exercise a constant control over the entire German radio system in
order to synchronize the internal organization, cultural, technical,
and economic development of the radio system with national socialist
principles.
The effects of radio propaganda are assured through the organization of
radio technicians with the assistance of all technical possibilities
as regards transmission, for the coordinating of the entire nation
in every corner of the Reich--whether listening in at home, in a
community, to a national broadcast.
_Central bureau of Cultural Political Radio Activities and Radio
Organization_: Transmitting and receiving system, cultural productions
on the radio, broadcasts to schools, scientific radio work, radio for
youth.
Organization of the broadcasting personnel (Reich radio association,
individual association of the Reich Kultur Association, associations of
people interested in radio) radio exhibitions.
Central office of radio technique, technical transmission service
(loud speaker system), technical training in radio, short wave and
amateur transmission, telegraphy and ultra-short wave system, technical
production questions.
_Central office of radio propaganda._ Propaganda operations by
radio, the recruiting of listeners, radio news system, political
Reichtransmissions.
4. _Central office for culture._ The duty of the central office for
culture is to stimulate, to preserve, to supervise artistic creation in
the sense of the formal expression of the national socialist ideology
and to incorporate into the Party Propaganda its organizations, and
associate groups. The following serve this purpose among other things:
_Central office of Architecture._ The issuing of general directions and
regulations concerning questions as regards the architectural structure
of monuments and such edifices which serve the public activity of the
national socialist movement.
_Central office for artistic designs._ The issuing of general
directions and orders in regard to all other questions of the artistic
designing of symbols, objects, etc., which are used in the public
activities of the national socialist movement.
The issuing of general directions and rules for the artistic setting
for demonstration and the organizing of National Socialist celebrations
making use of cultural means.
_Central office of selection._ Part of the duties in this sphere of
activity are the screening and selecting of musical and poetical works
with the aim in view of using them at national socialist demonstrations
and celebrations.
_Central office of program organization._ The drawing up of model
programs for celebrations of the national socialist movement and for
organizing settings for national socialist demonstrations on the basis
of the type of tradition formed in the fighting days [Kampfzeit].
Elimination of unsuitable settings which may find their way into the
movement through unauthorized agencies. War against trash, preservation
of definite national socialist aspect in the settings for celebrations,
the prevention of mystic and pseudoreligious falsification of our
ideology, as a result of prodigious constructions by misguided
cult devotees. Professional artists to be put to work following
above-mentioned directives. Suitable persons will be chosen by the
Reichpropaganda leader in the central office of culture, as permanent
co-workers, especially for the purpose of operating in specialized
fields. Practical courses for cultivation of folk songs for the purpose
of finding the proper personnel for the planning of activities in
all organizations of the movement. The “Proposals for the Planning
of National Socialist Celebrations” issued monthly by the Central
Office for Culture will furnish the leaders of propaganda and central
offices for culture, with the necessary material. Therein are also
found appropriate instructions for the planning of discussion evenings,
membership meetings, evening meetings of the Hitler Youth, evening
gatherings of SA and SS comrades, in a manner befitting our creed and
to avoid monotony. The unity of the Party and legitimate cohesion
within the cultural sphere is guaranteed through the coordination of
the important offices. The Reich propaganda leader of the NSDAP is also
president of the cultural association.
The Director of the office for culture of the Reich propaganda
Directorate is also the director of Reich culture in the Reich Cultural
Association.
5. _Liaison officer._ The duty of the liaison officer is to centralize
all business with Reichministries, officials, and public bodies,
etc. Thus it is assured that the general principles of propaganda
are brought to the knowledge of the appropriate Reich officials. In
reverse, the liaison office brings all problems and instructions, that
emanate from the Reich propaganda ministry to the knowledge of the
Reich propaganda Directorate.
In order to coordinate the propaganda of both the party and the state,
it is the duty of the liaison office to bring the general principles
of the Reich propaganda directorate to the knowledge of the bodies
subordinate to the Reichministry for national enlightenment and
propaganda which are also associated with and administered by this
Ministry.
The Gau, Office of Propaganda, as commissioner of the Gauleiter for
the entire propaganda aspect of the national socialist movement, the
Gauleiter Propaganda takes precedence over the Gau Propaganda Office.
For the purpose of carrying out the work of the district, the following
leaders are under his jurisdiction as is the case with the Reich
propaganda Directorate.
1. Director of active propaganda.
2. Director of films.
3. Director of radio.
4. Director of culture.
5. Director of The Gauring for national socialist propaganda and
popular enlightenment.
6. Liaison officer.
The duties technically correspond to those of the Reichpropaganda
Directorate.
The Gauleiter Propaganda is also director of national culture of the
Reich cultural association. In this way it is assured that the cultural
will of the national socialist movement is carried out even in the
most insignificant parts of the Reich Cultural association (Reich
Music Association, Reich Association of Fine Arts, Reich Literary
Association, Reich Press Association, Reich Film Association, Reich
Radio Association).
The Gauleiter Propaganda is also, in most instances, Director of the
National Office for enlightenment of the people and propaganda.
_The District Propaganda Office._
The Director of District propaganda is the commissioner of the
Kreisleiter for the entire propaganda aspect of the party within this
district.
The following are the responsibility of the Director:
1. Active propaganda.
2. Films.
3. Radio.
4. Culture.
5. Kreisring for national socialist propaganda and popular
enlightenment.
6. Liaison office.
The liaison office maintains the connection between the Landrats and
Regional [Bezirk] offices.
The duties technically correspond to those of the Gau Propaganda Office
(according to need).
_The Director of the Local Group Propaganda._
The Director of the Local Group Propaganda is responsible to the Party
Functionary of the local group for the entire propaganda aspect of the
movement.
In order to execute his duties, specialists on culture, films and radio
are subordinate to him. He solves all problems of active propaganda
direct, and he must also remain in constant communication with the
appropriate mayor and chairman of the district council, respectively.
In addition to that he maintains contact with the organizations and
associate groups.
The duties technically correspond to those of the office of district
propaganda as may be needed.
_The Leader of the Branch [Stuetzpunkt] Propaganda_
His sphere of activity corresponds with that of the leader of the local
group propaganda.
The Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP Offices of the Press and
Commissioners
In his decree of February 28, 1934, the Fuehrer formulated the sphere
of activity reserved for the Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP, the
decree of the Fuehrer is as follows:
I. The Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP is vested with the
following powers:
1. He determines on my behalf the general policy of the entire
editorial work within the party press. Moreover, he is as my Chief of
press the final authority for all press releases of the party and all
offices.
2. The editorial Staff of the Party Press as well as Gau journalists
of the NSDAP are subordinate to the Chief of the Reich press as far
as work is concerned. He has the right to interfere in all personal
questions.
3. All existing press divisions, press bureaus, etc., existing within
the party or within its subsidiary or subordinate organizations
(political organization, SA and SS, Hitler Youth, German labor front),
regardless of the particular organizational status of their work in the
field of publishing, are subordinate to the Chief of the Reich press of
the NSDAP and responsible to him.
4. The Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP approves all news services
and correspondence, which are issued by one of the offices of the NSDAP
or regarded as national socialist.
The Chief of the Reich press of the NSDAP can take all necessary
measures for the execution of his duties.
Berlin, February 28, 1934.
Signed: Adolf Hitler.
Corresponding with this order of the Fuehrer, the Office of the Chief
of the Reich press of the NSDAP is the central office for all the
political publishing activity of the party.
II. The technical authorities directly subordinate are:
1. _The Chief editors of the party press._ They are the responsible
editorial leaders of the National Socialist party papers owned by the
party and are directly responsible to the Chief of the Reich press as
regards their editorial work. They have to be confirmed by the Chief of
the Reich press and they can have the rank of a leader of a district
office.
2. _The press representatives of the individual offices of the Reich
Government._ They take care of the press interests of the larger
organizations and party offices within the framework of the editorial
and political principles of the Chief of the Reich press.
3. _The journalistic-political organ of the NSDAP._
_a._ Editor-in-Chief of the Office of the District Press: The office of
the district press is that office of the district which with the help
of the party offices of the district, subordinate to it and associated
with it as regards problems of journalism, represents the interests of
the party through the medium of the papers and periodicals published in
this district. This representation of interests involves particularly
the progressive cooperation of the whole journalistic life of the
district.
The office of the district press has the following functions to perform:
_News and Information Service_
The office of the district press furnishes the newspapers, by means
of the regularly appearing National Socialist Gau Service, with all
the news material in regard to all Party arrangements and events in
the district. Moreover, its news information service, based on records
is at the disposal of all papers for dealing with all questions,
concerning the party.
_The Personal News Service_
The office of the district press makes information accessible to
editors through press conferences, receptions with functionaries of the
individual party offices, etc. It informs the editorial boards of the
district of the special journalist political wishes of the Gauleitungen.
_Information given to the party press_:
The office of the district press, on the basis of reports of the
political press organ, informs the editorial boards of the party press
about the wishes of the readers in regard to newspaper technique.
Moreover, it is in charge of local reporting of party affairs and
educates the editorial board and press officials as regards newspaper
technique.
_b._ The editor of the district press and the head of the local group:
The editor of the district press and the head of the local group
respectively, have duties that are technically derived from those of
the Head of the Office of the district press. Permission to publish
must, however, in all cases be granted through the head of the office
of the district press. Press representatives of the organizations and
offices can also be requested here. In the hands of the press chiefs of
the local groups, who can have the rank of a head of the office of a
local group, there lies, above all, the reporting of local party news,
namely, the journalistic evaluation of the entire social service work
of the local group, formulated in accord with the directives of the
political journalistic service.
III. In order to carry out his duties, the Chief of the Reich press has
established the following bureaus in Berlin, as well as in Munich:
1. _The press personnel bureau with the office in Munich._ The press
personnel bureau works out all personal questions, especially that
concerning the conferring of the “party press armband” upon proved
national socialist editors. (The armband is to be worn on the left
forearm only on special occasions). Moreover in a special department
the official gazette of the Reich Government is being prepared.
2. _The political press bureau with its office in Berlin._ The
political press bureau concerns itself with the general principles
regarding the work of the party press as well as the entire use of the
political press organ of the party.
The head of the political press bureau has also been chosen by the
chief of the Reich press as his commissioner for the entire press
service system of the party and exercises the right of controlling and
vetoing all press releases, which are issued by party bureaus or those
which are regarded as national socialist.
The head of the political press bureau is editor-in-chief of the
national socialist party press service [N.S.K.] The NSK is the only
official press service of the NSDAP and it alone is empowered to
publish in the name of the party, for all Reich Government offices,
including their subsidiary and subordinate organizations. The NSK as
press service is at the disposal of all the editorial staffs of the
whole German press.
The political press bureau has its headquarters in the NS press House
in Berlin. In the NS Press House all party papers are represented by
their own Berlin editors.
[Pages 307-310].
The Reich Director of the Press
_Duty_
The Reich Director of the Press has to perform the duties of a
publisher and politician [verlagspolitische Aufgaben].
He is commissioned to furnish the German people with a press, which
owes allegiance to them and is responsible to them and which is
to reflect the life and the experiences of the German community.
Furthermore, the Reich Director of the Press has the duty of taking the
necessary measures to enforce the demands made on him as publisher and
politician which are laid down in the program of the NSDAP under point
23 and to see that they are carried out. The latter applies especially
to the decree of April 25, 1935 relative to “the preservation of the
independence of the newspaper publishing business” and to the “closing
of newspaper publishing houses for the purpose of eliminating unhealthy
conditions of competition.” Finally he is commissioned to publish all
the standard literature for the national socialist movement.
_Authority_
The Reich Director of the Press is authorized by the Fuehrer to take
all necessary measures for the execution of his duty and he has the
following powers:
1. The recognition of periodic publications as official party organs.
2. The decision concerning the founding and the appearance of periodic
publications, which are published by party members, even when they do
not aspire to recognition as official party organs.
3. _a._ The issue of general regulations for the whole publishing
business to the entire press published by party members. The
regulations are valid as orders, as long as nothing else is laid down
by the Reich Director of the Press.
_b._ The decision over all questions of publication whose significance
is a matter of principle and extends beyond the individual publication,
when he takes this decision upon himself. The publications in these
instances are obliged to submit these questions to the final decision
of the Reich Director of the Press.
_c._ The inspection at any time of all official party publications and
their economic organization and direction, as well as the right and
power of exercising influence.
The responsibility of the individual publishers for the direction of
the publishing business is not affected thereby.
4. The employment of responsible directors and their deputies only
takes place by the Reich Director of the press, who has to decide
the person and the contract. The Reich Director of the Press decides
whether the existing contract is to be continued or dissolved. The
Reich Director of the Press is also empowered to appoint commissioners
for directing publication, and their directives are to be followed by
the publishers’ staffs and by the entire firm. The right of appointing
commissioners over the publishers’ staffs is reserved for the Reich
Director.
_Subordination_
The following are subordinate to the Reich Director of the Press:
1. The governing board of the Reich Director of the Press. The
governing board sponsors and inspects the NS district publications.
These are the ones recognized as party organs and as party newspapers
which are exclusively party property. The directors of the NS
district publications are political leaders on the staff of the
district leader and are personally and officially subordinate to him.
From a professional point of view the directors of the NS district
publications are exclusively subordinate to the Reich Director of
the Press. His approval is necessary for changes of personnel. Lower
classifications in districts, etc., do not exist.
2. The central publishing house of the NSDAP with its publications:
Voelkischer Beobachter, Der Angriff, Illustrierter Beobachter,
Der S.A.--Mann, das Schwarze Korps, N.S.--Funk und Bewegung,
Funktechnischer Vorwaerts, Der Arbeitsmann, Die H.J., Die Bewegung, Die
Brennessel, N.S.--Monatshefte, Die N.S.--Gemeinde, Der Schulungsbrief,
Unser Wille und Weg, Aufklaerungs und Rednerinformations--Material,
Reichsplanung, Deutsche Presse, Verordnungsblatt der Reichsleitung
der NSDAP, Der Parteirichter, Mitteilungsblatt der Kommission fuer
Wirtschaftspolitik, Das Parteiarchiv, Der S.A.--Fuehrer (as well as the
entire literature of the movement.)
The Reich director of the press is at the same time President of the
Reich Press Association. In the following organizations, which are not
party bureaus, the Reich Director of the Press is represented by a
commissioner who has to direct the supervision of and the liaison with
these organizations:
Reichassociation of German Newspaper Publishers.
Reichassociation of German Publishers of Periodicals.
Professional Association of the Radio-Press.
Professional Group of Student Publications.
Professional Group of the Youth Press.
Professional Staff of the Catholic Church Press.
Reich Association of the Evangelical Press.
Reich Association of the German Press and Information Bureau,
Incorporated.
Association of German Newspaper and Periodical Wholesalers.
Reich Association for the Recruiting of Periodical Trade.
Reich Professional Staff of the German Newspaper and Periodical Trade.
Reich Association of German Railway Station Booksellers.
Reich Association of German Reading Circle Proprietors.
Reich Association of German Newspaper Stenographers.
Reich Association of the German Press.
Professional Staff of Publishing House Employees.
German Book Publishers. (Organized Brokers’ Association and League of
Reich German Book Publishers).
Recruiting Office of German Economy.
The Chief of the Foreign Press
I. The Chief of the Foreign Press of the NSDAP is the highest party
functionary for all matters affecting the foreign press. He is
subordinate to the Fuehrer and his deputy. He is in charge of the
governing body of all foreign Party Press Bureaus.
II. The offices of the chief of the foreign press are at the disposal
of all party offices, organizations, and associated groups in all
matters affecting the foreign press. (For example, instruction
concerning German and foreign papers and periodicals abroad as well as
foreign press correspondents in Germany.)
III. The Chief of the foreign press has offices in Berlin,
corresponding to the office of the Fuehrer and his deputy in Berlin
(with Referat: United States of North America) and Munich. The main
office is in Berlin.
Foreign Political Office of the NSDAP
I. 1. The foreign political office (APA) of the NSDAP includes two
different fields of operation: one domestic, the other foreign, in
character.
2. In the domestic field, the APA is entrusted with the task of
introducing the foreign political aims and endeavors of the National
Socialist State into all offices and organizations of the party.
3. In the foreign field, the APA is entrusted with the task of
enlightening those in foreign lands and especially the foreigners
who visit Germany or remain there as foreign correspondents, of the
nature and aims of National Socialism in order to arouse thereby the
understanding of other people for the fundamental needs of the German
people and to convince foreign nations that National Socialism in
Germany desires peace for progress and peace with other nations without
at the same time rejecting the defence of their right to existence.
II. 1. The APA is divided into three main offices:
A. Office for Foreign Referats with the Main Offices.
_a._ England and Far East.
_b._ Near East.
_c._ South East.
_d._ North.
_e._ Old Orient.
_f._ Controls, personnel questions, etc.
B. Office of the German Academic Exchange Service.
In order to effect as close cooperation as possible between the German
academic exchange service and the party, the president of the German
academic exchange service is chief official in the APA.
C. Office of Foreign Commerce.
2. Moreover, there is in the APA a main office for the press service
and an educational office.
[Page 312]
The Commissioner of the Fuehrer for the Surveillance of the Whole
Spiritual and Ideological Education of the NSDAP.
In order to effect the surveillance of the whole spiritual and
ideological education of the NSDAP the Commissioner makes use of the
following offices:
1. Chief of Staff.
2. Office of artistic development.
3. Philosophy and pedagogy.
4. Central office of national and ancient history.
5. Historical Referat.
6. Referat for Aryan ideology.
7. Referat for Nordic questions.
8. Central office for educational questions.
9. Referat for collection of material and curriculum (surveillance).
10. Referat Organizations.
11. Central office for the cultivation of literature.
12. Referat ideological information.
13. Organization and business administration.
14. Press Office.
15. Association for the Education of the whole movement.
For the purpose of promulgating an ideological train of thought, the
Commissioner publishes the periodical “NS Monthly Magazine.”
* * * * * * *
[Page 327]
Colonialpolitical Office
For the treatment of all colonialpolitical and colonial economic
questions within the national socialist movement and its press,
the colonialpolitical office only issues general principles and
instructions (see point 2 of the decree of the Fuehrer’s Deputy 17/34,
series 71).
The colonialpolitical office is operated only as an office in the Reich
Government of the NSDAP.
* * * * * * *
[Page 337]
Official Party Board of Examiners for the Protection of NS Literature
I. The official Party Board of Examiners is not a censorship office,
but an office for the protection and defense against pseudo-national
socialist literature and it insures that the National Socialist
ideology is not misused by an unqualified man and commercially
exploited in a way that deceives the public:
II. The official Party Board of Examiners gives an opinion on:
1. The NS literature in a narrower sense.
To this belongs the NS literature that has come into existence by
its immediate identification with the movement. This literature,
corresponding with national socialist ideology, is exclusively
political.
2. Literature related to national socialism.
From the point of view of time, this covers a very broad field and
includes the literature dealing with political thoughts and demands
that lie within the line of national socialist development.
III. A reliable staff of lecturers is at the disposal of the official
examining Party Board of Examiners in an advisory capacity. Writings
which have been considered satisfactory by the examiners will be added
to the NS Library [NSB]. The chairman of the PPK leaves the publishing
to the decision of the report by the lecturers. It is stated in this:
1. The work is unobjectionable from the standpoint of the political
will represented by the party. The work will be marked unobjectionable
in this case, i.e. the following sentence may be printed in the work.
No objections are raised by the NSDAP against the publication of this
writing.
2. Against the contents of a work no objections are offered. However,
it cannot be classified as belonging to national socialist literature
in a more narrow sense.
Here however, there is the possibility that the work will be added to
the NSB under the category of literature related to national socialism.
Such a work embodies in its text no notice that it has been examined.
3. The work does not agree with the principles of the NSDAP; hence it
is rejected. Here there are the following possibilities:
_a._ The work may be put on sale but not brought into relationship with
national socialism.
_b._ The writing may no longer be distributed. More detailed
instructions are given by the president of the Reich Chamber of
Literature.
4. Construction & Organization of PPK see Plan of Organization.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2320-B-PS
ORGANIZATION BOOK OF THE NSDAP (1940)
“The young driver who has received his training in the six-week courses
of the NSKK will be well prepared in body and spirit when the time
comes for his military service, and will wear with pride the dress of
the Armed Forces of the Nation.”
[Page 394].
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2322-PS
HITLER’S SPEECH BEFORE THE REICHSTAG
1 SEPTEMBER 1939
Members of the German Reichstag:
For months we have been tormented by a problem once imposed upon us
by the Dictate of Versailles and which, in its deterioration and
corruption, had now become utterly intolerable. Danzig is a German
City. The Corridor was and is German. All these territories owe their
cultural development exclusively to the German people, without whom
absolute barbarism would reign in these Eastern territories. Danzig
was separated from us. The Corridor was annexed by Poland. The German
minorities living there were mistreated in the most appalling manner.
Already during the years 1919/20 more than one million people of German
blood were driven from their homes. As usual, I have tried to change
this intolerable state of affairs through proposals for a peaceful
revision. It is a lie if it is claimed throughout the world that we
insure all our revisions only by applying pressure. There was ample
opportunity for fifteen years before National Socialism assumed power
to carry through revisions by means of a peaceful understanding. This
was not done. In every single case did I then take the initiative, not
once but many times, to bring forward proposals for the revision of
absolutely intolerable conditions.
As you know, all these proposals were rejected. I need not enumerate
them in detail: proposals for a limitation of armaments, if necessary
even for the abolition of armaments, proposals for restrictions on
methods of warfare, proposals for eliminating methods of modern warfare
which, in my opinion, are scarcely compatible with international
law. You know my proposals for the necessity of the restoration of
German sovereign rights over the territories of the German Reich, the
countless attempts for a peaceful solution of the Austrian problem
which I have made, and later, on the problem of the Sudetenland,
Bohemia, and Moravia. It was all in vain. One thing, however, is
impossible: to demand that a peaceful revision should be made of an
intolerable state of affairs, and then obstinately refuse such a
peaceful revision. It is equally impossible to assert that in such a
situation to act on one’s own initiative in making a revision is to
violate a law. For us Germans the Dictate of Versailles is not a law.
It does not work to force somebody at the point of a pistol and by
threatening to starve millions of people into signing a document and
afterwards proclaim that this document with its forced signature was a
solemn law.
In the case of Danzig and the Corridor I have again tried to solve the
problems by proposing peaceful discussions. It was obvious that they
had to be solved! That the deadline for this solution may perhaps be of
little interest to the Western Powers is conceivable. But for us this
deadline is not a matter of indifference! First and foremost, it was
not and could not be a matter of indifference to the suffering victims.
In Conferences with Polish diplomats I have discussed the ideas which
you have heard me express here in my last speech before the Reichstag.
No one can say that this was an improper procedure or even unreasonable
pressure.
I then had the German proposals clearly stated and I feel bound to
repeat once more that nothing could be fairer or more modest than those
proposals submitted by me. And now I want to tell the world that only I
could afford to make such proposals. Because I know very well that at
that time I placed myself in a position contrary to the conception of
millions of Germans by acting the way I did.
Those proposals were rejected. But not only that! They were answered by
mobilization, by increased terrorism, by intensified pressure on the
people of German blood living in these territories, and by a gradual
economic, political and, during the past few weeks, even military
strangulation and blockade of the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore,
Poland virtually began the war against the Free City of Danzig.
Furthermore, she was not prepared to settle the problems of the
Corridor in a fair manner satisfying the interests of both parties.
And lastly, she did not even dream of fulfilling her obligations
with regard to the minorities. I have to state here that Germany has
fulfilled her obligations in this respect!
Minorities living in Germany are not subject to persecution. Let any
Frenchman get up and declare that French citizens living in the Saar
territory are being oppressed, ill-treated, or deprived of their
rights. No one can make such an assertion.
For four months I have watched these developments without taking action
but not without issuing repeated warnings. Recently I have made these
warnings more and more emphatic. Over three weeks ago, the Polish
ambassador was, at my request informed that if Poland persisted in
sending further notes in the nature of an ultimatum to Danzig and in
further oppressing the people of German blood, or if she should attempt
to ruin Danzig economically through customs measures, Germany could no
longer look on without taking action. I have left no room for doubt
that in this respect the Germany of today is not to be confused with
the Germany that existed before.
Attempts have been made to justify the action against the German
minorities by declaring that they had provoked them. I am wondering in
what the “provocation” through the women and children who are being
mistreated and deported, consisted, or the “provocations” of those who
were tortured in the most beastly and most sadistic manner and finally
killed! One thing, however, I do know: there is not one single great
power with any honor who would tolerate such conditions for any length
of time.
In spite of it all I have made one last attempt. Although I am deeply
convinced that the Polish Government--perhaps also because of its being
dependent on an unrestraint, wild military rabble--is not seriously
interested in a real understanding, I have nevertheless accepted a
proposal by the British Government for mediation. The latter proposed
that it would not carry on any negotiations but assured me that it
would establish a direct contact between Poland and Germany in order to
get the discussion going once more.
I must here state the following: I accepted that proposal. For these
discussions I had drawn up the fundamentals which are known to you.
And then I and my Government were sitting for two whole days waiting
for the Polish Government to make up its mind whether to finally
dispatch a plenipotentiary or not! Until last night it had not sent any
plenipotentiary but informed us through its ambassador that at present
it was considering the question whether and to what extent it might be
able to accept the British proposals; it would inform England of its
decision.
Members of the Reichstag! If such treatment is meted out to the German
Reich and its Chief, and the German Reich and its Chief were to submit
to such treatment, then the German Nation would deserve no better than
to disappear from the political scene. My love of Peace and my endless
patience must not be mistaken for weakness, much less for cowardice.
Therefore, I have last night informed the British Government that
things being as they are, I have found it impossible to detect any
inclination on the part of the Polish Government to enter into a really
serious discussion with us.
Thus, these proposals for mediation are wrecked, for in the meantime
the answer to these offers had been, firstly, the order for Polish
general mobilization, and secondly new grave atrocities. Repetitions
of the latter incidents occurred last night. Only recently twenty-one
frontier incidents had occurred, there were fourteen last night. Three
of them were very grave.
For that reason, I have now decided to talk to Poland in the same
language Poland has been using toward us for months.
If there are statesmen in the West who declare that their interests
are involved, I can only regret such a declaration; however, not for
one single minute could that persuade me to deviate from the execution
of my duties. I have solemnly declared and repeat once more that we
have no claims at all on these Western powers, and shall never demand
anything from them. I repeatedly offered Britain our friendship, and if
necessary closest cooperation. Love, however, is not to be offered by
one partner only; it’ll have to find response from the other. Germany
has no interests in the West, our fortifications in the West shall be
the frontiers of the Reich for all times. We have no other aims in the
future, and this attitude of the Reich will remain unchanged.
Some of the other European powers understand our attitude. First of
all I’d like to thank Italy for having supported us all this time.
But you’ll also understand that we do not want to make an appeal for
any foreign help in this struggle. This task of ours we shall solve
ourselves.
The neutral powers have assured us of their neutrality just like we
have previously guaranteed their neutrality. This assurance we consider
a sacred obligation, and as long as nobody breaks their neutrality, we,
too, shall observe it painstakingly. What could we desire or want from
them?
I am happy to be able to inform you here of an event of special
importance. You are aware of it that Russia and Germany are governed
by two different doctrines. There was only one single question to be
cleared up: Germany has no intention of exporting her doctrine, and the
minute Russia does not intend to export her own doctrine to Germany, I
no longer see any reason why we should ever be opponents again. Both of
us agreed on this one point: any struggle between our two people would
only result in benefits for others. We have therefore resolved to enter
into an agreement which will exclude any application of force between
us in the future, which compels us to consult each other in certain
European questions, which makes economic cooperation possible and above
all makes sure that these two great powers don’t exhaust their energies
in fighting each other.
Any attempt on the part of the Western Powers to alter these facts will
prove futile, and in that connection I should like to state one thing:
this political decision signifies an enormous change for the future and
is absolutely final.
I believe that the whole German people will welcome this political
attitude. In the World War, Russia and Germany fought each other and up
to the end they both suffered. That shall not happen a second time! The
non-aggression and consultation pact was yesterday finally ratified in
Moscow and in Berlin.
In Moscow, the pact was acclaimed just as you have acclaimed it here.
I approve of every word in the speech made by Mr. Molotov, the Russian
Commissar for Foreign Affairs.
Our aims I am determined to solve:
Firstly, the question of Danzig;
Secondly, the question of the Corridor;
Thirdly, to see to it that a change shall take place in Germany’s
relations to Poland, which will insure a peaceful coexistence of the
two powers.
I am determined to fight until either the present Polish Government is
willing to effect this change or another Poland Government is prepared
to do so.
I am determined to eliminate from the German frontiers the element of
insecurity, the atmosphere which permanently resembles civil war. I
shall see to it that peace on the Eastern frontier shall be the same as
it is on our other frontiers.
I shall carry out all necessary actions in such a manner that they
shall not contradict the proposals which I have made known to you here,
members of the Reichstag, as my proposals to the rest of the world.
That is, I will not wage war against women and children! I have
instructed my air force to limit their attacks to military objectives.
However, if the enemy should conclude from this that he might get away
with waging war in a different manner he will receive an answer that
he’ll be knocked out of his wits!
Last night for the first time regular soldiers of the Polish Army
fired shots on our territory. Since 5.45 a.m. we have been returning
their fire. From now on, every bomb will be answered by another bomb.
Whoever fights with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever
disregards the rules of human warfare can but expect us to do the same.
I will carry on this fight, no matter against whom, until such time as
the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured!
For more than 6 years now I have been engaged in building up the German
armed forces. During this period more than 90 billion Reichsmark were
spent building up the Wehrmacht. Today, ours are the best equipped
armed forces in the world and they are far superior to those of 1914.
My confidence in them can never be shaken.
If I call upon the Wehrmacht and if I ask sacrifices of the German
people and, if necessary, unlimited sacrifices, then I am in the right
to do so, for I myself am just as ready today as I was in the past to
make every personal sacrifice. I don’t ask anything of any German which
I myself was not prepared to do at any moment for more than four years.
There shall not be any deprivations for Germans in which I myself shall
not immediately share. From this moment on my whole life shall belong
more than ever to my people. I now want to be nothing but the first
soldier of the German Reich.
Thus I have put on once again the coat which has always been the
most sacred and dearest to me. I shall not put it aside until after
victory--or I shall not live to see the end.
Should anything happen to me in this war, my first successor shall be
Party member Goering. Should anything happen to Party member Goering,
his successor shall be Party member Hess. To these men as your leaders
you would then owe the same absolute loyalty and obedience that you owe
to me. In the event that something fatal should happen to Party Member
Hess, I am about to make legal provisions for the convocation of a
senate appointed by me, who shall then elect the worthiest, that is to
say the most valiant among themselves.
As a National Socialist and a German soldier I enter upon this fight
with a stout heart! My whole life has been but one continuous struggle
for my people, for its resurrection, for Germany, and this whole
struggle has been inspired by one single conviction: faith in this
people!
One word I have never known: capitulation. And if there was anybody
who’d think that hard times are ahead of us I’d like him not to forget
the fact that at one time a Prussian king with a ridiculously small
staff confronted one of the greatest coalitions ever known and came
forth victoriously after three campaigns because he possessed that
strong and firm faith which is required of us in these times.
As for the rest of the world, I can only assure them that a November
1918 shall never occur again in German history.
I ask of every German what I myself am prepared to do at any moment: to
be ready to pay with his life for his people and for his country.
Whoever believes to have a chance to evade this patriotic duty directly
or indirectly, shall perish. We will have nothing to do with traitors.
We all are acting only in accordance with our old principle: our own
life matters nothing, all that matters is that our people, that Germany
shall live.
I expect of you, as deputies of the Reich, that you will do your duty
in whatever position you are called upon to fill. You must carry the
banner of resistance, cost what may. Let no one report to me at any
time that in his province, in his district or in his group or in his
cell the morale is low. Bearers, responsible bearers of the morale
are you! I am responsible for the province your district! None has
the right to shun this responsibility. The sacrifice that is demanded
of us is not greater than the sacrifice which has been made by many
generations in the past. All those men who before us have traveled
the most bitter and hardest road did nothing different from what we
are called upon to do; the sacrifice they made was no less costly, no
less painful, and therefore no easier than the sacrifice that may be
demanded of us.
I also expect every German woman to take her place with unflinching
discipline in this great fighting community.
German youth, needless to say, will do with heart and soul what is
expected and demanded of it by the nation and by the National Socialist
State.
If we form this community, forged together, ready for everything,
determined never to capitulate, then our strong will shall master every
emergency.
I conclude with the words with which I once started my fight for power
in the Reich. At that time I said: “If our will is so strong that it
cannot be broken through any distress, then our will and our German
state will be able to master and subjugate distress.”
Germany--Sieg Heil!
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2324-PS
RECONSTRUCTION OF A NATION
Hermann Goering, Aufbau Einer Nation (1934)
[Pages 86-87]
I declared at that time before thousands of fellow Germans, each bullet
which leaves the barrel of a police pistol now, is my bullet. If one
calls this murder, then I have murdered; I ordered all this, I back it
up; I assume the responsibility, and I am not afraid to do so.
Through a network of outer offices converging into the headquarters
in Berlin, I am daily, one could almost say hourly, informed about
everything that happens in widespread Prussia.
[Page 89]
We had to deal ruthlessly with these enemies of the state. It must not
be forgotten that at the moment of our seizure of power over 6 million
people officially voted for communism and about 8 million for marxism
in the Reichstag elections in March.
Thus the concentration camps were created, to which we had to send
first all the thousands of functionaries of the Communist and Social
Democratic parties.
[Page 92]
The Gestapo deserves a great deal of credit for the success of the
revolution and for the consolidation of its achievements. Right in the
middle of this constructive work, occurred the blaze that destroyed
the high cupola and the auditorium of the Reichstag. Criminal hands
had set this fire, had put the German Reichstag in flames, in order to
give a last beacon to dying Communism, so that it could make one last
desperate thrust before the Hitler government was consolidated. The
blaze was to be the signal for the Communist party for general terror,
for a general uprising and for civil war. That it did not have these
consequences, Germany and the world owe not to the noble motives of
Communism, but solely to the iron resolution and the hard fist of Adolf
Hitler and his closest collaborators, who struck more quickly than the
enemy had expected, and harder than he could imagine, and with the
first blow suppressed Communism once and for all.
That night, when I ordered the arrest of 4,000 Communist functionaries,
I knew that by dawn Communism had lost a great battle.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2325-PS
1935 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 470
Decree on the Execution of Article 118 of the German Municipal Order,
26 March 1935.
On the basis of Article 118 of the German municipal order of 30
January, 1935 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 49) I decree:
Article 1
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor reserves for himself the duties of the
commissioner for the NSDAP for the city of Munich.
Article 2
1. The gauleiter appoints as commissioner for the NSDAP:
_a._ The Kreisleiter for communities belonging to a Kreis [“Kreis,” an
administrative district].
_b._ The Kreisleiter for Stadtkreise [city districts] or, one of the
Kreisleiters, in case there are several party districts within one city
district.
* * * * * * *
Munich, 26 March 1935
The Deputy of the Fuehrer
R. HESS
Reich Minister without Portfolio.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2326-PS
1936 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 893
Reich Principles Regarding Recruiting, Appointment, and promotion of
Reich and Provincial Officials, October 14, 1936.
* * *
PROMOTION
Article 8
Only that official can be promoted who, besides absolutely fulfilling
his general duties;
_a._ In consideration of his former political attitude offers absolute
guarantee therefor, and has proved since January 30, 1933, that he
takes the part of the National Socialist State at all times and
represents it effectively.
_b._ Has given documentary proof that he and his spouse are of German
or related blood (Article 1 a. paragraph 3 of the Reich officials law).
_c._ In his official achievements and abilities, completely fulfills
the demands of the higher office. Length of service alone does not
justify promotion in any case.
* * * * * * *
Berchtesgaden, 14 October 1936.
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
ADOLF HITLER
The Reich Minister of Interior
FRICK
For the Reich Minister of Finance
REINHARDT
The Deputy of the Fuehrer
R. HESS
Minister without Portfolio
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2327-PS
_TOP SECRET_
Third Army Group
Ia Nr. 150/39 g.K. Chiefs
Re: Fall Weiss
Top Secret (Chefsache)
“Only by officer”
Dresden 6.14.1939
20 Copies
Control No. 8
1. The commander-in-chief of the army has ordered the working out of a
_plan of deployment against Poland_ which takes in account the demands
of the political leadership for the opening of war by surprise and for
quick success.
2. The order of deployment by the High Command, “Fall Weiss” authorizes
the Third Army Group (in Fall Weiss 8th Army Headquarters) to give
necessary directions and orders to all commands subordinated to it for
“Fall Weiss.”
3. Enclosed are sent:
_a._ Aims of the operation (Enclosure 1).
_b._ Organization of the forces (Enclosure 2).
_c._ Survey of arrival (Enclosure 3).
_d._ Signal Communication (Enclosure 4).
_e._ Regulations for the supply (Enclosure 5 will follow).
_f._ Enemy situation (Enclosure 6).
_g._ Directions for execution (Enclosure 7).
4. The order of deployment “Fall Weiss” will be put into operation on
20 August 1939; all preparations have to be concluded by this date.
The former deployments “Case West” and “Case East” are valid until 19
August 1939.
5. For the instruction on the tasks due to this order for deployment,
the principles of order OKH Genstb d.H.--1 Division (Ib Nr. 2000/36 top
secret of 12.19.36) are to be applied.
The instruction can be carried down to the responsible officers of the
corps commands to the Division Commanders (G-3 (Ia) and G-4 (Ib)) of
the divisions and the commandants and staff officers of the Garrison
Headquarters. Permission to inform further persons must be requested
by names. Communication with the SS-Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler must be
instituted only by special order. The order for their commitment is to
be prepared.
6. Tenth Corps Command (Gen KdX) and XIII Corps and lo. Div. can
perform the necessary reconnaissance in Silesia while observing the
appropriate precautionary measures (civilian clothes, motor vehicle,
with civilian license number).
7. The whole correspondence on “Fall Weiss” has to be conducted under
the classification Top Secret [Chefsache]. This is to be disregarded
only if the content of a document, in the judgment of the chief of the
responsible command is harmless in every way--even in connection with
other documents.
8. For the middle of July a conference is planned where details on the
execution will be discussed. Time and place will be ordered later on.
Special requests are to be communicated to Third Army Group before 10
July.
9. I declare it the duty of the Commanding Generals, the divisional
commanders and the commandants to limit as much as possible the number
of persons who will be informed, and to limit the extent of the
information, and ask that all suitable measures be taken to prevent
persons not concerned from getting information.
Commander-in-Chief of Army Group 3
Signed F. Blaskowitz.
# # # # #
TOP SECRET
Enclosure 1 to 3rd Army Group
Ia Nr. 150/39
g-Kdo. Chefs of 14 June 1939
TOP SECRET [GKdos]
“Only by officer”
Top Secret [Chefsache]
20 Copies
Control No. 8
Aims of Operation “Fall Weiss”
1. _a._ The operation, in order to forestall an orderly Polish
mobilization and concentration, is to be opened by surprise with forces
which are for the most part armored and motorized, placed on alert in
the neighborhood of the border. The initial superiority over the Polish
frontier-guards and surprise that can be expected with certainty are to
be maintained by quickly bringing up other parts of the army as well to
counteract the marching up of the Polish Army.
_Accordingly all units have to keep the initiative against the foe by
quick acting and ruthless attacks._
_b._ If the development of the Political situation should show that a
surprise at the beginning of the war is out of question, because of
well advanced defense preparations on the part of the Polish Army,
the Commander-in-Chief of the army will order the opening of the
hostilities only after the assembling of sufficient additional forces.
The basis of all preparations will be to surprise the enemy.
Case b--is to be prepared in theory by the High Command only so that
necessary changes can be quickly carried out.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2329-PS
SECRET
[Stamp]
Top Secret
Through officers only
The Commander in Chief of the Army
Operations Section (Ia)
General Staff of the Army
HQ, Army High Command
No. 4402/39 Secret
7, October 1939.
11 copies,
2nd copy
General von Beck takes over command of the newly formed Army Group B on
10th October 1939 at 12.00 hours.
Task of Army Group B is the protection of the German boundary from the
mouth of the Ems to the line of demarcation with Army Group C. For this
task Army Group B holds the western fortifications; the resistance
begins on the border.
The Dutch border between Ems and Rhine is to be observed only.
At the same time, Army Group B has to make all preparations according
to special orders, for immediate invasion of Dutch and Belgian
territory if the political situation so demands.
The order for the occupation is given by the Army High Command; until
then, any border isolation of Dutch or Belgian territory must be
avoided most carefully.
signed von Brauchitsch
certified Hensinger.
[signature] Jaiymyer
_Distribution_
Army Group B} by telegraph
Army Group C}
[Handwritten notes]
Chief J. N. W
8-10-39
Supreme Hq
Chief of Army Signal Corps
Chief of Quartermaster IV
Org Department
Gen of Air Force with Commander in Chief of the Army operation
Insp F 9/10 Me 10oo2/39 g. K.
Ju 8-10
Department (1a, 11, 111)
[Hand written notes]
Archives of the Army.
21st Army Group 6623 (9) F A LIL
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2330-PS
COPY
Nurnberg
August 29, 1935
Police Headquarters; Nurnberg-Fuerth
Re: Protective Custody.
Order for Protective Custody
On the basis of Article 1 of the VI of the Reich President for the
protection of people and state, of 28 Feb., 1933 (RGBl I, p. 83) the
ministerial decree of May 2, 1934, No. 2186 a 39, herewith is taken
into protective custody:
Effective as of 3 August 35:
First and last name: Josef Simon
Place and date of birth: May 23, 1865 in Schneppenbach, B. A. Alzenan.
Marital Status and Profession: Widowed, former Trade Union Secretary.
Citizenship: Subject of the German Reich.
Religion: Free thinker.
Place of residence: Nurnberg-N. Ziegelsteinstr. 106
The arrestee has no right to appeal against the decreed protective
custody.
Reasons:
Simon was for many years a member of the Socialist Party and
temporarily a member of the Union Socialiste Populaire. From 1907 to
1918 he was Landtag deputy of the Socialist Party; from 1908 to 1930
Social Democratic City Counsellor [Stadtrat] in Nurnberg. In view of
the decisive role which Simon played in the international trade unions
and in regard to his connection with international Marxist leaders and
central agencies, which he continued after the national recovery, he
was placed under protective custody on 3 May, 1933, and was kept, until
25 January 1934, in the Dachau Concentration Camp. Simon is under the
urgent suspicion that even after this date he played an active part
in the illegal continuation of the Socialist Party. He took part in
meetings which aimed at the illegal continuation of the Socialist Party
and propagation of illegal marxist printed matter in Germany.
Through this radical attitude which is hostile to the State, Simon
directly endangers public security and order.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2331-PS
Bavarian Political Police Nurnberg, 20 December 1935
_Declaration_
I have been informed that I shall be released from protective custody,
and that I have to expect to be taken into protective custody again in
case that I should behave in a manner inimical to the State, or if I
should be active in this sense.
I have been informed that, for my physical protection I may return into
protective custody upon my own request.
I have been informed that I have to report in person at the Gend.
Station Ziegelstein, competent for my residence, on every second day of
the week at the same hour.
[signed] Josef Simon
Simon Josef, residing Nurnberg-N, Ziegelstein St. 106, widower, trade
union secretary; born 23 May 1865 at Schneppenbach.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2332-PS
Concentration Camp Flossenbuerg
Az II. Political Department/Sch.
Flossenbuerg, 22 December 1941.
To Frau Grete Staimer, Nurnberg.
In reply to your letter of 12 December 1941, enclosed please find
the desired death certificate. At the same time I certify that the
cremation has taken place in the crematorium of Flossenbuerg.
After the submission of a burial certificate from the competent
cemetery officials the urn with the ashes can be sent to you free of
charge.
The Camp Commander
By order of
(Signed) Fassbinder
Official Secretary.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2333-PS
Police Presidium, Nurnberg-Fuerth
Protective Police [Schutzpolizei] 3rd Police District
Nurnberg, 29 Dec. 1941
To Frau Elise Herrmann, Nurnberg, Juvenllestr. No. 26
Your husband, Paul Herrmann, died of an infection in the concentration
camp, Flossenbuerg, on December 28, 1941.
The corpse cannot be inspected because of the danger of infection.
The cremation will take place in the crematory of Flossenbuerg.
The Secret State Police Office
Nurnberg-Fuerth
/s/ Mueller
Authenticated
[illegible]
District Police Lt.
* * *
Death-Certificate
No. 7/1942
The baker Karl Herrmann, Lutheran Religion
Residence:
Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp
died on 28 December 1941 at 1400 hours
in Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp
The deceased was born 24 November 1873 in Wassertruedingen.
The deceased was married to Elise, nee Steiner, Nurnberg.
Flossenbuerg, 2 January 1942
[Stamp of Registrar, Flossenbuerg/Oberpfalz]
The Registrar:
/s/ Jaum
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2334-PS
Statement of Lorenz Hagen
During the night of 17th to 18th March 1933, the offices of the ADGB
[Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund; German Trade Unions], which
are located in Nurnberg, Breite Gasse 25/27, as well as the offices of
the Builders’ Union and the Unions of the Bookbinders, Bookprinters,
Lithographers, Textile Workers and Carpenters were completely destroyed
by the SA under the leadership of SA-Brigadier General [SA-Oberfuehrer]
Wurzbacher. All the office furniture was smashed and thrown into the
courtyard, the safes overturned, forced open from the back and robbed.
The typewriters, adding machines, mimeograph machines, etc., were
stolen.
The ADGB possessed a huge library of about 10,000 volumes for the
use of its members. Every single book was torn and thrown into the
courtyard.
The Workers’ Secretariat, which was joined to the ADGB, had an
extensive professional library of about 500 volumes, among them
valuable works on literature of social security and labor legislation.
These were also thrown out and torn to pieces. A similar fate met
about 750 to 800 files covering the cases of beneficiaries of pensions
(social, war and accident cases) whose claims for pensions were being
worked on.
The SA posted continuous guards in the office building and nobody was
permitted to enter. When I made the attempt to enter in spite of it,
Wurzbacher said: “The Red rascal will get in but will not come out
alive.” When I got in later in spite of him, the SA tried to catch me,
but I escaped.
In order to guarantee the continued function of the trade union, which
was most urgently needed at that time, I set up an emergency office
in Nurnberg, Hummelsteinerweg. This was occupied on 2 May 1933 by SA,
led by Pessler who was the District-leader [Gauobmann] of the NSBO
[National Socialist Factory Cell Organization; Nationalsozialistische
Betriebszellen Organisation later DAF; the German Labor Front]. Erhardt
Kupfer, the district secretary of the ADGB, was arrested at that time,
kicked with rifle butts and led away by the SA in shackles. As the
deputy of NSBO, a certain Mueller was appointed. Three SA men guarded
the office day and night. Upon seizure, Pessler’s first question to me
was: “Where do you have your cars? I know you have three cars.” When I
answered that I never had a personal car, he threatened to put me in
jail until I would confess. When he finally realized that I did not
have a car, he asked me what funds the Nurnberg local committee of the
ADGB possessed. I said truthfully: “235,000 RM minus the sum stolen by
the SA from the safes when they broke into the offices on the Breite
Gasse and which amounted to about 4,000 RM.” Whereupon he threatened
again to have me arrested but he did not do so, probably on the basis
of the general order not to arrest the chairmen of the local committees
[Ortsausschussvorsitzende]. I learned about this order only a few days
ago.
On 1 June 1933, the deputy Mueller came into the office and asked me
whether I had not been arrested yet. I said no and indicated that the
night before I had been in the apartment of my mother-in-law who was
severely ill. I left the office without being noticed, hurried home,
packed the most necessary things, and left by bicycle with my wife. We
stayed away for about five weeks, traveling from one place to another.
After returning, I was arrested towards the end of August 1933,
under the charge that I had agitated against the National Government
and had conducted illegal recruiting for the forbidden ADGB and
the Socialdemocratic Party. When no proof could be produced, I was
released, but arrested again after 3 days. This time I was accused
of having had knowledge of the arsenal of the Reichsbanner (Militant
Organization of German Social democrats), and that I had organized the
arming of the members of the Trade Union Offices. In cross-examinations
conducted over many weeks, they tried to force a confession out of
me. When I did not confess anything, I was to go to the concentration
camp in Dachau. However, my wife succeeded in preventing this. After
3½ months, I was released again. After this release I tried to start
a business, no matter of what kind. It was in vain. Similarly, it was
impossible for me to find work in my former line as engine-builder.
Reason: political unreliability. Thus I lived on a weekly unemployment
benefit of 14.40 marks, with my wife, until my further arrest in
August 1935. At this time I was charged with participation in the
so-called middle-German insurrection of 1934, and with the smuggling
of illegal writings from abroad. In spite of the greatest efforts and
the application of the foulest methods, such as the poorest and most
inadequate food, depriving me of fresh air, threatening me with being
shot and beaten, again the Gestapo did not succeed in proving anything
against me. I was again set free after 12½ weeks. During this period
of confinement, Kriminalrat Otto, the Gestapo-chief, tried to persuade
my wife to convert me to National Socialism. He told her: “If your
husband comes to us, this will be of greater value for us than the
adherence of 1,000 other people. Your husband would get a position in
which he would earn 3 times as much as ever before.” My wife refused
consistently.
The same story as before: unemployment, occasional meagre earnings,
until the next arrest on 26 January 1938. This time they did a
fullsized job and arrested my wife too. We were accused of preparing
high treason against the country [Hoch- und Landesverrat] as well
as maintaining connections abroad. The interrogations lasted until
the middle of April. The Gestapo agent Beetz had a predilection for
interrogations at night. Five searchlights illuminated the spot where
you were sitting. Behind and before me, and on both sides, four men
sat a distance of a few meters, pointing their revolvers at me and
clicking the triggers. The interrogations, which were of course always
fruitless, were repeated sometimes two or three times in one night.
Terms like “Greatest scoundrel,” “most common criminal,” and others
were used. One morning at five o’clock, Beetz called me and said: “You
know your wife has been arrested too. She had a complete breakdown and
struggles with death in her cell. She expressed the wish to see you
once more before her death. I am willing to grant her wish, but only
if you make a full confession.” When I refused he had me taken back
into my cell and in an indescribable psychic condition. Beetz asserted
several times that the material at hand condemning me was sufficient
for 5 years in the penitentiary. I then demanded to be taken before the
investigating judge. This, however, was refused, and on 20 April 1938,
I was shipped to Dachau Concentration Camp. There I came immediately
into solitary confinement and had to undergo 32 days of severe bunker
(strenger Bunker)-punishment. During this time I had to sleep on a
wooden board without blankets, and received warm food only every 4th
day. On 9 July, I was released from the bunker and taken into the
camp. There I had to perform the heaviest work, in spite of my greatly
weakened physical condition. One day I received from an SS guard a kick
in the back which threw me against a lorry which was just passing by,
and thus I broke my lower right rib. Once when a prisoner had escaped
from the camp, all of the camp-inmates had to fall out after work and
stand at attention in ranks throughout the night. There were 17 dead
next morning. On 13 July 1939, on order of the Nurnberg-Gestapo, I was
taken off work and again put into the bunker and received again 64 days
of rigid bunker-arrest until 28 September 1939, and was then shipped to
Buchenwald Concentration Camp. There I came into the bunker again and
stayed there until my release. During the whole time in Buchenwald I
had to sleep on a board without a blanket. The food in the Buchenwald
camp was so inadequate and inferior that at the time of my release I
was a skeleton with skin over it. I wish to add that during my transfer
to Camp Buchenwald, I suffered an inguinal rupture on the left side
when jumping from a railroad car.
The release from the camp was accompanied by the express warning not
to reveal anything about happenings in the camp. Otherwise, I would be
returned there and never would have a chance to get out again. After
my return to Nurnberg, I had to report daily at 10 o’clock sharp at
the main office of the Gestapo. From July 1941, I had to report twice
weekly to the police station in my district. After I was completely
bombed out, on 9 March 1943, the order to report was rescinded.
After this release from Camp Buchenwald, I again could not find a job
anywhere, although the Gestapo had told me that if I could not show
that I had a job within 6 weeks, I would be returned to the camp, since
my release was tentative only. It was only due to the kindness of a
textile shop owner who employed me in spite of the warnings of the
Gestapo that I was not taken into protective custody again.
On 22 August 1944, I was again taken to Dachau Concentration Camp
because of the attempt against Hitler’s life, and I remained there for
six weeks.
I may add that I had to undergo 6 house-searches during which
everything in my apartment was upset. In these instances, all books
which seemed to be dangerous, magazines, pamphlets, etc., were taken
away.
I was chairman of the A.D.G.B., Local Committee of Nurnberg, 1930-33.
(signed) Lorenz Hagen
Chairman of ADGB,
Local Committee of Nurnberg
formerly: Karthaeusergassergasse
Residence: Furth, Ritter v.
Aldebertstr. 3.
Today on the 17th of November 1945, I have reread each single page of
the statement given by me on 19 October 1945 and I have signed it. I
declare hereby under oath that this statement is true.
Signed: Lorenz Hagen
Sworn to before me this 17th day of November 1945 at the Justice
Building, Nurnberg, Germany.
Signed: D. A. Sprecher, O2055516
Captain, AUS
# # # # #
Appendix to the Statement of the Chairman of the ADGB, Local Committee
of Nurnberg
When I arrived at the concentration camp at Dachau, the manager of the
Stokers and Machinists Union, Josef Staimer, who had been active in the
above organization until 1933, was still in the Dachau camp. He had
been arrested in March 1933 and shipped to Dachau. He was released from
there near the end of 1938 or the beginning of 1939.
Karl Hermann, manager of the Union of Factory Workers, pay office
[Zahlstelle] of Nurnberg, was for several weeks imprisoned in the same
cell with me when I was taken into protective custody in 1935 in the
prison of Nurnberg. The total period of his imprisonment was about 7
weeks at that time. The reason for his arrest was to force him to give
his approval of the notarial transfer of the house of the Factory Union
to the DAF. As private owner of the house, Hermann had been appointed
together with another colleague of his organization to be the trustee
of this house by the organization. In 1943 the two above mentioned men
were taken to the Concentration Camp Flensburg. In 1944 they died in
the camp.
During my stay in Dachau, we had Brigadier-General [Oberfuehrer]
Loritz, who was the commander of the SS-Death Head-Unit
[Totenkopfstandarte] and chief camp commandant. He was a violent,
brutal man. Here is only one example for this:
For a while I was occupied in an SS clothing camp with a
prisoner-detachment. An SS 1st Lt. who was in the tailoring section,
whose name I unfortunately do not recall, sent a prisoner to the gate
of the building on which there was a clock to find out what time it
was. Loritz caught sight of the man, struck at him with his riding-whip
and had his name taken. When the detachment returned at noon, the man
was led away and without being allowed to defend himself, he received
25 lashings [stockhiebe] and 3 days arrest with water and bread. The
rest of the detachment had to stand at attention during the noon recess
and return to work without eating. The camp commander of Dachau at that
time was Captain Koegel, who was transferred in September 1938 to the
concentration camp for women in Lichtenburg, near Prettin, where my
wife was at the time of this transfer.
Captain Gruenewald followed him as camp commander. Gruenewald was
transport commander when we were shipped to Buchenwald. I myself saw,
during the unloading of the train at Weimar, how Gruenewald hit Czech
arrestees, older people, in the face and neck with his fist. One of the
men fell to the ground and could rise only with difficulty.
In my time, the SS-First Sergeants [Rapportfuehrer; work
detail-leaders] were Hofmann from Bamberg and Luedtkemeyer, from
Northern Germany. These two were also very brutal fellows, with whom
beating and smacking on the pettiest grounds were the order of the day
for satisfying their sadistic inclinations.
[signed] Lorenz Hagen
Residence: Furth, Ritter v.
Aldebertstr. 3.
Office: Nurnberg, formerly
Krathausergasse 12.
Today, on the 17th of November 1945, I have reread a duplicate copy of
the appendix, which is an exact copy of the appendix to my statement of
19 October 1945. I have found that this statement is true. I declare
this hereby under oath.
[signed] Lorenz Hagen
Lorenz Hagen
Sworn to before me this 17th day of November 1945 at the Justice
Building, Nurnberg, Germany.
D. A. Sprecher, O2055516
Captain, AUS
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2335-PS
Josef Simon, born May 23, 1865
Since 1900, first chairman of the German shoemakers Union, located in
Nurnberg.
In April, 1933, Georg Pessler, Nurnberg, Guntherstr. 33/I, the deputy
assigned by the Nazis for the trade unions, came into our office,
Essenweinstrasse 1 and declared that trade union dues were embezzled
there. When we asserted that no embezzlements had occurred in our
office, he asked for the cash book which we submitted to him. After
turning the pages for a short while, he declared: “25,000 Marks are
missing”. He put the cash book into the safe, closed the safe and gave
the key to the policeman, who had come with him.
We asked for an official public accountant to examine the books. A
few days later the accountant, who had been assigned by Pessler,
arrived and after checking he ascertained that with a cash amount of
4¼ millions there was a surplus of 13 pfennigs in the safe. In spite
of this testimony, Pessler did not return the keys of the safe to us,
closed our bank and checking accounts and asserted in meetings of
factories that we had embezzled union dues. Only 3 weeks later could we
get the keys of the safe again with the aid of the police.
On 2 May 1933, our office in Nurnberg was occupied; I myself had
gone to Berlin on 1 May, because a meeting of the ADGB [Allgemeiner
Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund: German Trade Unions] was to take place
there on 2 May. The trade union building there was occupied and the
majority of the officials were arrested.
I was arrested on 3 May at 6 a. m., in my apartment in Berlin at the
request of the Criminal Police of Nurnberg. After being kept in police
custody in Berlin until 9 May, I was taken to the prison in Nurnberg
and was shipped to the Dachau concentration camp on 30 June together
with other arrested people (the social-democratic City Counsellors
[Stadtraete] of Nurnberg). In Dachau the SS Guards had stirred up the
Communists who had been imprisoned there for quite some time with these
words: “Today your tormentors [Bonzen] will arrive, give them a nice
welcome”. It was only due to the insight of a few reasonable Communists
that they kept their comrades from violent acts; nevertheless, we were
greeted in the camp with the vilest invectives. If it had come to acts
of violence, we would of course have defended ourselves and then the SS
would have shot at the people, fighting with each other. That was the
intention of the SS as we learned later.
The Communist Scheberle from Roothenbach near Lauf was Camp Senior
and was in charge of assigning work details. He made us who had come
in on 30 June fall out early on 1 July; we had to form ranks and then
he shouted: “Reichstag deputy Simon step forward!” In this way a
considerable number, particularly those who had had some responsible
job, were called up and then we were led by the SS to work. I was
ordered to collect horse dung which was lying on the roads of the camp
with my bare hands, without shovel or broom and to carry it to a nearby
container. Since I did not bend down fast enough in the opinion of
my guard, an SS man about 19-20 years, he yelled at me and demanded
faster work. I answered: “When you will be 68 years old and have
sciatica, you will not bend down so fast either”. By collecting the
partly wet horse dung, my hands were soiled very much. When the work
was finished, I asked the guard whether I could wash my hands at the
water hydrant. He refused with the words: “No, you can go and eat with
them”. In the afternoon we had to fall out again and were assigned for
work. I was ordered together with 19 other prisoners (among them, the
meanwhile deceased “Kupfer”, district leader of the ADGB) for work in
the kitchen. There we had to clean the still very hot food-kettles.
Since the circumference of the kettle was so big that we could not
reach the other end, we had to crawl into the hot kettles which almost
burnt our shoes. Bathed in sweat, we had to perform the work. When this
was over, we had to line up in a group to have our photographs taken.
I was in the center and a ready-made sign was hung around my neck
which bore the inscription: “I am a class conscious Socialdemocratic
tormentor [Bonze].” Twice I tore the sign off and left it hanging only
after having been threatened with beatings. After the pictures were
taken, the younger ones had to fall in line and after the command
“Attention” was given, the commander went to the rear and commanded
“Forward march”, then “halt”, and said: “Repeat the following words:
Fuehrer, we thank you that today for the first time we were able to
perform some honest work”. Then I was to go with the penal company to
the gravel-pit. My son who was also in Dachau asked to go to the penal
company instead of me. That was granted. Gradually, I was no longer
assigned to work details. Anyhow there was a regulation that people
over 65 should not be assigned to work any longer. In spite of this
regulation, I, with my 68 years, was treated as mentioned above.
I was not mistreated, but at each and every opportunity abused with
vile invectives. After almost 9 months of protective custody, among
them 7 months in Dachau, I was released on 25 January 1934. Though I
had to report every other day in Nurnberg to the police and was watched
by the Gestapo.
At the beginning of August 1935, I was rearrested on the following
grounds: “Simon was for many years a member of the Socialdemocratic
Party and for a while of the Independent Socialdemocratic Party.
From 1907 to 1918 he was Landtagdeputy of the Socialdemocratic Party
and from 1908 to 1930 Social Democratic City Counsellor [Stadtrat]
in Nurnberg. In view of the decisive role which Simon played in
international trade unionism and in regard to his connections to
international Marxist leaders and central agencies which he continued
after the National Revolution, he was placed under protective
custody on 3 May 1933 and was kept until 25 January 1934 in the
Dachau Concentration Camp. Simon is under the grave suspicion that
even after this date he worked for the illegal continuation of the
Socialdemocratic. He took part in meetings which aimed at the illegal
continuation of the Socialdemocratic Party and at the propagation of
illegal Marxist printed matter in Germany.
Through this radical attitude, hostile to the State, Simon directly
endangers public order and safety.”
I was released from this protective custody on 20 December 1935. But it
was this protective custody which caused much psychic suffering to me
and undermined my health.
When in 1934 we were released from Dachau, the commander “Eicke”
delivered an address, at the end of which he said: “Remember this,
whoever returns here does not get out any more.” Now I was afraid every
day to get to Dachau again, and I was repeatedly threatened with it.
Therefore, I suffered strongly in body and soul. My heart and nerves
were particularly affected and there was in addition the bad food. When
I was released on 20 December, I was already sick. Nevertheless, I had
to report to the police every other day. When on 27 December I wanted
to fulfill again my obligation to report there, I collapsed and lost
consciousness in the garden of the police building. The ambulance took
me home and I was unconscious for almost 3 hours. I recovered only
gradually but since that time I suffer from a weak heart.
[signed] Josef Simon
Nurnberg, 18 October 1945
I hereby declare under oath the correctness of the above statement
which oath is given by me on this thirteenth day of November 1945 at
Nurnberg, Justice Building, before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.
[signed] Josef Simon
Josef Simon
Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice
Building, in Nurnberg, Germany.
[signed] D. A. Sprecher
D. A. Sprecher, O2055516, Capt., AUS
# # # # #
Josef Simon, Nurnberg, Ziegelsteinstr. 106
As above already stated in my report on my arrest, my son Willi was
also arrested on 29 June and taken to Dachau Concentration Camp.
Nothing could be proved against him, except that he was my son. My son
“Josef” was to be arrested also and taken to Dachau. He avoided being
arrested by fleeing and going via Schleswig-Holstein to Denmark, where
he lives and works at present as a refugee.
My son Willi was asked by the SS guards in Dachau what sort of post he
held. When he answered that he had had none, he was slapped in the face
and ordered to confess, and at each declaration that he had no post he
was slapped in the face again and again. Then the SS men poured water
out in the basement of the washhouse and while my son had to wipe it
off with a little rag he was beaten several times. After he had wiped
up the water, the basement was drenched again with water and under
further beatings he again had to wipe up the water.
During bathings in the winter of 1933 the prisoners who in the opinion
of the SS did not get ready soon enough in the cold washroom were
sprayed with a hose while half-dressed and chased outside. Because of
the wet clothing my son contracted a severe cold in the form of an
arthritis of the hip. He came into the dispensary. The pains became
worse all the time and finally he was taken to a clinic in Munich for
examination. The physician declared that my son had to remain in the
clinic for treatment. This, however, was refused by the accompanying
SS and he was taken to Dachau again, where he was again taken to the
dispensary. I visited him in the dispensary and asked the medic to put
his bed near the stove, a request that was granted. Only after several
weeks did the condition of my son improve, and on 18 January 1934 he
was released from Dachau.
For the truth of the above statements vouches.
[signed] Josef Simon
Nurnberg, 23 October 1945
I have again read carefully the report submitted by me on 23 October
1945 and I hereby declare under oath that the content is true. This
statement is herewith made by me today, the 13 November 1945 at
Nurnberg, in the Justice Building before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.
[signed] Josef Simon
Josef Simon
Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice
Building, Nurnberg, Germany.
[signed] D. A. Sprecher
D. A. Sprecher O2055516
Captain, Army of the United States
# # # # #
Josef Simon, Nurnberg, Ziegelsteinstr. 106.
Karl Hermann, official of the Union of the Factory Workers, was
arrested together with Staimer, on the denunciation by his nephew that
he had together with Staimer, listened to foreign radio stations; they
were shipped to the concentration camp Flossenbuerg in the Oberpfalz.
There he was slain and the ashes were sent to his family.
I cannot name witnesses for this deed, but I attach a death certificate
sent to his family. [See Document 2333-PS]
I vouch for the truth of the above statements.
[signed] Josef Simon
Nurnberg, 23 October 1945
# # # # #
Josef Simon
Nurnberg
Ziegelsteinstr. 106
When I was shipped on 30 June 1933 to the Dachau Concentration Camp,
I met there Josef Staimer, an official of the Unions of Stokers and
Machinists, who had already been arrested in April and sent to Dachau.
As far as I remember, he was not released from Dachau until 1938.
In 1940, Staimer together with Hermann was arrested again on the basis
of a denunciation and came to Flossenbuerg Concentration Camp in the
Oberpfalz. He was slain there after a few months and burned in the
Crematorium. The ashes were sent to his family.
I cannot name witnesses for this deed, but I attach a death certificate
sent to his family. [See Document 2332-PS]
For the truth of the above statements vouches.
[signed] Josef Simon
Nurnberg, 23 October 1945
I have reread carefully both reports, as submitted by me on 23 October
1945, and declare herewith under oath, that the content is true. This
statement is herewith made by me today, the 13th of November 1945 at
Nurnberg, in the Justice Building before Captain D. A. Sprecher, AUS.
[signed] Josef Simon
Josef Simon
Sworn to before me, this 13th day of November 1945 in the Justice
Building in Nurnberg, Germany.
[signed] D. A. Sprecher
D. A. Sprecher, O2055516, Captain, AUS.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2336-PS
GERMAN LABOR FRONT
_Organization Office_
Chief Directorate of the Political Organization [P.O.] National
Socialist Factory Cells Organization
Berlin W., 27 June 1933
Luetzowufer 18, II
SPECIAL CIRCULAR
on the Securing of the Associations of the German Labor Front [DAF]
Against Hidden Marxist Sabotage.
To all:
Leaders of Worker and Employee Associations of the DAF Regional
[Bezirke],
District [Kreis] and Local Chapter Directorate [Ortsgruppenleitungen]
of the Worker and Employee Associations of the DAF,
Regional Leaders of the DAF,
Regional Leaders of German industry
and
National Socialist Works Organization [N.S.B.O.] of
“Landes” Representatives of the NSDAP
“Gau” Factory Cell Leaders of the NSDAP
District Factory Cell Leaders of the NSDAP
Local Chapter Factory Workers [Ortsgruppenbetriebswarte] of the NSDAP
in Berlin and the Reich.
[Stamp]
Main Archives of the NSDAP No.____
[Stamp]
Entered in the index of books
3 A/C current No. A-202.
# # # # #
Dear Party comrades.
The Situation
Today the third SA-man from Berlin has died, following on the burial
yesterday, with the greatest ceremony, of his two comrades. The
murderer was _a Marxist trade union member_.--A few days ago SA-men
were fired at by _Marxists_ in two other cities of the Reich.--Enemy
aircraft dropped revolutionary _Marxist_ leaflets over Berlin.--Shortly
before the final edition of today’s local newspapers came out, it
became known that a gigantic new scandal of corruption has been
discovered in a land settlement society. The former _Marxist_ “Gau”
chairman of the Textile Workers’ Union [Textilarbeiter-Verbandes] has
been arrested as the chief swine and money maker. In Silesia signs have
been discovered of a secret _Marxist_ organization (Communist Party).
This is a small selection of daily events, chosen at random. _Marxists
as murderers, Marxists as inciters to corruption, Marxists as
foreign agents, Marxists as conspirators against the state and its
institutions._ The notorious enemies of the state are opposed by the
great mass of honest German workers who fight for work and bread. For
fourteen years the “labor leaders” of Prague, Paris, Amsterdam, Warsaw
gave to the millions of German workers _stones_ instead of bread,
_servitude to a foreign political system_ instead of liberty. The 30th
January, 5th March, 2nd May, 22nd June finally struck one weapon after
the other out of the hands of this “Fuehrer” mob [gesindel]. The force
and thoroughness of the National Socialist coups [Aktionen] made those
who did not disappear into concentration camps creep into every dark
corner.
They Played Dead.
However, now the generosity of National Socialism towards its
adversaries, which was rightly mentioned by party comrade Dr. Ley in
one of the last decrees of the DAF leaders, seems to have encouraged
them to new treasonable activities from the darkness. There is much to
indicate this. Here is just a small sample from a report submitted by
the Gestapo, Berlin:
The functionaries of the free trade unions have received instructions
to dismiss the assertions of the National Socialist Works Organization
regarding the former embezzlement of union funds as slanderous. What is
aimed at is permanent agitation on a considerable scale, particularly
with the cooperation of the treasurers of the Social Democrat Party.
All trade union members who have joined the National Socialist Works
Organization so as not to lose their jobs are registered with full
details and then visited by functionaries in their homes. An attempt is
being made to group together all “class-conscious” workers who reject
Fascism. The aim is to keep the trade unions as fighting organs in
spite of National Socialist leadership. The old trade union leaders are
convinced even today that there is no suitable soil in Germany for the
plant of Fascism; nevertheless every effort should be made to shorten
its existence.
These new working methods are contrived on the instructions of the
international association of trade unions with which the leading German
trade unionists are, as ever, in close contact. In short, the activity
of the functionaries of the Marxist parties and Trades Unions is
becoming more and more effective [aktiv].
They want again, although of course considerably weakened, to use as
a spring board the countless millions of German workers who long for
work and bread. They shoot their arrows from ambush, try to organize
themselves illegally, and now and then even assume a cynical and
impertinent attitude. _But they must have got a totally wrong idea
of us! We are awake!_ As new and qualified leaders of the workers
and employees of the DAF and as political officials [Amtswalter] of
the victorious National Socialist Works Organization, the sword of
the DAF, and finally also the old, confirmed National Socialists who
are accustomed to persecution, in all the leading and authoritative
positions of the DAF, are, thank God, guarantees that the doings of our
enemies come to nought.
Since we know that, we act accordingly. Our aim is:
1. _Expulsion of the last leading Marxist from all units of the
associations of the “German Labour Front”;_
2. _Therefore no softness, no false belief that we can “convert” them,
since they hate us from the very bottom of their hearts and because
Marxist big-wigs [Bonzen] can never be converted;_
3. _No more financial settlements, no respecting of all their
dishonestly made agreements;_
4. _Close observation and a close check on their private activities,
for they carry on propaganda against the state under the cloak of
honest citizens;_
5. _See to it that they are regarded by the people as outlaws who
really deserved to be hanged;_
6. _Have close observation instituted in the factories;_
7. _Finally do everything that helps the German workers and the German
employees but cuts off the deposed Marxist big-wigs from every type of
activity hostile to the state._
_We_ have one aim only; to unite the whole of German labour in a mighty
block of workers for the blessing of the people and state. _Adolf
Hitler_ is the protector [Schirmheer] of the DAF--_that explains
everything_.
The _Marxists_, at home and abroad, have also one aim only; to
annihilate National Socialism and thus create chaos in Germany, nay, in
Europe. The fronts are thus clear. The law of the National Socialist
revolution demands therefore not only unceasing toil, but _fast_ work
at this very moment. Therefore the following orders are issued.
A
_For the “General Association [Gesamtverband] of German Workers” of the
DAF_
1. _The organization office of the DAF is drawing up a “List of
Outlaws” [Geaechteten]_
_which is valid for the entire Reich and in which the names of all
those Marxist trade union “big-wigs” [Bonze] will be included, who
have carried on in the past and are still carrying on the most furious
struggle against National Socialism and are continuing it in secret.
Anyone on the “List of Outlaws”, will not be given work in the future.
All organizations which have any vital connection with German industry
are being sent this printed list, in order to prevent any of these
traitors to the workers from returning to the factories by crooked
means and possibly continuing their mutinous activity there._
_In this connection, the Association leaders [Verbandsleiter] of the
“General union [Gesamtverband] of German Workers” of the DAF will issue
detailed executive instructions._
2. _No treasurer (or person holding similar office) in the associations
may be a Marxist because these persons have the greatest opportunity of
forming illegal nucleus groups. It goes without saying that suspicious
treasurers, who can of course continue their former activities in
spite of the fact that they no longer have the right to collect
subscriptions, should be constantly watched._
3. _The local group associations [Verbandsortssgruppe] are to be filled
up as soon as possible with the members of other associations or groups
who have been brought into line (Christian, former yellow, Evangelic,
and Catholic workers unions, etc.) so that the block of “free”
association members which has up to now been a closed community, may
be split up. Public places known to have been frequented by the Social
Democrat, Reichsbanner, or Communist Party, may no longer be used as
meeting places of the local group association [Verbandsortsgruppen]._
B
_For the General Association [Gesamtverband] of German employees of the
DAF._
_It is above all the Catholic party leaders whom the Trade Unions have
taken over who should be removed from the associations, those men
who, it has been ascertained, are maintaining their connections with
political Catholicism just as they always have. They are dangerous
because they simulate submission and cheerful cooperation while in
reality they wantonly hold up our work of reconstruction and make no
secret of it among themselves. For example, here is one of many reports
from our intelligence service_:
“On Sunday, 23 April, at 11 A. M. in the Vincent-House at Breslau
a meeting of the Christian trade unions was held to which all the
representatives of the authorities were invited. The report was given
by the Chief Editor of the “Deutsche”, Wiedfeld of Berlin. The meeting
came to an end about 1:00 p. m. and closed with the National Anthem.
In the afternoon the delegates from the province assembled to discuss
the report in the absence of the representatives of the various
authorities. No comment was permitted on Herr Wiedfeld’s report in
the morning, in order to appear in a good light in the eyes of the
representatives of the authorities, and this was expressly stated by
the chairman of the afternoon meeting. The lively discussion showed
immediately the methods followed and the goal aimed at by the Christian
Trades Union. Violent attacks were launched against the present Reich
Cabinet [Reichsregierung]. A representative of the Christian Trade
Union attacked the Reich Chancellor, asserting that Adolf Hitler would
never allow the leaders of the Christian Trade Unions to voice their
opinions.
Then they spoke of the National Socialist Works Organization and
pulled it to pieces. Citing a number of examples they went on to
make further attacks on the Reich Cabinet and the National Socialist
Works Organization. First the Government was attacked; they said, for
instance, that cars were left free of tax, while a great tax was levied
on margarine and thus the standard of living of the poor was lowered.
There had never been so much holiday work in upper Silesia as under the
present Government. They declared that the NSDAP will have the surprise
of its life in Autumn, when the people will have nothing to eat, they
will then take to open fighting and destroy National Socialism in the
same way as the Socialist Party has been destroyed today. We dealt with
1918 (i.e. Christian trade union) and will deal with the Nazis too. One
must be on one’s guard against Minister Goering, for this fellow is
heading straight for Dictatorship. It is important to keep a good watch
on the National Socialist Works Organization, inform the people of
every mistake and explain to the people that the Nazis are completely
unable to carry out what they say.”
_This “Christian”, sabotage applies of course also to the Workers’
Associations._
C
_For the branches [Gliederungen] of the National Socialist Works
Organizations_
_1. The National Socialist Works Organization is above all the security
organ of the entire German Labour Front, i.e. it has to protect day
and night the great work of our slowly progressing unification of all
German workers and prevent any kind of sabotage. This is carried out in
two ways:_
_a. Through the already National Socialist Works Organization officials
[Amtswalter] in the associations themselves and_
_b. By keeping a watch on factories, houses and public places
which appear suspicious to us, by means of NS B. O. patrols
drawn from the “Gau” and District [Kreis] factory cell-divisions
[Betriebszellenabteilung] and the local group factory wardens
[Ortsgruppenbietriebswarte] detailed instructions will be issued later
to the Gau factory cell divisions direct._
_2. However, the branches of the National Socialist Works Organization
must themselves be subjected to a thorough purge of members because
their rapid growth has brought us many unreliable elements._
_It is only the man who pledges his life-time unreservedly,
unselfishly, and devotedly to the fight for the rise of German labour
(brain and manual workers), and thus for the whole people, who should
be a member of the National Socialist Works Organization. But any man
who has joined the National Socialist Works Organization on the chance
of amassing wealth, or has regarded his membership as a safeguard
against losing his job, etc., in short, any man who has joined this
fighting body [Kampftruppe] for material reasons, must leave it. The
man who was a Marxist only yesterday and fought openly against us, but
today will have nothing more to do with it, must also leave. These
are nothing but dangerous disruptive elements [Spaltpilze] who poison
morale when it comes to tests of endurance._
_It would be a definite benefit for the National Socialist Works
Organization if quite 100,000 of our most recent members leave our
ranks. The Gau factory cell leaders [Gau-Betriebszellenleiter] must
therefore issue orders to this effect._
_3. Herewith an order is issued effective until further notice,
prohibiting National Socialist Works Organization officials
[Amtswalter] and/or ordinary members beyond the N.S.W.O. membership
number 450,000, from holding any positions whatever in the associations
of the German Labour Front. The new members do not yet possess that
degree of suitability for leadership which we must demand for the great
tasks which have to be accomplished in these associations._
_Care has been taken that those “freshmen” who are not needed as
officials [Amtswalter] in the National Socialist Works Organization or
in the associations, are thoroughly familiarized by rapid courses with
National socialist ideas, so that they can then be employed._
_4. All positions on factory and employee counselors’ councils in
Germany must be filled by National Socialists. There must no longer
be any factory in which Marxists or “Christians” hold the leading
positions. Orders should therefore be given immediately that Communist
and Catholic factory or employee councils who are still holding office
should be dismissed. To prevent this being carried out in a wild and
undisciplined manner, it is laid down that the responsible Regional
leader of the German Labour Front, in conjunction with the Gau Director
of factory cells should from time to time, decide on the necessary
orders (in agreement with the Regional leader of German industry)._
The above schemes [Ausfuehrungen] and orders are _to be put into effect
immediately_ with proven National Socialist thoroughness. No pardon to
the enemy but stake all for the victory of the National Socialistic
revolution.
Signed Muchow
Director of the Office of the Organization of the German Labour Front
and Deputy Director of the National Socialist Works Organization of the
Political Organization of the N.S.D.A.P.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 2340-PS
1937 REICHSGESETZBLATT, PART I, PAGE 41
German Public Officials Law of 27 January 1937
A career as a public official, rooted in the German people and
permeated by National Socialist ideology and loyalty bound to the
Fuehrer of the German Reich and people, forms a foundation pillar
of the National Socialist State. Therefore the Reich Government has
enacted the following law, which is hereby promulgated.
CHAPTER I
Official Relationship [Beamtenverhaeltnis]
ARTICLE 1.
(1) The German official stands in a public service and trust
relationship to the Fuehrer and to the Reich.
(2) He carries out the will of the state, which is based on the
National Socialist German Labor Party.
(3) The state demands of the official absolute obedience and complete
fulfillment of duty; in return it guarantees him a position for life.
* * * * * * *
CHAPTER II
Duties of Officials
1. General
* * * * * * *
ARTICLE 3.
(1) A position in the public service is proof of confidence on the
part of the state leadership, which the official must justify by being
constantly aware of the increased duties which his position imposes
upon him. Fuehrer and Reich demand of him true patriotism, a spirit
of self-sacrifice, and complete dedication of his efforts, obedience
to his superiors, and comradeship toward his colleagues. He must be a
model of loyal fulfillment of duty to all his fellow citizens. He must
be faithful to the death to the Fuehrer, who assures him his special
protection.
(2) The official must at all times support without reservation the
National Socialist State and in all his behavior must be guided by the
fact that the National Socialist German Labor Party, in indissoluble
union with the people, is the basis of the German state concept. He
must report to his superiors occurrences which might endanger the
existence of the Reich or of the National Socialist German Labor Party,
even when he has not learned of them in the course of his official
duties.
(3) The public official is responsible for conscientious fulfillment
of his official duties. By his conduct, on or off duty, he must prove
himself worthy of the respect and confidence which his profession
enjoys. He must not permit any member of his household to engage in any
dishonorable activity.
2. Oath of Allegiance.
* * * * * * *
ARTICLE 4.
(1) The official confirms his special unity with the Fuehrer and the
Reich with the following oath, which he must take upon entering upon
his first duty:
“I swear: I will be loyal and obedient to the Fuehrer of the German
Reich and people, Adolf Hitler, obey the law, and conscientiously
perform my official duties, so help me God.”
(2) If a law permits members of a religious affiliation to use other
forms of affirmation instead of the oath, the official who is a member
of such a religious affiliation may use such form of affirmation.
(3) If the official declares that he has objections to taking the oath
in religious form, he can take it without the final words.
* * * * * * *
CHAPTER IV
Appointments and Transfers
1. Appointments
* * * * * * *
ARTICLE 25.
(1) Only a person who is of German or related blood and who, if he
is married, has a spouse of German or related blood can become an
official. If the spouse is a mixed-blood second degree, an exception
may be made.
(2) An official may marry only a person of German or related blood.
If the betrothed is a mixed-blood, second degree the marriage may be
approved.
(3) For the admission of an exception under subdivision 1, 2nd
sentence, and the approval under subdivision 2, 2nd sentence, the
supreme office authority in agreement with the Reich Minister of the
Interior and the Deputy of the Fuehrer are the competent authorities.
The same authorities may also permit exceptions to subdivision 1, 1st
sentence and subdivision 2, 1st sentence, in individual cases.
ARTICLE 26.
(1) Furthermore, only such person may assume public office, who--
1. is a citizen of the Reich or is not a citizen yet only because he
does not yet fulfill the requirements therefore because of his age,
2. has the preliminary training prescribed for his career or, in the
absence of such regulations, the customary preliminary training or
other special requirements for the office to be entrusted to him, and
3. offers guarantee that he will at all times support the National
Socialist State without reservation.
(2) Exceptions to subdivision 1, No. 1 require the approval of the
Reich Minister of the Interior in agreement with the Deputy of the
Fuehrer or the authorities appointed by them.
* * * * * * *
CHAPTER VII
Termination of Official Relationship
* * * * * * *
2. Dismissal from Office
(a) Refusal to take the oath
* * * * * * *
ARTICLE 57.
Whoever refuses to take the oath of allegiance prescribed by law is to
be dismissed.
3. Retirement
* * * * * * *
(d) Political Reasons
(1) The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor may retire a life-time or
temporary official on the request of the supreme office authority in
agreement with the Reich Minister of the Interior, if the official no
longer offers guarantee that he will at all times support the National
Socialist State.
(2) The facts justifying this request are to be ascertained in an
investigation in which the questioning of witnesses and excerpts on
oath is permissible and in which the official is to be heard.