CHAPTER III

WOOING AND WEDDING

The domestic life of the Dutch settlers flowed on in a smooth-running

and rather dull stream, varying little through either honor-bearing or

discreditable incident from day to day. Any turbulence of dissension

or divorce between husband and wife was apparently little known and

certainly little noted. Occasionally an entry which tells of temporary

division or infelicity can be unearthed from the dingy pages of some

old court-record, thereby disclosing a scene and actors so remote,

so shadowy, so dimmed with the dust of centuries, that the incident

often bears no semblance of having happened to real living folk, but

seems rather to pertain to a group of inanimate puppets. One of these

featureless, colorless, stiff Dutch marionettes is Anneke, the daughter

of boisterous old Domine Schaets, the first minister at Fort Orange.

A fleeting glimpse of her marital infelicity is disclosed through the

record of her presence in Albany under the shadow of some unexplained

and now forgotten scandal. To satisfy her father’s virtuous and severe

congregation, she refrained from contaminating attendance at Communion.

The domine resented this condition of affairs, and refused to appear

before the Consistory though summoned four times by the _bode_. He

persisted in irritatingly “ripping up new differences and offences;”

and he disregarded with equal scorn the summons of a magistrate to

appear before the Court; and he was therefore suspended from his

clerical office. All was at last “arranged in love and friendship,”

leaving out the dispute about “Universal Grace,” which I suppose

could not be settled; but daughter Anneke was ordered off to New York

to her husband, “with a letter of recommendation; and as she was so

headstrong, and would not depart without the Sheriff’s and Constable’s

interference, her disobedience was annexed to the letter.” It is

pleasing to know, from the record of an “Extraordinary Court holden in

Albany” a month later,--in July, 1681,--of a very satisfactory result

in the affairs of the young couple.

“Tho: Davidtse promisses to conduct himself well and honorably towards

his wife Anneke Schaets, to Love and never neglect her, but faithfully

and properly to maintain and support her with her children according

to his means, hereby making null and void all questions that have

occurred and transpired between them both, never to repeat them,

but are entirely reconciled: and for better assurance of his real

Intention and good Resolution to observe the same, he requests that

two good men be named to oversee his conduct at New York towards his

said wife, being entirely disposed and inclined to live honorably and

well with her as a Christian man ought, subjecting himself willingly

to the rule and censure of the said men. On the other hand his wife

Anneke Schaets, promisses also to conduct herself quietly and well and

to accompany him to New York with her children and property, not to

leave him any more, but to serve and help him and with him to share

the sweets and the sours as becomes a Christian spouse: Requesting all

differences which had ever existed between them both may be hereby

quashed and brought no more to light or cast up, as she on her side

is heartily disposed to. Their Worship of the Court Recommend parties

on both Sides to observe strictly their Reconciliation now made, and

the gentleman at New York will be informed that the matter is so far

arranged.”

We can certainly add the profound hope, after all this quarrelling

and making up, after all those good promises, that Anneke’s home was

no longer “unregulated and poorly kept,” as was told of her by the

Labadist travellers during their visit to Albany at that time. The

appointing of “two good men” as arbitrators or overseers of conduct was

very usual in such cases; thereby public adjustment in open court of

such quarrels was avoided.

Tender parents could not unduly shelter a daughter who had left her

husband’s bed and board. He could promptly apply to the court for an

order for her return to him, and an injunction to her parents against

harboring her. It has been plain to see in all such cases which I have

chanced upon in colonial records that the Court had a strong leaning

towards the husband’s side of the case; perhaps thinking, like Anneke

Schaets, that the wife should “share the sweets and the sours like a

Christian spouse.”

In 1697 Daniel Vanolinda petitioned that his wife be “ordyred to go

and live with him where he thinks convenient.” The wife’s father was

promptly notified by the Albany magistrates that he was “discharged to

shelter her in his house or elsewhere, upon Penalty as he will answer

at his Perill;” and she returned to her husband.

In the year 1665 a New Amsterdammer named Lantsman and his wife,

Beletje, were sorely estranged, and went to the courts for settlement

of these differences. The Court gave the matter into the hands of

two of the Dutch ministers, who were often assigned the place of

peacemakers. As usual, they ordered the parents of Beletje to cease

from harboring or abetting her. The husband promised to treat her well,

but she answered that he always broke his promises to her. He was

determined and assiduous to retrieve her, and finally was successful;

thus they were not made “an example to other evil housekeepers.”

A curious feature of this marriage quarrel is the fact that this

Lantsman, who was so determined to retain his wife, had been more

than recreant about marrying her. The banns had been published, the

wedding-day set, but Bridegroom Lantsman did not appear. Upon being

hauled up and reprimanded, his only proffered excuse was the very

simple one that his clothes were not ready.

When Anniatje Fabritius requested an order of court for her husband

to vacate her house with a view of final separation from him, it was

decided by the arbitrators that no legal steps should be taken, but

that “the parties comport themselves as they ought, in order that they

win back each other’s affections, leaving each other in meanwhile

unmolested”--which was very sensible advice. Another married pair

having “met with great discouragement” (which is certainly a most

polite expression to employ on such a subject), agreed each to go his

and her way, after an exact halving of all their possessions.

Nicasius de Sille, magistrate of New Utrecht and poet of New

Netherland, separated his life from that of his wife because--so he

said--she spent too much money. It is very hard for me to think of a

Dutch woman as “expensefull,” to use Pepys’ word. He also said she was

too fond of schnapps,--which her respected later life did not confirm.

Perhaps he spoke with poetic extravagance, or the nervous irritability

and exaggeration of genius. Albert Andriese and his wife were divorced

in Albany in 1670, “because strife and difference hath arisen between

them.” Daniel Denton was divorced from his wife in Jamaica, and she was

permitted to marry again, by the new provincial law of divorce of 1672.

These few examples break the felicitous calm of colonial matrimony,

and have a few companions during the years 1670-72; but Chancellor

Kent says “for more than one hundred years preceding the Revolution no

divorce took place in the colony of New York;” and there was no way of

dissolving a marriage save by special act of Legislature.

Occasionally breach-of-promise suits were brought. In 1654 Greetje

Waemans produced a marriage ring and two letters, promissory of

marriage, and requested that on that evidence Daniel de Silla be

“condemned to legally marry her.” He vainly pleaded his unfortunate

habit of some days drinking too much, and that on those days he

did much which he regretted; among other things, his bacchanalian

love-making of Greetje. François Soleil, the New Amsterdam gunsmith,

another recreant lover, swore he would rather go away and live with the

Indians (a terrible threat) than marry the fair Rose whom he had left

to droop neglected--and unmarried.

One curious law-case is shown by the injunction to Pieter Kock and

Anna van Voorst. They had entered into an agreement of marriage, and

then had been unwilling to be wedded. The burgomasters and _schepens_

decided that the promise should remain in force, and that neither

should marry any other person without the permission of the other and

the Court; but Anna did marry very calmly (when she got ready) another

more desirable and desired man without asking any one’s permission.

It certainly gives us a great sense of the simplicity of living in

those days to read the account of the suit of the patroon of Staten

Island in 1642 against the parents of a fair young Elsje for loss

of services through her marriage. She had been bound out to him as

a servant, and had married secretly before her time of service had

expired. The bride told the worshipful magistrates that she did not

know the young man when her mother and another fetched him to see

her; that she refused his suit several times, but finally married

him willingly enough,--in fact, eloped with him in a sail-boat.

She demurely offered to return to the Court, as compensation and

mollification, the pocket-handkerchief which was her husband’s

wedding-gift to her. Two years later, Elsje (already a widow) appeared

as plaintiff in a breach-of-promise suit; and offered, as proof of

her troth-plight, a shilling-piece which was her second lover’s not

more magnificent gift. Though not so stated in the chronicle, this

handkerchief was doubtless given in a “marriage-knot,”--a handkerchief

in which was tied a gift of money. If the girl to whom it was given

untied the knot, it was a sign of consent to be speedily married. This

fashion of marriage-knots still exists in parts of Holland. Sometimes

the knot bears a motto; one reads when translated, “Being in love does

no harm if love finds its recompense in love; but if love has ceased,

all labor is in vain. Praise God.”

Though second and third marriages were common enough among the early

settlers of New Netherland, I find that usually attempts at restraint

of the wife were made through wills ordering sequent loss of property

if she married again. Nearly all the wills are more favorable to the

children than to the wife. Old Cornelius Van Catts, of Bushwick, who

died in 1726, devised his estate to his wife Annetje with this gruff

condition: “If she happen to marry again, then I geff her nothing of my

estate, real or personal. But my wife can be master of all by bringing

up to good learning my two children. But if she comes to marry again,

then her husband can take her away from the farm.” John Burroughs, of

Newtown, Long Island, in his will dated 1678 expressed the general

feeling of husbands towards their prospective widows when he said, “If

my wife marry again, then her husband must provide for her as I have.”

Often joint-wills were made by husband and wife, each with equal rights

if survivor. This was peculiarly a Dutch fashion. In Fordham in 1670

and 1673, Claude de Maistre and his wife Hester du Bois, Pierre Cresson

and his wife Rachel Cloos, Gabriel Carboosie and Brieta Wolferts,

all made joint-wills. The last-named husband in his half of the will

enjoined loss of property if Brieta married again. Perhaps he thought

there had been enough marrying and giving in marriage already in that

family, for Brieta had had three husbands,--a Dane, a Frieslander, and

a German,--and his first wife had had four, and he--well, several, I

guess; and there were a number of children; and you couldn’t expect any

poor Dutchman to find it easy to make a will in all that confusion. In

Albany may be found several joint-wills, among them two dated 1663 and

1676; others in the Schuyler family. There is something very touching

in the thought of those simple-minded husbands and wives, in mutual

confidence and affection, going, as we find, before the notary together

and signing their will together, “out of love and special nuptial

affection, not thereto misled or sinisterly persuaded,” she bequeathing

her dower or her father’s legacy or perhaps her own little earnings,

and he his hard-won guilders. It was an act significant and emblematic

of the ideal unison of interests and purposes which existed as a rule

in the married life of these New York colonists.

Mrs. Grant adds abundant testimony to the domestic happiness and the

marital affection of residents of Albany a century later. She states:--

“Inconstancy or even indifference among married couples was unheard

of, even where there happened to be a considerable disparity in point

of intellect. The extreme affection they bore their mutual offspring

was a bond that forever endeared them to each other. Marriage in this

colony was always early, very often happy, and very seldom indeed

interested. When a man had no son, there was nothing to be expected

with a daughter but a well brought-up female slave, and the furniture

of the best bed-chamber. At the death of her father she obtained

another division of his effects, such as he thought she needed or

deserved, for there was no rule in these cases.

“Such was the manner in which those colonists began life; nor must

it be thought that those were mean or uninformed persons. Patriots,

magistrates, generals, those who were afterwards wealthy, powerful,

and distinguished, all, except a few elder brothers, occupied by their

possessions at home, set out in the same manner; and in after life,

even in the most prosperous circumstances, they delighted to recount

the ‘humble toils and destiny obscure’ of their early years.”

Weddings usually took place at the house of the bride’s parents. There

are some records of marriages in church in Albany in the seventeenth

century, one being celebrated on Sunday. But certainly throughout the

eighteenth century few marriages were within the church doors. Mrs.

Vanderbilt says no Flatbush marriages took place in the church till

within the past thirty or forty years. In some towns written permission

of the parents of the groom, as well as the bride, was required by

the domine before he would perform the marriage ceremony. In the

Guelderland the express consent of father and mother must be obtained

before the marriage; and doubtless that custom of the Fatherland caused

its adoption here in some localities. The minister also in some cases

gave a certificate of permission for marriage; here is one given by “ye

minister at Flatbush,”--

Isaac Hasselburg and Elizabeth Baylis have had their proclamation in

our church as commonly our manner and custom is, and no opposition or

hindrance came against them, so as that they may be confirmed in y^e

banns of Matrimony, whereto we wish them blessing. Midwout y^e March

17th, 1689.

RUDOLPH VARRICK, _Minister_.

This was probably to permit and authorize the marriage in another

parish.

Marriage fees were not very high in colonial days, nor were they

apparently always retained by the minister; for in one of Domine

Selyns’s accounts of the year 1662, we find him paying over to the

Consistory the sum of seventy-eight guilders and ten stuyvers for

fourteen marriage fees received by him. The expenses of being married

were soon increased by the issuing of marriage licenses. During the

century dating from the domination of the British to the Revolutionary

War nearly all the marriages of genteel folk were performed by special

permission, by Governor’s license, the payment for which (a half-guinea

each, so Kalm said) proved through the large numbers a very welcome

addition to the magistrates’ incomes. It was in fact deemed most

plebeian, almost vulgar, to be married by publication of the banns for

three Sundays in church, or posting them according to the law, as was

the universal and fashionable custom in New England. This notice from a

New York newspaper, dated December 13, 1765, will show how widespread

had been the aversion to the publication of banns:--

“We are creditly informed that there was married last Sunday evening,

by the Rev. Mr. Auchmuty, a very respectable couple that had published

three different times in Trinity Church. A laudable example and worthy

to be followed. If this decent and for many reasons proper method

of publication was once generally to take place, we should have no

more of clandestine marriages; and save the expense of licenses, no

inconsiderable sum these hard and depressing times.”

Another reason for “crying the banns” was given in Holt’s “New York

Gazette and Postboy” for December 6, 1765.

“As no Licenses for Marriage could be obtained since the first of

November for Want of Stamped Paper, we can assure the Publick several

Genteel Couple were publish’d in the different Churches of this

City last Week; and we hear that the young Ladies of this Place are

determined to Join Hands with none but such as will to the utmost

endeavour to abolish the Custom of marrying with License which Amounts

to many Hundred per annum which might be saved.”

Severe penalties were imposed upon clergymen who violated the law

requiring license or publication ere marriage. The Lutheran minister

performed such a marriage, and the _schout’s_ “conclusion” as to the

matter was that the offending minister be flogged and banished. But as

he was old, and of former good services, he was at last only suspended

a year from power of preaching.

Rev. Mr. Miller, an English clergyman writing in 1695, complains that

many marriages were by justices of the peace. This was made lawful by

the States-General of Holland from the year 1590, and thus was a law in

New Netherland. By the Duke’s Laws, 1664, it was also made legal. This

has never been altered, and is to-day the law of the State.

Of highly colored romance in the life of the Dutch colonists there

was little. Sometimes a lover was seized by the Indians, and his fair

betrothed mourned him through a long life. In one case she died after

a few years of grief and waiting, and on the very day of his return

from his savage prison to his old Long Island home he met the sad

little funeral procession bearing her to the grave. Another humbler

romance of Gravesend was when a sorrowing widower fell in love with a

modest milkmaid at first sight as she milked her father’s cows; ere the

milking was finished he told his love, rode to town on a fast horse for

a governor’s license, and married and carried off his fair Grietje. A

century later a fair Quakeress of Flushing won in like manner, when

milking, the attention and affection of Walter Franklin of New York.

Another and more strange meeting of lovers was when young Livingstone,

the first of the name in New York, poor and unknown, came to the

bedside of a dying Van Rensselaer in Albany to draw up a will. The

dying man, with a jealousy stronger than death, said to his beautiful

wife, Alida Schuyler, “Send him away, he will be your second husband;”

and he was,--perhaps the thought provoked the deed.

Even if there were few startling or picturesque romances or brilliant

matches, there was plenty of ever-pleasant wooing. New Amsterdam was

celebrated, just before its cession to the English, for its young

and marriageable folk and its betrothals. This is easily explained;

nearly all the first emigrants were young married people, and the years

assigned to one generation had passed, and their children had grown

up and come to mating-time. Shrewd travellers, who knew where to get

good capable wives, wooed and won their brides among the Dutch-American

fair ones. Mr. Valentine says: “Several of the daughters of wealthy

burghers were mated to young Englishmen whose first occasions were

of a temporary character.” The beautiful surroundings of the little

town tempted all to love-making, and the unchaperoned simplicity of

society aided early “matching.” The Locust-Trees, a charming grove on

a bluff elevation on the North River a little south of the present

Trinity Churchyard, was a famous courting-place; or tender lovers could

stroll down the “Maiden’s Path;” or, for still longer walks, to the

beautiful and baleful “Kolck,” or “Collect,” or “Fresh Water,” as it

was sequentially called; and I cannot imagine any young and susceptible

hearts ever passing without some access of sentiment through any green

field so sweetly named as the “Clover Waytie.”

There were some curious marriage customs,--some Dutch, some English.

One very pretty piece of folk-lore, of bride-honoring, was brought to

my notice through the records of a lawsuit in the infant town of New

Harlem in 1663, as well as an amusing local pendant to the celebration

of the custom. It seems that a certain young Harlem couple were honored

in the pleasant fashion of the Fatherland, by having a “May-tree” set

up in front of their dwelling-place. But certain gay young sparks

of the neighborhood, to anger the groom and cast ridicule on his

marriage, came with unseemly noise of blowing of horns, and hung the

lovely May-tree during the night with ragged stockings. We never shall

know precisely what special taunt or insult was offered or signified by

this over-ripe crop of worn-out hosiery; but it evidently answered its

tantalizing purpose, for on the morrow, at break of day, the bridegroom

properly resented the “mockery and insult,” cut down the hateful

tree, and committed other acts of great wrath; which, being returned

in kind (for thrice was the stocking-full tree set up), developed a

small riot, and thus the whole affair was recorded. Among the State

Papers at Albany are several letters relating to another insulting

“stocking-tree” set up in Albany at about the same date, and also

fiercely resented.

Collections for the church poor were sometimes taken at weddings, as

was the universal custom for centuries in Holland. When Stephanus

Van Cortlandt and Gertrude Schuyler were married in Albany, in 1671,

thirteen guilders six stuyvers were contributed at the wedding, and

fifteen guilders at the reception the following day. At the wedding

of Martin Kreiger, the same year, eleven guilders were collected; at

another wedding the same amount. When the daughter of Domine Bogardus

was married, it was deemed a very favorable time and opportunity to

take up a subscription for building the first stone church in New

Amsterdam. When the wedding-guests were all mellow with wedding-cheer,

“after the fourth or fifth round of drinking,” says the chronicle,

and, hence generous, each vied with the other in good-humored and

pious liberality, they subscribed “richly.” A few days later, so

the chronicle records, some wished to reconsider the expensive and

expansive transaction at the wedding-feast, and “well repented it.”

But Director Kieft stiffly held them to their contracts, and “nothing

availed to excuse.”

It is said that the English drink of posset was served at weddings.

From the “New York Gazette” of February 13, 1744, I copy this receipt

for its manufacture:--

“A Receipt for all young Ladies that are going to be Married. To Make a

SACK-POSSET.

From famed Barbadoes on the Western Main

Fetch sugar half a pound; fetch sack from Spain

A pint; and from the Eastern Indian Coast

Nutmeg, the glory of our Northern toast.

O’er flaming coals together let them heat

Till the all-conquering sack dissolves the sweet.

O’er such another fire set eggs, twice ten,

New born from crowing cock and speckled hen;

Stir them with steady hand, and conscience pricking

To see the untimely fate of twenty chicken.

From shining shelf take down your brazen skillet,

A quart of milk from gentle cow will fill it.

When boiled and cooked, put milk and sack to egg,

Unite them firmly like the triple League.

Then covered close, together let them dwell

Till Miss twice sings: _You must not kiss and tell_.

Each lad and lass snatch up their murdering spoon,

And fall on fiercely like a starved dragoon.”

Many frankly simple customs prevailed. I do not know at how early a

date the fashion obtained of “coming out bride” on Sunday; that is,

the public appearance of bride and groom, and sometimes entire bridal

party in wedding-array, at church the Sunday after the marriage. It

certainly was a common custom long before Revolutionary times, in New

England as well as New York; but it always seems to me more an English

than a Dutch fashion. Mr. Gabriel Furman, in his manuscript Commonplace

Book, dated 1810, now owned by the Long Island Historical Society,

tells of one groom whom he remembered who appeared on the first

Sunday after his marriage attired in white broadcloth; on the second,

in brilliant blue and gold; on the third, in peach-bloom with pearl

buttons. The bride’s dress, wholly shadowed by all this magnificence,

is not even named. Mrs. Vanderbilt tells of a Flatbush bride of the

last century, who was married in a fawn-colored silk over a light-blue

damask petticoat. The wedding-waistcoat of the groom was made of the

same light-blue damask,--a delicate and deferential compliment. Often

it was the custom for the bridal pair to enter the church after the

service began, thus giving an opportunity for the congregation to enjoy

thoroughly the wedding-finery. Whether bride and groom were permitted

to sit together within the church, I do not know. Of course ordinarily

the seats of husband and wife were separate. It would seem but a poor

show, with the bride in a corner with a lot of old ladies, and the

groom up in the gallery.

On Long Island the gayety at the home of the bride’s parents was often

followed on the succeeding day by “open house” at the house of the

groom’s parents, when the wedding-party, bridesmaids and all, helped

to keep up the life of the wedding-day. An old letter says of weddings

in the city of New York:--

“The Gentlemen’s Parents keep Open house just in the same manner as

the Bride’s Parents. The Gentlemen go from the Bridegroom’s house to

drink Punch with and give Joy to his Father. The Bride’s visitors

go in the same manner from the Bride’s to her mother’s to pay their

compliments to her. There is so much driving about at these times

that in our narrow streets there is some danger. The Wedding-house

resembles a bee-hive. Company perpetually flying in and out.”

All this was in vogue by the middle of the last century. There was no

leaving home by bride and groom just when every one wanted them,--no

tiresome, tedious wedding-journey; all cheerfully enjoyed the presence

of the bride, and partook of the gayety the wedding brought. In the

country, up the Hudson and on Long Island, it was lengthened out by a

bride-visiting,--an entertaining of the bridal party from day to day

by various hospitable friends and relations for many miles around; and

this bride-visiting was usually made on horseback.

Let us picture a bride-visiting in spring-time on Long Island, where,

as Hendrick Hudson said, “the land was pleasant with grass and flowers

and goodly trees as ever seen, and very sweet smells came therefrom.”

The fair bride, with her happy husband; the gayly dressed bridesmaids,

in silken petticoats, and high-heeled scarlet shoes, with rolled and

powdered hair dressed with feathers and gauze, riding a-pillion behind

the groom’s young friends, in satin knee-breeches, and gay coats and

cocked hats,--all the accompanying young folk in the picturesque and

gallant dress of the times, and gay with laughter and happy voices,--a

sight pretty to see in the village streets, or, fairer still, in the

country lanes, where the woods were purely starred and gleaming with

the radiant dogwood; or roads where fence-lines were “white with

blossoming cherry-trees as if touched with lightest snow;” or where

pink apple-blossoms flushed the fields and dooryards; or, sweeter

far, where the flickering shadows fell through a bridal arch of the

pale green feathery foliage of the abundant flowering locust-trees,

whose beautiful hanging racemes of exquisite pink-flushed blossoms

cast abroad a sensuous perfume like orange blossoms, which fitted the

warmth, the glowing sunlight, the fair bride, the beginning of a new

life;--let us picture in our minds this June bride-visiting; we have

not its like to-day in quaintness, simplicity, and beauty.

Colonial days in old New York · 第 3 / 14 章