and 10th and 13th of August. My not answering them is owing to causes
which you will easily conceive; for you will easily conceive the
multiplicity of objects to which I must turn my attention. I am very
sorry to learn that you can no longer continue in the office of
Receiver. It would have given me great pleasure that you should have
done so, because I am sure that you would have rendered very signal
services to the public cause. This you will now do in another line,
more important as it is more extensive; and the justness of your
sentiments on public affairs, induce my warm wish that you may find a
place in Congress so agreeable, that you may be induced to continue in
it.
I am sorry to learn, that any letter of mine should have given
offence; but I conclude that this effect must follow from many parts
of my writings and conduct; because the steady pursuit of what appears
to be the true line of duty will necessarily cross the various oblique
views of interest and opinion. To offend is sometimes a fault, always
a misfortune. The letter in question is, I suppose, under the date of
the 11th of December, of which I enclose you a copy. Let me at the
same time assure you, that in all your excellent letter of the 13th
instant, I most esteem the clause now in question because it contains
that useful information which is least common. I will make no
apologies for the letter, to any one, because apologies are rarely
useful, and where the intention has been good, they are to candid
minds unnecessary. Possessed of the facts you can guard against
misrepresentation, and I have found that to be the most hostile
weapon, which either my personal or political enemies have been able
to wield against me.
I have not even yet seen the resolutions of your Legislature,
relative to an extension of the powers of Congress. I had supposed the
same reason for them that you have expressed. Indeed power is
generally such a darling object with weak minds, that they must feel
extreme reluctance to bid it farewell; neither do I believe that
anything will induce a general consent to part with it, but a perfect
sense of absolute necessity. This may arise from two sources, the one
of reason the other of feeling; the former more safe and more
uncertain, the latter always secure and often dangerous. It is, my
Dear Sir, in circumstances like these, that a patriotic mind seeking
the great good of the whole on enlightened principles, can best be
distinguished from those vulgar souls, whose narrow optics can see but
the little circle of selfish concerns. Unhappily such souls are but
too common, and but too often fill the seats of dignity and authority.
A firm, wise, manly, system of federal government, is what I once
wished, what I now hope, what I dare not expect, but what I will not
despair of.
Your description of the mode of collecting taxes, contains an epitome
of the follies, which prevail from one end of the continent to the
other. There is no end to the absurdity of human nature; mankind seem
to delight in contrast and paradox, for surely nothing else could
sanctify (during a contest on the precise point of being taxed by our
own consent) the arbitrary police, which on this subject, almost
universally prevails. God grant you success in your views to amend it.
Your ideas on the subject are perfectly correspondent to my own. As to
your doubt on the mode of collecting it, I would wish to obviate it by
the observation, that the further off we can remove the appointment of
collectors from popular influence, the more effectual will be their
operations; and the more they conform to the views of Congress, the
more effectually will they enable that body to provide for general
defence. In political life, the creature will generally pay some
deference to the creator. The having a double set of officers is
indeed an evil, but a good thing is not always to be rejected because
of that necessary portion of evil, which in the course of things must
be attached to it. Neither is this a necessary evil, for with a proper
federal government, army, navy, and revenue, the civil administration
might well be provided for, by a stamp act, roads by turnpikes, and
navigation by tolls.
The account you give of the State is by no means flattering; and the
more true it appears, the more concern it gives me. The loan I hope
will be completed, and I wish the _whole_ amount of the tax may be
collected. The forage plan I have disagreed to, and enclose for your
information, the copy of my letter on that subject to the Quarter
Master General. I believe your State is exhausted, but perhaps even
you consider it as being more so than it is. The certificates, which
now form a useless load, will (if the United States adopt, and the
several States agree, to a plan now before Congress) become valuable
property. This will afford great relief. The scarcity of money also
may be immediately relieved, if the love of popular favor would so far
give way to the love of public good, as to enforce plentiful taxation.
The necessity of having money, will always produce money. The desire
of having it produces, you see, so much as is necessary to gratify the
desire of enjoying foreign luxuries. Turn the stream, which now flows
in the channels of commerce, to those of revenue, and the business is
completed. Unfortunately for us, this is an operation which requires
fortitude, perseverance, virtue, and which cannot be effected by the
weak or wicked minds, who have only partial, private, or interested
views.
When I consider the exertions, which the country has already made,
under striking disadvantages, and with astonishing prodigality of
national wealth, by pernicious modes of applying it, I persuade myself
that regular consistent efforts would produce much more than you
suppose.
For your accurate, clear, and comprehensive description of general and
particular characters, sentiments, and opinions, accept my sincere
thanks and warm approbation. They do equal justice to your talents,
both for observation and description.
Mr Duer's attention to the business of his contract, is very pleasing
to me, and honorable to himself. I am very sorry that he should lose
by it, but to avoid this as much as possible, I am determined to
support him by liberal advances so soon as it shall be in my power to
do it.
I pray you to believe me to be yours, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Office of Finance, August 20th, 1782.
Sir,
I have now to address you on a subject, which cannot be more painful
to you than it is to me. I am determined to act justly, and therefore
when I find that I shall be unable to pay the contractors, I will give
them due notice in season. This period is fast approaching, and unless
the States make infinitely greater exertions than they have hitherto
done, it must soon arrive. To comprise this matter in a short compass,
your army is fed at a dollar for nine rations, or three dollars and a
third per month to feed a soldier. Twentyfour thousand rations per day
would therefore amount to eighty thousand dollars monthly, which is
more than had been paid by all the States on the 1st instant. The
object of this letter, Sir, is to request that you will consider how
your army is to be subsisted or kept together, if I am obliged to
dissolve the contracts. I pray that Heaven may direct your mind to
some mode by which we may be yet saved. I have done all that I could,
and given repeated warnings of the consequences, but it is like
preaching to the dead. Every exertion I am capable of shall be
continued while there is the least glimmering of hope.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.[10]
[10] _August 29th._ Mr Duane, Arthur Lee, Abraham Clark, and
Samuel Osgood, a Committee of Inquiry, came this morning and
proceeded in their business. They desired me to make out an
account of all the moneys that have come into my hands, and those
which I have paid. They asked the reasons for employing Mr
Swanwick, and proceeded in other parts of their inquiry until the
hour for going to Congress arrived. They inquired into the reasons
for appointing Receivers of Continental taxes in each State, and
Mr Clark expressed doubts of my authority to make those
appointments. I therefore produced the Acts of Congress of the 3d
of November, 1781, which satisfied him on that point. I informed
the Committee, that my reasons for making new appointments, in
preference to employing the Loan officers, were first, the Loan
officers have not settled their accounts with the United States,
and some of them have long accounts depending; secondly, although
some of them may be fit, all are not; thirdly, had the money paid
by the States, for the current expenses of the year, been put into
the hands of the Loan officers, the people entitled to the
interest on Loan Office certificates, issued by these gentlemen,
would have been very clamorous for payment. They would not have
entered into, or admitted the distinction of moneys granted for
revenue or for current expenses of the year. _Diary._
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Office of Finance, August 30th, 1782.
Sir,
My letter of the 29th, which is enclosed, I have written for two
reasons; one that you may be informed and I may stand justified in
every respect, should the event take place; the other, which is the
principal one, that you may found a warm application on it to the
States. You will, I hope, keep this entirely to yourself. You will
see, that I have not intrusted a view of it to my Secretary, or to any
of the clerks. The effect of your application must depend on raising a
very general alarm.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.[11]
[11] _September 3d._ This day I requested a Committee of Congress
for a conference. Mr Rutledge, Mr Osgood, and Mr Madison, were
appointed, and I proposed to them to present the seventyfour gun
ship, America, to his Most Christian Majesty; who has lately lost
_Le Magnifique_, a seventyfour gun ship, in the harbor of Boston.
The Committee were unanimously of opinion with me, that this
unfortunate incident afforded Congress an opportunity of showing a
mark of the sincerity of their attachment to their ally, by
enabling his Minister to continue the force of his fleet at a time
when it could not otherwise be done. Besides the propriety which
there is in showing this mark of attachment and gratitude to his
Most Christian Majesty, I have several other strong and pointed
reasons, which induced me to propose and always to support this
measure. The want of money in our treasury to fit, equip, and man
this ship, is amongst the number. _Diary._
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, September 9th, 1782.
Sir,
I did myself the honor to propose, in my letter of the 30th of July
last, the borrowing or four millions of dollars for the service of the
ensuing year. It always gives me pain to repeat any application to
Congress, because it is my duty to suppose they pay every proper
attention to those things, which are submitted to their consideration.
But I must take the liberty, on this occasion to observe, that the
many engagements I have been compelled to make for the purpose of
supporting the public service to the present moment, will all fall due
between this and the first of next year.
My prospects of relief from the revenues of America are slender
indeed. As a safe opportunity for Europe will offer in a few days,
Congress will be pleased to consider that the moments are precious.
They will consider, that I cannot act in this business without their
authority, and that it will take some days to prepare the necessary
despatches, even after that authority is given. I hope, Sir, that I
shall not be understood as desiring to precipitate any acts or
resolutions. We are fast approaching to the winter. If everything
could be ready by the 15th of this month, we could not reckon on the
arrival of despatches at Paris before the beginning of November. A
month is but a short period to transact this important business, and
this would not leave another month for the winter's passage back.
With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Office of Finance, September 9th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
The dates of the enclosed letters will show you my extreme reluctance
to wound your mind with the anxieties which distress my own. At the
time they were written, I was sore pressed on every quarter; but a
gleam of hope broke in upon me, and induced me to bear up still longer
against the torrent of demands, which was rushing upon me. These would
long since have overwhelmed me, had I been supported only by the
revenues drawn from the States.
At length, however, my other resources, which are nearly exhausted,
have become useless by the total stagnation of trade, owing to the
expectations of peace. There is, therefore, no other dependence left
but the taxes, and, unless these become immediately productive of
funds sufficient to feed our troops, I need not describe the
consequences. Already I am in arrears, in spite of my efforts. I am
determined, however, to continue those efforts to the last moment, but
at present, I really know not which way to turn myself.
With the most sincere esteem, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO MESSRS WILLINK & CO., AMSTERDAM.
Office of Finance, September 24th, 1782.
Gentlemen,
Presuming, from the letters of yourself and of Mr Adams, that the loan
opened on account of the United States of America under your auspices
is filled, I do myself the honor to enclose you sundry acts of
Congress, by which you will see that the amount is subject to my
disposal. Whatever measures I may take, you will from time to time
receive due notice of, unless the miscarriage of letters by the
accidents to which they are at present subjected should prevent.
I have now in view a money negotiation, which may or may not take
place according to circumstances, but which will probably be
accomplished, to the amount of from one to two millions of florins. If
it should be effected, Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. bankers at Paris, will
have occasion to draw on you. I am now, therefore, to desire that the
bills drawn by that house to whatever amount, be punctually honored
and paid on account of the United States. It is in a reliance on this
that I shall take my measures, and a failure of payment would be
attended with the worst consequences.
I have the honor to be, with perfect respect, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO MESSRS LE COUTEULX & CO., PARIS.
Office of Finance, September 24th, 1782.
Gentlemen,
Enclosed you have letters of this date to the house of Messrs Le
Couteulx, at Cadiz, and to Wilhelm and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob
Van Staphorst, and De la Land and Fynjé, at Amsterdam. These two
letters, which I am to request that you will forward, are left open
for your perusal, and will explain to you the object which I now have
in view.
The United States having moneys in Holland, which are very necessary
for the public service here, I have deemed it best to bring them
through the Havana, for the following reasons. First, bills of
exchange cannot be negotiated here to the necessary amount, and are
even then negotiated at the rate of thirteen per cent discount.
Secondly, as it is, therefore, necessary to import money, the risk is
less from the Havana than from Europe. Thirdly, it might not be
agreeable to the prejudices of many to draw from Europe their
circulating coin; and, fourthly, I expect that a considerable gain
will be made on the negotiations. Thus, for instance, to take it in
its greatest extent, I am informed that bills on Cadiz, at thirty
days' sight, sell at the Havana for an advance of eight per cent; and
that bills on Paris sell at Cadiz, for an advance of nine per cent;
and there is also an advance on bills drawn from Paris on Amsterdam;
to which may be added, that a considerable time is also gained in
these various negotiations; and, therefore, if any benefit can be
derived to the United States from that circumstance, you will govern
yourself accordingly. In this, as well as in every other circumstance
relating to the business, I have on you, Gentlemen, the most perfect
reliance.
I think it will be best for you to know immediately of the gentlemen
in Amsterdam, whether they will answer your drafts to the amount;
because, if they should raise obstacles in the way, those may be
removed in season from this country, provided an early notice be
transmitted; for I expect you will receive this letter by the time Mr
---- reaches the Havana, if not before; and I do not suppose that his
bills can reach Cadiz in less than two months; and, of course, at one
usance only (and they shall, if that can be done without loss, be
drawn at two usances) they will not be payable until three months, and
then if time is necessary, you will direct the house in Cadiz to draw
at two usances more, which will bring the business to between five and
six months from your receipt of my letters. At any rate, it will not
do, that Mr ----'s bills be protested; I must rely on you to prevent
an accident, which would be attended with such fatal consequences, and
shall take measures to put you in a capacity to answer them
seasonably.
With perfect respect, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
_P. S._ You will observe, that there is in the foregoing letter, a
blank for the name of the person who is to be employed in this
business. The reason is, that the gentleman I spoke to on the subject,
is prevented by the circumstances of his family from going to Havana.
I shall write to you further on the subject when I shall have taken
other arrangements.
R. M.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN, JOHN ADAMS, AND JOHN JAY.
Office of Finance, September 25th, 1782.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to enclose for your perusal, Acts of Congress of
the 27th of November and 3d of December, 1781, and the 14th and 3d
instant. In consequence I have to request, that all the bills hitherto
drawn by authority of Congress be paid and the accounts of those
transactions closed. After this is done, and I hope and believe that
while I am writing this letter it may have been already accomplished,
you will be freed from the torment and perplexity of attending to
money matters.
I am persuaded that this consideration will be highly pleasing to you,
as such things must necessarily interfere with your more important
attention. I have long since requested the Secretary of Foreign
Affairs to desire you would appoint an agent or attorney here, to
receive and remit your salary, which will be paid quarterly; in the
meantime it is paid to him for your use. As to any contingent expenses
which may arise, I shall readily make the necessary advances upon Mr
Livingston's application. These arrangements will, I hope, be both
useful and agreeable to you.
I am, Sir, with perfect respect, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Office of Finance, September 27th, 1782.
Sir,
I do myself the pleasure to congratulate you on the success of your
patriotic labors in Holland. The general tribute paid to your
abilities on this occasion, will so well dispense with the addition of
my feeble voice, that I shall spare your delicacy the pain of
expressing my sentiments.
The enclosed resolutions and copies of letters will convey to you so
fully the views of Congress, and explain so clearly my conceptions on
the subject, that very little need be added. If the application to
France should fail of success, which I cannot permit myself to
believe, you will then have a new opportunity of showing the influence
you have acquired over the minds of men in the country where you
reside, and of exerting it in the manner most beneficial to our
country.
Before I conclude this letter, I must congratulate your Excellency on
the success of the loan you have already opened, which I consider as
being by this time completed.
With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO MESSRS LE COUTEULX & CO.
Office of Finance, September 27th, 1782.
Gentlemen,
I write to Dr Franklin under this date to place in your hands five
hundred thousand dollars, as soon as he possibly can. I hope it may be
effected speedily. My object in making this deposit is, that you may
remit to the amount of that sum to the Havana, provided bills on that
place can be purchased at a discount of twentyfive per cent; by which
I mean, that seventyfive dollars in Europe should purchase one hundred
dollars in Havana. If the negotiations cannot be effected upon those
terms, you will retain the money in your hands subject to my after
direction. I suppose that those, or better terms, can be obtained for
the following reasons.
The person who has money in the Havana, by selling bills will
immediately possess himself of the amount for which they are sold; and
therefore, allowing time for the bills to go over and be presented,
with the thirty days of payment, and the further time, which would be
necessary to remit that money from the Havana to Cadiz, and he would
gain from eight to twelve months' time, which is itself important; but
in addition to this, there is the duty of nine per cent on exporting
cash from the Havana; a freight, which is I suppose considerable; a
risk which is very great, and perhaps a farther duty on the arrival at
Cadiz. To which may be added, the advance on bills drawn at Cadiz on
the different parts of Europe.
If you can accomplish the negotiation on the terms I have mentioned,
you will then remit the bills to a good house in the Havana, to
receive the money and hold it subject to my order; and you will, if
you can, fix the terms on which that House are to do the business.
Whether anything of this sort takes place or not, I am to request that
you will give me every information on the subject, which you can
acquire.
I am, Gentlemen, your most obedient and humble servant,
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Office of Finance, September 27th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the copy of Acts of Congress of the 14th
and 23d instant, together with the copy of my letter of the 30th of
July, covering the estimates for the year 1783. These estimates are
not yet finally decided on. By the Act of the 14th you are, as you
perceive, instructed to communicate the resolution for borrowing four
millions of dollars, to his Most Christian Majesty; and first, to
assure his Majesty of the high sense, which the United States in
Congress assembled entertain of his friendship and generous exertions.
Secondly, their reliance on a continuance of them; and thirdly, the
necessity of applying to his Majesty on the present occasion.
From this, and even more particularly from the Act of the 23d, you
will see, that it is the wish of Congress to obtain this money from or
by means of the King. After the decisive expressions contained in
those resolutions, of the sense of our Sovereign, I am sure that it is
unnecessary for me to attempt anything like argument to induce your
exertions. I shall, therefore, rather confine myself to giving
information. The grateful sense of the King's exertions, which has so
warmly impressed your bosom, operates with undiminished force upon
Congress; and what is of more importance, in a country like ours, has
the strongest influence upon the whole whig interest of America.
I have no doubt but that the King's Minister here has given his Court
regular information on this and every other subject of equal
importance, and, therefore, any general assurances on your part will
be complimentary, and in some degree superfluous. But there is a kind
of knowledge not easily attainable by foreigners in any country,
particularly on such a matter as the present. It is not amiss,
therefore, that I should convey it to you, and your good sense will
apply it in the most proper manner. You (of all men in the world) are
not now to learn, that the sour English prejudices against everything
French had taken deep root in the minds of America. It could not have
been expected that this should be obliterated in a moment. But by
degrees almost every trace of it has been effaced. The conduct of
Britain has weaned us from our attachments, and those very attachments
have been transferred, in a great measure, to France.