted unusual liberties,

remaining seated in her presence, aye, even on the Throne itself. In the

privacy of her apartments he was allowed to discuss whatever subjects he

chose, without being spoken to, and as years passed and his familiarity

with the Old Buddha increased, he became her regular and authoritative

adviser on all important State business. In later years, when speaking

of Her Majesty to outsiders, even to high officials, he would use the

familiar pronoun “_Tsa-men_” meaning “we two,” which is usually reserved

for blood relations or persons on a footing of familiar equality, and he

was currently known among his followers by the almost sacrilegious title

of “Lord of nine thousand years,” the Emperor being Lord of ten thousand.

Only on solemn State occasions did he observe the etiquette prescribed

for his class and a modest demeanour.

Corrupt, avaricious, vindictive, and fiercely cruel to his enemies and

rivals, it must be said in Li’s favour that he was, at least, wholly

devoted and faithful to his Imperial mistress, and that at times of

peril he never failed to exert himself to the utmost for her comfort and

protection. He possessed moreover, other good qualities which appealed

not only to Tzŭ Hsi but to many of the high Manchu officials, who did not

consider it beneath their pride to throng for admission at his private

residence. He was cheerful, fond of a joke, an excellent actor[24] and

_raconteur_, and a generous host: above all, he was passing rich. At

the Empress Dowager’s funeral, in November 1909, this aged retainer

presented a pathetic and almost venerable spectacle, enough to make

one forget for a moment the accumulated horrors of his seventy years

of wickedness. Smitten with age and sickness, he could scarcely totter

the short distance which the _cortège_ had to make on foot; but of all

that vast throng of officials and Palace servants, he alone showed

unmistakable signs of deep and genuine grief. Watching the intelligent

features of this maker of secret history, one could not but wonder what

thoughts were passing through that subtle brain, as he shuffled past the

Pavilion of the Diplomatic Body, escorting for the last time his great

mistress,—the close confidant, not to say comrade, of all those long and

eventful years. For half a century he had served her with unremitting

zeal and fidelity, no small thing in a country when the allegiance of

servants is so commonly bought and sold. In his youth it was he who

walked and ran beside her chair as body servant; through what scenes of

splendour and squalor had they both passed since then, and now he was

left alone, surrounded by new faces and confronted by imminent peril of

change. Yet in spite of his long life and the enervating influences of

his profession, the old man’s powerful physique was by no means exhausted.

Too wise to follow in the footsteps of his unfortunate predecessor, Li

never made raids on his own account into the provinces, nor did he ever

attempt to gain or claim high official rank, remaining prudently content

with the fourth class button, which is the highest grade to which eunuchs

may legally aspire. But, under the protection and with the full knowledge

of the Empress Dowager, he organised a regular system of _corvées_,

squeezes and _douceurs_, levied on every high official in the Empire,

the proceeds of which he frequently shared with the Old Buddha herself.

As shown in another place, the Empress and her Chief Eunuch practically

made common cause and a common purse in collecting “tribute” and squeezes

during the wanderings of the Court in exile after 1900. At that time

the Chief Eunuch, less fortunate than his mistress, had lost the whole

of his buried treasure in the capital. It had been “_cached_” in a safe

place, known only to his intimate subordinates, but one of these sold the

secret to the French troops, who raided the hoard, a rich booty. One of

Li’s first steps after the Court’s return was to obtain the Old Buddha’s

permission to have the traitor beheaded, which was done without undue

formalities. The Chief Eunuch’s fortune is estimated by Peking bankers

to-day at about two millions sterling, invested chiefly in pawn-shops and

money-changing establishments at the capital; this sum represents roughly

his share of the provincial tribute and squeezes on official appointments

for the last eight years, and the total is not surprising when we bear

in mind that the price of one official post has been known to bring him

in as much as three hundred and twenty thousand taels, or say forty

thousand pounds.

One of the secrets of his wealth was that he never despised the day of

small things. The following is the text of a letter in our possession (of

which we reproduce a facsimile), written by him to one of the regular

contractors of the Palace, with whom he must have had many similar

transactions. The paper on which it is written is of the commonest,

and the visiting card which, as usual, accompanies it, is that of an

unpretentious business man; the style of the writer is terse and to the

point:—

“To my worthy friend, Mr. Wang, the Seventh (of his family):—

“Since I last had the pleasure of seeing you, you have been

constantly in my thoughts. I wish you, with all respect, long

life and prosperity: thus will your days fulfil my best hopes

of you. And now I beg politely to tell you that I, your younger

brother,[25] am quite ashamed of the emptiness of my purse and

I therefore beg that you, good Sir, will be so good as to lend

me notes to the amount of fifteen hundred taels, which sum

kindly hand to the bearer of this letter. I look forward to a

day for our further conversation,

“Your younger brother,

“Li Lien-ying.”

As to the amount, Li knew exactly how much the contractors and furnishers

of the Palace should pay on every occasion, and that there was no need to

question the possibility of the “loan” not being forthcoming.

[Illustration: Facsimile of Letter written by Chief Eunuch Li Lien-ying.]

That he encouraged lavish expenditure at the Court is certain, and

scarcely a matter for wonder, but his control of finance extended far

beyond the Privy Purse, and wrought great harm to the Empire on more

than one historic occasion. For instance, China’s humiliating defeat

at the hands of Japan in 1894 was very largely due to his diversion of

vast sums of money from the Navy to the reconstruction and decoration

of the Summer Palace, a work from which he and his underlings profited

to no small extent. In 1885, Prince Ch’un had been appointed head of the

Admiralty Board, assisted by Prince Ch’ing, Li Hung-chang and the Marquis

Tseng. After the death of the Marquis, however (who had been a moving

spirit in the organisation of the Board), Naval affairs passed into the

control of a clique of young and inexperienced Princes, and when, in

1889, the Emperor assumed the direction of the Government, one of his

first acts was to order the re-building of the Summer Palace, which

Imperial residence had remained in ruins since its destruction by the

Allies in 1861. There being no funds available, Li advised that the Naval

appropriations should be devoted to this purpose, so that the Old Buddha

might be suitably provided with a residence; this was accordingly done,

and the Naval Department became a branch of the Imperial Household (Nei

Wu Fu) for all purposes of Government finance. When the war with Japan

broke out, the Empress Dowager issued orders that the Naval Department

should be abolished. This order evoked very general criticism, but, as

the Department and the Summer Palace rebuilding fund had come to be

treated as one and the same account, her Decree simply meant that as

the Palace restoration was now complete, and as the funds were quite

exhausted, the account in question might be considered closed. There

was obviously nothing to be gained by useless enquiries for money to be

transferred from the Palace to the Navy.

In 1889 the Chief Eunuch accompanied Prince Ch’un on his first tour of

inspection to the northern Naval ports, including the Naval bases of Port

Arthur and Weihaiwei. It was a matter of very general comment at the time

that the honours paid to the eunuch were noticeably greater than those

shown to the Prince. Every officer in the Peiyang squadron, from Admiral

Ting downwards, did his best to ingratiate himself with this powerful

Chamberlain, and to become enrolled on the list of his _protégés_, so

that he was _entouré_ with all manner of bribery and adulation. Many

critics, foreign and Chinese, have cast on Li Hung-chang the blame for

the disasters of the Japanese war, but they surely overlook the fact, to

which even the great Viceroy dared not openly refer, that nine-tenths

of the funds which should have gone to the upkeep and provisioning of

the Navy and the maintenance of the Coast Defences, had been diverted by

the Chief Eunuch to the Palace (and much of them to his own pocket), so

that the ships’ crews were disaffected, and their ordnance defective, in

the hour of need. Readers of Pepys will remember a very similar state

of affairs obtaining in the British Navy, happily without affecting

the _moral_ of its officers and men, at a similarly critical period of

British history.

Li Lien-ying’s hatred of the Emperor Kuang-Hsü was beyond doubt a most

important factor in the _coup d’état_, and in the subsequent estrangement

and hostility between Tzŭ Hsi and the nominal ruler of the Empire; there

are not lacking those who say that it had much to do with the Emperor’s

death, which certainly created no surprise in the capital. The eunuch

hated and feared the Emperor’s reforming zeal, as well as the Cantonese

advisers who in 1898 came swarming to Peking as the apostles of a new

dispensation, and it was therefore only natural that he should become the

foremost adviser and partisan of the reactionaries and their emissary

in urging the Empress to resume control of affairs. It is quite safe to

assert that had his great influence with Tzŭ Hsi been exercised against,

instead of for, the Boxers, had he abstained from encouraging her

superstitious belief in their magic arts, the anti-foreign movement would

never have gone further than the borders of Shantung, and the Chinese

people would have been spared the heavy burden of the indemnities. How

interesting a study of Asiatic politics and Court life presents itself

in the spectacle of this cobbler’s apprentice and his influence on the

destinies of so great a race! Seeing him as he was on the day of his

mistress’s burial, how bitter must have been the innermost thoughts of

the man, left alone on the brink of the grave with the ill-gotten wealth

that his country has paid for so heavily!

At the height of the Boxer crisis when the power wielded by Li Lien-ying

was enormous, it was the custom of Prince Tuan, when explaining his views

to the Empress Dowager and the Grand Council, to emphasise the fact that

no step had been taken except with the advice and approval of the Chief

Eunuch. “Such and such a Decree,” he would say, “is issued with the

chief Chamberlain Li’s approval.” His object in so doing was to head off

opposition, for he well knew that few would dare to oppose any measures

that the Chief Eunuch approved. When Her Majesty granted rewards to the

Boxers and offered head-money to the troops for the killing of Europeans,

it was at Li’s urgent request that she consented to defray these unusual

charges from her Privy Purse.

When the relieving forces drew near to Peking and it became clear, even

to the most obstinate, that the Boxer bolt was shot, the Chief Eunuch

passed through a period of deep depression and mortification, not only

because of the failure of his prophecies, but because it was clear to

all at Court that his Imperial mistress, seeking, as was her wont, a

scapegoat, was disposed to vent her wrath upon him. Herself deeply

stirred by fear and wrath, it was only natural that she should turn

on him, who had been foremost in advising her to follow the path of

destruction. On the day when the relief of the Legations took place, Duke

Lan rushed headlong into the Palace, loudly announcing that the foreign

devils were already within the city walls. Tzŭ Hsi turned on him and

asked how he could reconcile such a statement with his previous boasts.

“I presume that the devils have flown here,” said she, “for you were

telling me only two days ago of our glorious victories near Tientsin;

and yet all the time you knew well, as I knew, that the Viceroy and the

Li Ping-heng were both dead.” Li Lien-ying, who was standing close by,

hearing this, went out and informed the trembling crowd of eunuchs,

adding, “The Old Buddha is in an unspeakable rage. There is nothing for

it; we must make our escape and retire into Shensi. There we will await

the arrival of our reinforcements which will easily drive all these

devils back into the sea.” But the hardships and dangers of the flight

told even more severely on the chief eunuch than on the Old Buddha

herself, and it was not until the Court’s safe establishment at Hsi-an

that he recovered his self-possession.

Certain information conveyed by an official of the Household in exile to

a fellow provincial at Peking, throws considerable light on the manner in

which the Court lived during those troublous days, and the part played

in affairs of State by the chief eunuch and Tzŭ Hsi’s other favourites

of the Household. We take the following disconnected notes from this

correspondence.

When Ts’en Ch’un-hsüan (Governor of Shensi) came to meet the Court on the

Shansi frontier, the Old Buddha, raising the curtain of her sedan-chair,

looked out and said to him, “Have you any idea of what we have suffered

in Peking?” “I do not know all,” he replied. Pointing angrily at Li, she

said, “It was all his doing; he has brought ruin upon me.” The chief

eunuch hung his head, and for once had nothing to say. Later on, when the

fearless Ts’en saw the eunuchs under Li’s orders mercilessly harassing

the countryside in their search for plunder, he promptly reported matters

to the Empress and obtained her somewhat reluctant permission to execute

three of the offenders on the spot. He was sorely tempted to include the

chief eunuch in the number of his victims, but realising how greatly Her

Majesty depended upon her favourite attendant, he feared to run the risk

of inconveniencing and offending her. Nevertheless, Li had a narrow

escape. Later on, when Li had recovered his equanimity, and the Court

had settled down to its usual routine, the eunuch revenged himself on

the Governor, with the help of Jung Lu, by having him transferred to the

Governorship of Shansi. He did this, not only because the post in Shansi

was considered a dangerous one, owing to the fear of pursuit by the

Allies, but because Ts’en had gradually made himself most useful to Her

Majesty by superintending the expenditure of her Household. The Governor

was justly famous throughout the Empire for his incorruptible honesty,

so that, when placed in charge of the Palace accounts, these speedily

showed a very considerable reduction in expenditure. The first result

of this _régime_ was to put a stop to all the “squeeze” of the eunuchs,

and to place their salaries upon a definite and moderate basis. Ts’en

rapidly attained an intimate and confidential position with Her Majesty,

to the great and increasing wrath of the chief eunuch, who left no stone

unturned to injure him, and eventually succeeded, with the help of Jung

Lu, in inducing Her Majesty to dispense with his personal services. For

over a month, however, the Old Buddha spent hours daily discussing public

and private affairs with this fearless and upright official, and it would

have been well for her had she retained him and others of his quality

about her to counteract the corrupt tendencies of her Manchu clansmen and

the eunuchs. After Ts’en’s transfer to Shansi, the chief eunuch did not

scruple to suppress and destroy many of the memorials which as Governor

he addressed to the Old Buddha, and which Li did not desire his mistress

to see. Gradually he re-established himself as completely as before in

the confidence and favour of his mistress, and before the Court’s return

to Peking he had become if anything more familiarly arrogant than at any

previous stage in his career. At audiences given to the highest officials

he would even go so far as to refuse to transmit Her Majesty’s orders,

bluntly informing her that he was tired and that there had been enough

public business for that day!

The vast quantities of tribute levied by the Court from the Southern

Provinces at this time were handled in the first instance by Li

Lien-ying, whose apartments were stacked with heaps of dragon robes,

tribute silk and other valuables. Of all the tribute paid in bullion,

the Empress Dowager’s share was one-half, while the eunuchs divided

one-fifth, and the balance was handed over to Jung Lu for military

purposes and his own emolument. So profitable was the eunuchs’ business

at Hsi-an and Kai-feng, that Li Lien-ying did his utmost to dissuade the

Old Buddha from returning to Peking, endeavouring to frighten her by

alarming prognostications of the vengeance of the foreign Powers. Li’s

motives were not entirely mercenary, however, for there is no doubt that

for a long time he fully expected to find his own name on the “black

list” of the Legations, and that it fully deserved to figure there. He

directed the second eunuch, named Ts’ui, to communicate to him daily

the latest news from Peking, and it was only when reassured by reports

from Prince Ch’ing, that his courage returned, and his opposition to the

Court’s return ceased. The conciliatory attitude, which he eventually

adopted towards the Empress Dowager’s reform policy, was largely induced

by the good advice which he received from Jung Lu, who strongly urged him

to control his reactionary opinions and violent temper.

China under the Empress Dowager · 第 8 / 44 段