CHAPTER V

SCARBOROUGH

Dazzling sunshine, a furious wind, flapping and screaming gulls, crowds

of fishing-boats, and innumerable people jostling one another on the

seafront, made up the chief features of my first view of Scarborough. By

degrees I discovered that behind the gulls and the brown sails were old

houses, their roofs dimly red through the transparent haze, and above

them appeared a great green cliff, with its uneven outline defined by

the curtain walls and towers of the castle which had made Scarborough a

place of importance in the Civil War and in earlier times.

The wide-curving bay was filled with huge breaking waves which looked

capable of destroying everything within their reach, but they seemed

harmless enough when I looked a little further out, where eight or ten

gray warships were riding at their anchors, apparently motionless.

From the outer arm of the harbour, where the seas were angrily

attempting to dislodge the top row of stones, I could make out the great

mass of gray buildings stretching right to the extremity of the bay.

I tried to pick out individual buildings from this city-like

watering-place, but, beyond discovering the position of the Spa and one

or two of the mightier hotels, I could see very little, and instead fell

to wondering how many landladies and how many foreign waiters the long

lines of gray roofs represented. This raised so many unpleasant

recollections of the various types I had encountered that I determined

to go no nearer to modern Scarborough than the pier-head upon which I

stood. A specially big wave, however, soon drove me from this position

to a drier if more crowded spot, and, reconsidering my objections, I

determined to see something of the innumerable gray streets which make

up the fashionable watering-place. The terraced gardens on the steep

cliffs along the sea-front were most elaborately well kept, but a more

striking feature of Scarborough is the magnificence of so many of the

shops. They suggest a city rather than a seaside town, and give you an

idea of the magnitude of the permanent population of the place as well

as the flood of summer and winter visitors. The origin of Scarborough's

popularity was undoubtedly due to the chalybeate waters of the Spa,

discovered in 1620, almost at the same time as those of Tunbridge Wells

and Epsom.

The unmistakable signs of antiquity in the narrow streets adjoining the

harbour irresistibly remind one of the days when sea-bathing had still

to be popularized, when the efficacy of Scarborough's medicinal spring

had not been discovered, of the days when the place bore as little

resemblance to its present size or appearance as the fishing-town at

Robin Hood's Bay.

We do not know that Piers Gaveston, Sir Hugh Cholmley, and other

notabilities who have left their mark on the pages of Scarborough's

history, might not, were they with us to-day, welcome the pierrot, the

switchback, the restaurant, and other means by which pleasure-loving

visitors wile away their hardly-earned holidays; but for my part the

story of Scarborough's Mayor who was tossed in a blanket is far more

entertaining than the songs of nigger minstrels or any of the commercial

attempts to amuse.

This strangely improper procedure with one who held the highest office

in the municipality took place in the reign of James II., and the King's

leanings towards Popery were the cause of all the trouble.

On April 27, 1688, a declaration for liberty of conscience was

published, and by royal command the said declaration was to be read in

every Protestant church in the land. Mr. Thomas Aislabie, the Mayor of

Scarborough, duly received a copy of the document, and, having handed it

to the clergyman, Mr. Noel Boteler, ordered him to read it in church on

the following Sunday morning. There seems little doubt that the worthy

Mr. Boteler at once recognised a wily move on the part of the King, who

under the cover of general tolerance would foster the growth of the

Roman religion until such time as the Catholics had attained sufficient

power to suppress Protestantism. Mr. Mayor was therefore informed that

the declaration would not be read. On Sunday morning (August 11) when

the omission had been made, the Mayor left his pew, and, stick in hand,

walked up the aisle, seized the minister, and caned him as he stood at

his reading-desk. Scenes of such a nature did not occur every day even

in 1688, and the storm of indignation and excitement among the members

of the congregation did not subside so quickly as it had risen.

The cause of the poor minister was championed in particular by a certain

Captain Ouseley, and the discussion of the matter on the bowling-green

on the following day led to the suggestion that the Mayor should be sent

for to explain his conduct. As he took no notice of a courteous message

requesting his attendance, the Captain repeated the summons accompanied

by a file of musketeers. In the meantime many suggestions for dealing

with Mr. Aislabie in a fitting manner were doubtless made by the

Captain's brother officers, and, further, some settled course of action

seems to have been agreed upon, for we do not hear of any hesitation on

the part of the Captain on the arrival of the Mayor, whose rage must by

this time have been bordering upon apoplexy. A strong blanket was ready,

and Captains Carvil, Fitzherbert, Hanmer, and Rodney, led by Captain

Ouseley and assisted by as many others as could find room, seizing the

sides, in a very few moments Mr. Mayor was revolving and bumping, rising

and falling, as though he were no weight at all.

This public degradation was too much to be borne without substantial

redress. He therefore set out at once for London to obtain satisfaction

from his Sovereign. But Ouseley was wise enough to look after his own

interests in that quarter himself, and in two letters we see the upshot

of the matter.

'LONDON,

'September 22, 1688.

'....Captain Ouseley is said to be come to

town to give reasons for tossing the mayor of

Scarborough in a blanket. As part of his plea he

has brought with him a collection of articles against

the said mayor, and the attestations of many gentlemen

of note.'

'LONDON,

'September 29, 1688.

'The mayor of Scarborough and Captain Ouseley,

who tossed the other in a blanket, were heard last

night before the council: the Captain pleaded his

majesty's gracious pardon (which is in the press)

and so both were dismissed.'

Aislabie was the last of the only five Mayors the town had then known,

and the fact that the office had only been instituted in 1684 seems to

show that what reverence had gathered round the person of the chief

magistrate was not sufficient to stand in the face of such outrageous

conduct as the public caning of the minister. The townsfolk decided that

they had had enough of Mayors, for on November 16 in the same autumn

Scarborough was once more placed under the control of two Bailiffs, as

had been the case previous to 1684.

If the castle does not show many interesting buildings beyond the keep

and the long line of walls and drum-towers, there is so much concerning

it that is of great human interest that I should scarcely feel able to

grumble if there were still fewer remains. Behind the ancient houses in

Quay Street rises the steep, grassy cliff, up which one must climb by

various rough pathways to the fortified summit. On the side facing the

mainland, a hollow, known as the Dyke, is bridged by a tall and narrow

archway, in place of the drawbridge of the seventeenth century and

earlier times. On the same side is a massive gateway, looking across an

open space to St. Mary's Church, which suffered so severely during the

sieges of the castle. The maimed church--for the chancel has never been

rebuilt--looks across the Dyke to the shattered keep, and so apparent

are the results of the cannonading between them that no one requires to

be told that the Parliamentary forces mounted their ordnance in the

chancel and tower of the church, and it is equally apparent that the

Royalists returned the fire hotly.

The great siege lasted for nearly a year, and although his garrison was

small, and there was practically no hope of relief, Sir Hugh Cholmley

seems to have kept a stout heart up to the end. With him throughout this

long period of privation and suffering was his beautiful and courageous

wife, whose comparatively early death, at the age of fifty-four, must to

some extent be attributed to the strain and fatigue borne during these

months of warfare. Sir Hugh seems to have almost worshipped his wife,

for in his memoirs he is never weary of describing her perfections.

'She was of the middle stature of women,' he writes, 'and well shaped,

yet in that not so singular as in the beauty of her face, which was but

of a little model, and yet proportionable to her body; her eyes black

and full of loveliness and sweetness, her eyebrows small and even, as if

drawn with a pencil, a very little, pretty, well-shaped mouth, which

sometimes (especially when in a muse or study) she would draw up into an

incredible little compass; her hair a sad chestnut; her complexion

brown, but clear, with a fresh colour in her cheeks, a loveliness in her

looks inexpressible; and by her whole composure was so beautiful a sweet

creature at her marriage as not many did parallel, few exceed her in the

nation; yet the inward endowments and perfections of her mind did exceed

those outward of her body, being a most pious virtuous person, of great

integrity and discerning judgment in most things.'

Her husband speaks of her 'sweet good-nature,' and of how she was always

ready to be touched with other people's wants before her own. That such

nobleness of character should shine out brilliantly during the siege was

inevitable, and Sir Hugh tells us that, though she was of a timorous

nature, she bore herself during great danger with 'a courage above her

sex.' On one occasion Sir John Meldrum, the Parliamentary commander,

sent proposals to Sir Hugh Cholmley, which he accompanied with savage

threats, that if his terms were not immediately accepted he would make a

general assault on the castle that night, and in the event of one drop

of his men's blood being shed he would give orders for a general

massacre of the garrison, sparing neither man nor woman.

To a man whose devotion to his beautiful wife was so great, a threat of

this nature must have been a severe shock to his determination to hold

out. But from his own writings we are able to picture for ourselves Sir

Hugh's anxious and troubled face lighting up on the approach of the

cause of his chief concern. Lady Cholmley, without any sign of the

inward misgivings or dejection which, with her gentle and shrinking

nature, must have been a great struggle, came to her husband, and

implored him to on no account let her peril influence his decision to

the detriment of his own honour or the King's affairs.

Sir John Meldrum's proposals having been rejected, the garrison prepared

itself for the furious attack commenced on May 11.

The assault was well planned, for while the Governor's attention was

turned towards the gateway leading to the castle entrance, another

attack was made at the southern end of the wall towards the sea, where

until the year 1730 Charles's Tower stood. The bloodshed at this point

was greater than at the gateway. At the head of a chosen division of

troops, Sir John Meldrum climbed the almost precipitous ascent with

wonderful courage, only to meet with such spirited resistance on the

part of the besieged that, when the attack was abandoned, it was

discovered that Meldrum had received a dangerous wound penetrating to

his thigh, and that several of his officers and men had been killed.

Meanwhile, at the gateway, the first success of the assailants had been

checked at the foot of the Grand Tower or Keep, for at that point the

rush of drab-coated and helmeted men was received by such a shower of

stones and missiles that many stumbled and were crushed on the steep

pathway. Not even Cromwell's men could continue to face such a

reception, and before very long the Governor could embrace his wife in

the knowledge that the great attack had failed.

In between such scenes as these, when the air was filled with the shouts

and yells of attackers and besieged, when the crack of the muskets and

the intermittent reports of the cannon almost deafened her, Lady

Cholmley was assiduously attending to the wounded and the many cases of

scurvy, which was rampant among the garrison. One of her maids who

shared these labours crept out of the castle one night with a view to

reaching the town and escaping further drudgery and privations; but a

Roundhead sentry discovered her and sent her back to the castle,

thinking that she was a spy. When the great keep was partially

destroyed, Lady Cholmley was forced 'to lie in a little cabbin on the

ground several months together, when she took a defluction of rhume upon

one of her eyes, which troubled her ever after, and got also a touch of

the scurvy then rife in the castle, and of which it is thought she was

not well after.' Who can wonder that Sir Hugh appreciated the courage of

this noble lady, and I marvel still more at her fortitude when I read of

the frailties her husband mentions so gently, fearing, no doubt, that

without a few shadows no one would accept his picture as genuine. 'If

she had taken impression of anything, it was hard to remove it with

reason or argument, till she had considered of it herself; neither could

she well endure adversity or crosses, though it pleased the Lord to

exercise her with them, by my many troubles and the calamity of the

times. She would be much troubled at evils which could neither be

prevented nor remedied, and sometimes discontented without any great

cause, especially in her disposition of health; for, being of a tender

constitution, and spun of a fine thread, every disaster took impression

on her body and mind, and would make her both sick and often inclinable

to be melancholy, especially in my absence.'

At last, on July 22, 1645--his forty-fifth birthday--Sir Hugh was forced

to come to an agreement with the enemy, by which he honourably

surrendered the castle three days later. It was a sad procession that

wound its way down the steep pathway, littered with the debris of broken

masonry: for many of Sir Hugh's officers and soldiers were in such a

weak condition that they had to be carried out in sheets or helped along

between two men, and the Parliamentary officer adds, rather tersely,

that 'the rest were not very fit to march.' The scurvy had depleted the

ranks of the defenders to such an extent that the women in the castle,

despite the presence of Lady Cholmley, threatened to stone the Governor

unless he capitulated.

The reduction of Scarborough Castle was considered a profound success to

the side of the Parliament, 'The Moderate Intelligencer' of July 23,

1645, announcing the fact with great satisfaction, 'we heare likewise

that _Scarborough_ is also yeelded into our hands, Sir Hugh hath none

other conditions for himself, but with his wife and children passe

beyond seas. This is excellent good newes, and is a very terrible blow

to the enemy.'

Three years later the castle was again besieged by the Parliamentary

forces, for Colonel Matthew Boynton, the Governor, had declared for the

King. The garrison held out from August to December, when terms were

made with Colonel Hugh Bethell, by which the Governor, officers,

gentlemen, and soldiers, marched out with 'their colours flying, drums

beating, musquets loaden, bandeleers filled, matches lighted, and bullet

in mouth, to a close called Scarborough Common,' where they laid down

their arms.

Before I leave Scarborough I must go back to early times, in order that

the antiquity of the place may not be slighted owing to the omission of

any reference to the town in the Domesday Book. Tosti, Count of

Northumberland, who, as everyone knows, was brother of the Harold who

fought at Senlac Hill, had brought about an insurrection of the

Northumbrians, and having been dispossessed by his brother, he revenged

himself by inviting the help of Haralld Hadrada, King of Norway. The

Norseman promptly accepted the offer, and, taking with him his family

and an army of warriors, sailed for the Shetlands, where Tosti joined

him. The united forces then came down the east coast of Britain until

they reached Scardaburgum, where they landed and prepared to fight the

inhabitants. The town was then built entirely of timber, and there was,

apparently, no castle of any description on the great hill, for the

Norsemen, finding their opponents inclined to offer a stout resistance,

tried other tactics. They gained possession of the hill, constructed a

huge fire, and when the wood was burning fiercely, flung the blazing

brands down on to the wooden houses below. The fire spread from one hut

to another with sufficient speed to drive out the defenders, who in the

confusion which followed were slaughtered by the enemy.

This occurred in the momentous year 1066, when Harold, having defeated

the Norsemen and slain Haralld Hadrada at Stamford Bridge, had to hurry

southwards to meet William the Norman at Hastings. It is not surprising,

therefore, that the compilers of the Conqueror's survey should have

failed to record the existence of the blackened embers of what had once

been a town. But such a site as the castle hill could not long remain

idle in the stormy days of the Norman Kings, and William le Gros, Earl

of Albemarle and Lord of Holderness, recognising the natural

defensibility of the rock, built the massive walls which have withstood

so many assaults, and even now form the most prominent feature of

Scarborough.

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