is true, and when we recollect the means by which they were foiled,
it will not only obviate the charges of partiality, but show the
advantages of unanimity; and ought to become a motive to cultivate
harmony and excite exertion. That the enemy will try the arts of
seduction I verily believe, or rather that these arts have been tried,
but I do not believe they have the will or the power to buy many. It
will sufficiently answer their purposes, if they can promote disunion
among us, because our concord is our only safety. To produce disunion
nothing more is necessary than to set at work a few turbulent spirits.
Neither do I see that they need go at the trouble of sending ships
into the harbors of the several States, because such negotiations may
be accomplished without that trouble or parade.
You tell me that the Executive of Virginia refused the passports,
because they deemed the commerce and intercourse with the enemy to be
dangerous. There can be no doubt, that a commerce with the enemy is
not only dangerous but highly reprehensible, and if the transaction in
question could be considered as a commerce of that sort, I would
readily join in the censure. But if there was a commerce, it was by
the capitulation, and the present object relates only to the mode of
paying a debt already contracted under that solemn agreement.
You tell me, also, that it is the Governor's opinion, that the State
should have the benefit resulting from the passports, because the
undoubted power of granting such passports is in the State; and in
another letter you say it has been urged in argument, that Congress
have no right to grant the passports. As the right is thus brought in
question, it is to be presumed, that should that right be in Congress,
the Governor's argument must operate in their favor. If I am rightly
informed, their right on this occasion is not only unquestionable, but
it is exclusive; and I am told that numerous instances have occurred
in which vessels having passports from one State have been captured by
the privateers of another State, and been adjudged lawful prize. Judge
Griffin, who is now in Virginia, can doubtless give information on
this subject, and if one could be allowed to determine where the right
is from where it ought to be, there can be no doubt but that it must
be in Congress. If this be so, then the assertions about delivering
the rights of Virginia into the hands of Congress, must be considered
as nothing more than mere flowers of rhetoric, which are very good to
please an audience, but ought not to influence or convince a
legislative body.
How it can be said, that these passports contravene the resolutions of
Congress for confiscating British manufactures within the United
States, I am at a loss to conceive, and shall be, unless it can be
proved, that tobacco is a British manufacture. For I cannot suppose,
that it is intended to confiscate that property, which, having been
secured by the capitulation, is under the protection of the law of
nations, which law must always be taken notice of and respected by the
municipal law of every civilized country. As to the laws of Virginia,
which may be contravened by it, I cannot speak decidedly, but I have a
pretty strong reason to doubt the truth of this assertion, and it will
presently be assigned. But of all things in the world the most
ridiculous is the assertion, that this would give cause of complaint
to the King of France. There is something of the same kind in the
resolutions of the Delegates, which I will now consider; observing
beforehand, that the objection would come rather unfortunately, should
it be made by men, whose zeal for the honor and interest of his Most
Christian Majesty has never shown itself, except in the present
moment, and then by exciting discord among his allies.
The resolutions, being the act of a respectable body, are deserving of
respect, and shall meet with it from me. But I must take the liberty
to differ from them in some of their positions. It is resolved first,
that allowing the capitulants to export tobacco is not _warranted_ by
the capitulation. Much of what follows depends on the equivocal sense
of the word _warranted_. If by that word is meant enjoined, or
directed, the position is just, but if the idea to be conveyed is,
that such exportation is not _permitted_, then the position is untrue.
The exportation is very clearly permitted by the capitulation, because
the capitulation does not prohibit it, nor indeed say anything about
it. But in a day or two after the capitulation an agreement was made
for the purchase of goods payable in tobacco, which is now sanctioned
by the Delegates in the last of their resolutions. Clearly, therefore,
the exportation of tobacco in payment for British goods, is (in the
judgment of the Delegates) _permitted_ by the capitulation.
The second resolution seems to go upon a mistake. The Acts of Congress
for confiscating British manufactures, as I have already observed in
another place, cannot, I should imagine, be contrary to the laws of
the Commonwealth, or else it would not have been permitted in another
instance, for the Delegates cannot be supposed to intend a breach of
the law, and still less can they be supposed to mean, that it was
lawful for the general and the State Agent to do what it is not lawful
for the United States in Congress to do.
The third resolution, quoting a part of an article in the treaty of
commerce, appears to me to be rather inconclusive. The object of that
article was to make provision in a case which might happen, when one
of the high contracting parties was at peace, and the other at war,
which is not the case at present. The sense which France entertains on
this subject may clearly be learnt from the various capitulations
granted to the conquered Islands; and if I am not much misinformed the
sense of Virginia on this very question of exporting tobacco may be
found, by consulting sundry instances of the kind subsequent to the
capitulation of York.
The fourth resolution is a conclusion drawn from the three preceding,
and says that the capitulation does not warrant the enemy to export
tobacco, and that such exportation would be contravening the
regulations of the United States, and contrary to the laws of the
Commonwealth, wherefore the vessels ought not to be permitted to load.
The premises on which this conclusion is founded being unsupported,
the conclusion itself must fall, or else the next succeeding
resolution ought to be revoked.
The industry which you say has been used on this occasion would not
have surprised me, if our affairs had been in such train, that the
country was entirely out of danger. But under our present
circumstances, it both astonishes and afflicts me, not for myself, but
for the public. Men may flatter themselves, that all is safe and well,
and endeavor to shrink from the public burdens and embarrass the
public operations, but the consequence is clear, and certain. The
enemy know they cannot conquer, and therefore seek to divide us.
Convinced that the Northern and Eastern States cannot even then be
subdued, their ultimate ambition now is to subjugate those to the
southward, and the only means under heaven of preventing it is by
unanimity. That the other States should be plunged into hasty
measures, pregnant with disunion, might have been expected, but that
any inhabitants of a State, deeply interested to pursue the contrary
conduct, should be so blind both to the duty and interest of that
State will scarcely be believed hereafter, and could not have happened
now, but from causes which would bear a harder name than I shall give
them.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, May 31st, 1782.
Sir,
I perceive that on the 29th instant Congress resolved, "that the
salaries and allowances to which the public servants of the United
States are, or shall be entitled, be in future paid by the
Superintendent of Finance, and of the moneys which shall from time to
time be in his hands, and that the said public servants be authorised
to make quarterly drafts on him for that purpose." The tenor of this
resolution would, I believe, give to every officer of the United
States, both civil and military, the right of drawing upon me, which
would be liable to this objection among many others, that I should
frequently be obliged to protest the bills for want of funds to
discharge them. If, therefore, the object of the resolution was to
provide for the foreign servants only, it might, perhaps, be proper to
make some alteration in the terms.
But I would submit to Congress whether a better mode might not be
devised for payment of the salaries in question. It will tend greatly
to simplify the public accounts if those of each Department be brought
under one separate head, whereas if bills are to be drawn by every
public officer much confusion would be introduced, and forged bills
might be paid without a possibility of detecting the forgery. The
present mode which I have adopted is, that the accounts of each
Department of the civil list be made up and settled at the treasury
quarterly, and that a warrant issue for the amount. If this mode be
pursued with respect to the Department of Foreign Affairs, the moneys
may be remitted to those who are abroad by the Secretary of Foreign
Affairs, until they shall have appointed their respective agents to
receive it for them here. This will not only simplify the accounts,
but be of great use to the parties, because in some cases they may be
unable to sell their bills on this country at all, and in others they
must suffer a considerable loss. And if obliged to send such drafts on
their own account to obtain payment of their salaries, much time may
be lost by delay in tedious passages and other accidents, and of
course they will be exposed unnecessarily to inconveniences and
disappointments.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE OLNEY, OF RHODE-ISLAND.
Office of Finance, June 1st, 1782.
Sir,
I have received your favor of the 13th of May last, enclosing an
account of moneys you had received. The particular details you have
entered into are a pleasing circumstance to me, as they show your
accuracy and attention; but as such returns will consume much time and
be of no correspondent utility, it will not be necessary to continue
them; but in general state to me the amount of cash received, the
amount of cash exchanged, the amount of cash in hand, the amount of
bank notes in hand, and the amount of my notes in hand.
It would be of great use to the State that the special account of the
money received from each collector should be published; and when they
place you in the situation required by Congress, it will form a part
of your duty. In the interim you had better avoid any discussion on
the subject, which may lead to disagreeable altercation. If the sum
total received from each collector were published, in order to render
the system complete it would be proper, that every such collector
should be obliged to deposit, in some place within the circle of his
collection, such account of his receipts _for the public inspection_,
that every man might see whether the moneys he had paid were fairly
delivered over.
You will do well to explain this whole system to men of discernment in
your legislature. My object in this branch of administration is to
enable each individual man to trace the money he pays, from his own
pocket into the public treasury. To this I shall add accounts of equal
notoriety, by which every man who can read (being previously informed
as above of the sum total of receipts) may perceive the manner in
which the public treasure is expended and appropriated. A similar line
of conduct will be pursued with respect to all funds which may be
granted for liquidation of the national debt.
Finally, when all the world can perceive that our revenue is equal to
our expenditure, and that new revenues are devising, and the old daily
placing in a better state of collection, our credit will be firmly
established; that will enable the public to command money in any
emergency, both at home and abroad; that again will put us in a
situation to make active, vigorous exertions, and thus we shall come
to be beloved by our friends, feared by our enemies, and respected by
all mankind. In this natural progress and order of things, I must
expect of the several States, as the servant of the United States, a
revenue ample in its extent, punctual in the payment, and absolutely
at my disposition. In return for such grants the States are to expect
from a Superintendent of Finance, vigilance, integrity, order and
economy. Should he be deficient in these duties he will deserve to be
removed and punished. Should the States be deficient they must allow
him to complain, they must expect him to remonstrate, and finally they
must not be surprised if their negligence, boding ruin to their
country, be pointed out, and exposed, and reprehended.
Your most obedient, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
CARON DE BEAUMARCHAIS TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Translation.
Paris, June 3d, 1782.
Sir,
The health of poor Francy not yet permitting him to hazard another
voyage to America, I find myself obliged (to my very great loss and
regret) to postpone the hope of closing and settling all my accounts
with the General Congress, until he shall have recovered sufficient
strength for his voyage; he alone being able to resume the thread and
instructions of an affair, which he has already pursued with so much
assiduity during three years.
From one merchant to another, the extract of the account adjusted in
France by the person authorised, who has ordered and vouched all my
advances, and which I have the honor herewith to address to you, would
be sufficient for the entire settlement of my account; but my business
lies with an association of United States, who have intrusted the
administration of their most valuable interests, to an assembly of
citizens, to a General Congress, the members of which are continually
changed, and as continually liable to view transactions of the oldest
date, and those which have been most thoroughly investigated at other
times, with the same uncertainty and ignorance of circumstances, as if
they were new events. From whence arises the necessity of causing my
accounts to be adjusted and settled by the same agent, who has already
presented and discussed them, agreeably to the vouchers in his
possession; which M. de Francy will do as soon as his health will
permit him to undertake a voyage at sea.
In the meantime, Sir, I have the honor to address to you a faithful
abstract of my accounts, as they have been settled by Mr Deane, with
whom alone, on behalf of the General Congress, I treated. His
misfortunes, the malice with which his character, naturally mild and
uniform, has been aspersed, and the complaints which I have heard in
this country against certain of his writings, (of which I have not yet
seen any) since the English papers made them public, have not changed
the opinion I had formed of him; and I will always do him the justice
to say, that he is one of those men, who have contributed most to the
alliance of France with the United States. I will even add, that his
laudable endeavors in the most difficult times merited, perhaps,
another recompense. I see there are intrigues _among Republicans, as
well as in the Courts of Kings_. This digression, (which a
compassionate feeling for a man, worthy of a better lot, forces from
me in writing to you, to you, Sir, who have loved him as I do,) this
digression excused, I resume my affair; and I request of you, Sir, to
engage Congress to assist me by the very first opportunity, with bills
of exchange, such as the first which I received in 1779. Though they
are not yet payable, and though I have been obliged to undergo the
heaviest losses in order to make them serviceable, I cannot support
the weighty burden of my credit to America, (with which alone I should
be able to settle my debts in Europe,) without having, at least, an
object representative of this said credit in my hands. And neither the
Congress nor I should look too minutely to the losses that I sustain
in the negotiation of this paper. It is one of the events, one of the
indispensable consequences of the nature and situation of things. Have
then the justice, Sir, to remit to me as speedily as possible, if not
the whole of my account, at least a large part of what is due to me
by Congress in bills of exchange, reserving what may be objected to in
the account and its full proof, until Francy may be able to repair to
Philadelphia. My very embarrassed situation will cause me to receive
this strict justice from Congress as a favor, and I shall be under the
greatest obligation to you for it.
Receive, Sir, all my congratulations on the merited confidence which
your fellow citizens have placed in you. No man can entertain a
greater esteem for your person and superior talents than I do. Messrs
De Francy and Deane have taught me to become acquainted with you; and
it is after the most deliberate affection that I subscribe myself,
with the most respectful regard and acknowledgement, Sir, your
obedient servant.
CARON DE BEAUMARCHAIS.
* * * * *
THE FOLLOWING ARE THE ABSTRACTS MENTIONED IN
THE PRECEDING LETTER.
_Dr the Honorable Congress of the United States in Account Current
with Caron de Beaumarchais._
1776, _Livres._ _s._ _d._
Sept. 21, To so much paid Messrs Du Coudray & Le Brun, 3,600
Oct. 25, To ditto paid ditto, 4,400
Nov. 6, To ditto paid ditto, 7,200
" 12, To ditto paid Mr Silas Deane, 20,000
" 18, To ditto paid Messrs Du Coudray & Le Brun, 12,000
" 21, To ditto paid ditto, 12,000
" 25, To ditto paid the Chevalier Prudhomme de Bore, 2,400
" 27, To ditto paid ditto, 2,100
" 25, To ditto paid the Chevalier Prudhomme de Bore, 2,400
" 27, To ditto paid ditto, 2,100
Dec. 4, To ditto paid Messrs Du Coudray & Le Brun, 53,541 13 4
" 5, To ditto paid ditto, 4,800
" " To ditto paid Mr Silas Deane, 2,400
" 6, To " " M. de Vrigny, 600
" 12, To " " Mr Rogers, 240
" 13, To amount of the cargo and expenses to
departure of the ship _Amphitrite_, insurance,
freight, and commission on
the outfit, 979,493 8 3
" 14, To so much paid M. de Goy, 240
" 26, To ditto reimbursed to M. de Montieu
per Silas Deane, 411 16
" " To commission at 1 per cent on the above
payments made to Mr Deane, 228 1
1777,
Jan. 15, To amount of the ship _Seine_, her cargo,
charges to departure, insurance, freight,
and commission on the outfit, 784,631 2 10
Feb. 5, To amount of the cargo and charges to
the departure of the ship _Mercury_, insurance,
freight, and commission of
the outfit, 878,758 13
" 15, To ditto of the ship _Amelia_, 241,068 15 3
" 27, To so much paid M. de Goy, 800
" " To commission at 1 per cent on the several
payments as above made to Messrs
Du Coudray, Le Brun, and others, 1,039 4
May 10, To amount of the cargo and expenses to
departure of the ship _Teresia_, insurance,
freight, and commission on the
outfit, 1,062,853 17 6
" 15, To ditto of the ship _Mère Babi_, 89,460 1
June 10, To " " _Maria Catherina_, 166,217 6 3
Sept. 25, To " " _Flamand_, 630,195 14
Nov. 26, To ditto of an account of expenses incurred
at St Doiningue, by M. Carabasse,
relative to the cargoes of the ships
_Teresia_ and _Amelia_, 122,882 7 3
1778, _Livres_ _s._ _d._
May 27, To amount of a second account, ditto 23,037 11 10
1781,
April 6 To commission at
1/2 per cent on 25,000)
30,000) = 199,000 in
144,000) bills on Paris, 995
" " To amount of the account of interest
at 6 per cent per annum, as
particularized hereafter, 1,167,250
-------------------
Livres, 6,274,844 11 6
-------------------
_Contra Cr._
1777, _Livres_ _s._ _d._
Aug. 23, By net proceeds of the returned
cargo of the _Mercury_, 18,728 7
1778,
Feb. 27, By ditto, ditto of the
_Amphitrite_, 135,338 8 9
April 17, By remittance to Mr Francy of
20,000 dollars at 4 for 1 is, at
5 livres tournois for a dollar 25,000
May 26, By ditto of 24,000 dollars at
ditto ditto 30,000
Oct 22, By net proceeds of the returned
cargo of the _Teresia_, 124,139 9 6
1779,
May 5, By ditto of the _Amelia_, passed
on _memorandum_, waiting the
final of accounts of M. Carabasse, the
shipper in this affair.
June 26, By net proceeds of 231 hhds tobacco per
the _Fier Rodrigue_, reduced to
to 115-1/2 on account of the freight
being one half, 74,905 3 9
1780,
June 25, By remittances on Dr Franklin to the
15th of June, 1780, viz.
74,000)
72,000) = 144,000[7]
_Livres._ _s._ _d._
1781,
April 6, By balance due to me from the honorable
Congress, 5,722,723 2 6
-------------------
Livres, 6,274,844 11 6
------------------
Errors and omissions excepted.
Paris, April 6th, 1781.
[7] There appears to be an error in adding up this sum, viz.
74,000 and 72,000, amount to 146,000.
* * * * *
_Dr the Honorable Congress in their new Account Current with Caron de
Beaumarchais_.
1781, _Livres._ _s._ _d._
April 6, To balance due to me on the preceding
account, 5,722,723 2 6
1782,
May 18, To commission at 1/2 per cent on 144,000
and 2,544,000 making 2,688,000, in
bills on Paris, 13,440
" " To amount of interest account at 6 per
cent per annum, as particularized
hereafter, 382,698 18
" " To commission at 2-1/2 per cent to M. de
Francy on the returns from America,
viz.
On 552,121 9 amount of the returns to the
credit of their account settled the 6th
of April, 1781,
2,882,332 10 9 amount of the returns to
the credit of the account settled this
day,
3,434,453 19 9 at 2-1/2 per cent, 86,861 6
---------------
Livres, 6,204,723 6 6
---------------
_Contra Cr._
1781, _Livres._ _s._ _d._
June 25, By remittances on Dr Franklin to the
25th of June, 1781, 144,000
_Livres._ _s._ _d._
July 20, By net proceeds of 150 hhds tobacco per
the ship _Peru_, reduced to 75, on account
of the freight being one half, 34,991 19
" " By ditto of 176 hhds tobacco per the _Two
Helenas_, reduced to 88 by the freight; 49,826 19
" " By ditto of 32 hhds ditto per _Good Man
Richard_, reduced to 16 by the freight, 6,141 5
" " By ditto of 188 hhds ditto per the _Polly_,
reduced to 125-1/3, the freight being
one third, 55,872 14 9
Oct. 1, By ditto of 159 hhds ditto per _Fier Rodrigue_,
reduced to 79-1/2 by the freight at
one half, 47,499 13
" " By 15 hhds ditto per the _Jean_, and which
were lost, this vessel having foundered
at sea, (for _memorandum_.)
1782
May 18, By remittances on Dr Franklin to the
25th of June, 1782, passed here in
anticipation, amounting to 2,544,000
" " By balance due to me from the Honorable
Congress, 3,322,390 15 9
-------------------
Livres, 6,204,723 6 6
-------------------
_Dr the Honorable Congress_
1782,
May 18, To balance due to me on the above account, 3,322,390 15 9
Closed the above account, as well debit as credit, of the sum of
six millions two hundred and four thousand seven hundred and
twentythree livres, six sols, and six deniers tournois; on which
the Honorable Congress of the United States of America owe me as
balance the sum of three millions three hundred and twentytwo
thousand three hundred and ninety livres, fifteen sols, and nine
deniers tournois.
* * * * *
_Dr, moreover, the Honorable Congress._
To amount of the drafts of General Lincoln, drawn at Charleston, in
the month of March, 1780, on Samuel Huntington, President of Congress,
to the order of M. de Francy, for the purchase of the cargo of the
corvette the _Zephyr_, sold by Captain Mainville to the said General
Lincoln, Commander of the Southern army of the United States, for the
sum of two hundred and twentyfour thousand three hundred dollars,
(this for _memorandum_,) for which two hundred and twentyfour thousand
three hundred dollars I am yet to be credited, no return having been
made to me.
Errors and omissions excepted.
CARON DE BEAUMARCHAIS.
Paris, May 18th, 1782.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Office of Finance, June 4th, 1782.
Sir,
I have received your Excellency's letters of the 17th and 25th of May,
with the enclosure. I am much obliged by the attention paid in your
circular letter to the situation of my department. I am very sorry to
inform you that it is really deplorable. I with difficulty am enabled
to perform my engagements, and am absolutely precluded from forming
any new ones. I have therefore been under the very disagreeable
necessity of suffering the public service to stand still in more lines
than one. I have been driven to the greatest shifts, and am at this
moment unable to provide for the civil list.