HODSON OF HODSON'S HORSE--ACTION AT THE KALEE NUDDEE--FUTTEHGHUR
As a further proof that the British star was now in the ascendant,
before we had been many days in Bithoor each company had got its full
complement of native establishment, such as cooks, water-carriers,
washer-men, etc. We left Bithoor on the 27th of December _en route_ for
Futtehghur, and on the 28th we made a forced march of twenty-five miles,
joining the Commander-in-Chief on the 29th. Early on the 30th we reached
a place named Meerun-ke-serai, and our tents had barely been pitched
when word went through the camp like wildfire that Hodson, of Hodson's
Horse, and another officer[34] had arrived in camp with despatches from
Brigadier Seaton to the Commander-in-Chief, having ridden from
Mynpooree, about seventy miles from where we were.
We of the Ninety-Third were eager to see Hodson, having heard so much
about him from the men of the Ninth Lancers. There was nothing, however
daring or difficult, that Hodson was not believed capable of doing, and
a ride of seventy miles more or less through a country swarming with
enemies, where every European who ventured beyond the range of British
guns literally carried his life in his hand, was not considered anything
extraordinary for him. Personally, I was most anxious to see this famous
fellow, but as yet there was no chance; Hodson was in the tent of the
Commander-in-Chief, and no one knew when he might come out. However, the
hours passed, and during the afternoon a man of my company rushed into
the tent, calling, "Come, boys, and see Hodson! He and Sir Colin are in
front of the camp; Sir Colin is showing him round, and the smile on the
old Chief's face shows how he appreciates his companion." I hastened to
the front of the camp, and was rewarded by having a good look at Hodson;
and, as the man who had called us had said, I could see that he had made
a favourable impression on Sir Colin. Little did I then think that in
less than three short months I should see Hodson receive his
death-wound, and that thirty-five years after I should be one of the few
spared to give evidence to save his fair fame from undeserved slander.
My memory always turns back to that afternoon at Meerunke-serai when I
read any attack on the good name of Hodson of Hodson's Horse. And
whatever prejudiced writers of the present day may say, the name of
Hodson will be a name to conjure with among the Sikhs of the Punjab for
generations yet unborn.
On the 1st of January, 1858, our force reached the Kalee Nuddee
suspension bridge near Khoodagunj, about fifteen miles from Futtehghur,
just in time to prevent the total destruction of the bridge by the
enemy, who had removed a good part of the planking from the roadway, and
had commenced to cut the iron-work when we arrived. We halted on the
Cawnpore side of the Kalee Nuddee on New Year's Day, while the
engineers, under cover of strong piquets, were busy replacing the
planking of the roadway on the suspension bridge. Early on the morning
of the 2nd of January the enemy from Futtehghur, under cover of a thick
fog along the valley of the Kalee Nuddee, came down in great force to
dispute the passage of the river. The first intimation of their approach
was a shell fired on our advance piquet; but our camp was close to the
bridge, and the whole force was under arms in an instant. As soon as the
fog lifted the enemy were seen to have occupied the village of
Khoodagunj in great force, and to have advanced one gun, a 24-pounder,
planting it in the toll-house which commanded the passage of the bridge,
so as to fire it out of the front window just as if from the porthole of
a ship.
As soon as the position of the enemy was seen, the cavalry brigade of
our force was detached to the left, under cover of the dense jungle
along the river, to cross by a ford which was discovered about five
miles up stream to our left, the intention of the movement being to get
in behind the enemy and cut off his retreat to Futtehghur.
The Fifty-Third were pushed across the bridge to reinforce the piquets,
with orders not to advance, but to act on the defensive, so as to allow
time for the cavalry to get behind the enemy. The right wing of the
Ninety-Third was also detached with some horse-artillery guns to the
right, to cross by another ford about three miles below the bridge, to
attack the enemy on his left flank. The left wing was held in reserve
with the remainder of the force behind the bridge, to be in readiness to
reinforce the Fifty-Third in case of need.
By the time these dispositions were made, the enemy's gun from the
toll-house had begun to do considerable damage. Peel's heavy guns were
accordingly brought to bear on it, and, after a round or two to feel
their distance, they were able to pitch an 8-inch shell right through
the window, which burst under the gun, upsetting it, and killing or
disabling most of the enemy in the house.
Immediately after this the Fifty-Third, being well in advance, noticed
the enemy attempting to withdraw some of his heavy guns from the
village, and disregarding the order of the Commander-in-Chief not to
precipitate the attack, they charged these guns and captured two or
three of them. This check caused the enemy's line to retire, and Sir
Colin himself rode up to the Fifty-Third to bring to book the officer
commanding them for prematurely commencing the action. This officer
threw the blame on the men, stating that they had made the charge
against his orders, and that the officers had been unable to keep them
back. Sir Colin then turned on the men, threatening to send them to the
rear, and to make them do fatigue-duty and baggage-guard for the rest of
the campaign. On this an old Irishman from the ranks called out: "Shure,
Sir Colin, you don't mean it! You'll never send us on fatigue-duty
because we captured those guns that the Pandies were carrying off?";
Hearing this, Sir Colin asked what guns he meant. "Shure, them's the
guns," was the answer, "that Sergeant Dobbin [now Joe Lee of Cawnpore]
and his section are dragging on to the road." Sir Colin seeing the guns,
his stern countenance relaxed and broke into a smile, and he made some
remark to the officer commanding that he did not know about the guns
having been withdrawn before the regiment had made the rush on the
enemy. On this the Irish spokesman from the ranks called out: "Three
cheers for the Commander-in-Chief, boys! I told you he did not mean us
to let the Pandies carry off those guns."
By this time our right wing and the horse-artillery had crossed the ford
on our right and were well advanced on the enemy's left flank. But we of
the main line, composed of the Eighth (the old "King's"--now called the
Liverpool Regiment, I think), the Forty-Second, Fifty-Third, and left
wing of the Ninety-Third under Adrian Hope, were allowed to advance
slowly, just keeping them in sight. The enemy retired in an orderly
manner for about three or four miles, when they formed up to make a
stand, evidently thinking we were afraid to press them too closely. As
soon as they faced round again, our line was halted only about seven
hundred yards from them, and just then we could see our cavalry
debouching on to the Grand Trunk road about a mile from where we were.
My company was in the centre of the road, and I could see the tips of
the lances of the Ninth wheeling into line for a charge right in the
enemy's rear. He was completely out-generalled, and his retreat cut off.
The excitement was just then intense, as we dared not fire for fear of
hitting our men in the rear. The Forty-First Native Infantry was the
principal regiment of the enemy's line on the Grand Trunk road. Directly
they saw the Lancers in their rear they formed square while the enemy's
cavalry charged our men, but were met in fine style by Hodson's Horse
and sent flying across the fields in all directions. The Ninth came down
on the square of the Native Infantry, who stood their ground and opened
fire. The Lancers charged well up to within about thirty yards, when the
horses turned off right and left from the solid square. We were just
preparing to charge it with the bayonet, when at that moment the
squadrons were brought round again, just as a hawk takes a circle for a
swoop on its prey, and we saw Sergeant-Major May, who was mounted on a
powerful untrained horse, dash on the square and leap right into it,
followed by the squadron on that side. The square being thus broken, the
other troops of the Ninth rode into the flying mass, and in less than
five minutes the Forty-First regiment of Native Infantry was wiped out
of the ranks of the mutineers. The enemy's line of retreat became a
total rout, and the plain for miles was strewn with corpses speared down
by the Lancers or hewn down by the keen-edged sabres of Hodson's Horse.
Our infantry line now advanced, but there was nothing for us to do but
collect the ammunition-carts and baggage of the enemy. Just about sunset
we halted and saw the Lancers and Sikhs returning with the captured
standards and every gun which the enemy had brought into the field in
the morning. The infantry formed up along the side of the Grand Trunk
road to cheer the cavalry as they returned. It was a sight never to be
forgotten,--the infantry and sailors cheering the Lancers and Sikhs, and
the latter returning our cheers and waving the captured standards and
their lances and sabres over their heads! Sir Colin Campbell rode up,
and lifting his hat, thanked the Ninth Lancers and Sikhs for their day's
work. It was reported in the camp that Sir Hope Grant had recommended
Sergeant-Major May for the Victoria Cross, but that May had modestly
remonstrated against the honour, saying that every man in the Ninth was
as much entitled to the Cross as he was, and that he was only able to
break the square by the accident of being mounted on an untrained horse
which charged into the square instead of turning off from it. This is of
course hearsay, but I believe it is fact.
I may here remark that this charge of the Lancers forcibly impressed me
with the absurdity of our cavalry-drill for the purpose of breaking an
infantry square. On field-days in time of peace our cavalry were made
to charge squares of infantry, and directly the horses came within
thirty or forty yards the squadrons opened out right and left, galloping
clear of the square under the blank fire of the infantry. The horses
were thus drilled to turn off and gallop clear of the squares, instead
of charging home right through the infantry. When it came to actual war
the horses, not being reasoning animals, naturally acted just as on a
field-day; instead of charging straight into the square, they galloped
right past it, simply because they were drilled to do so. Of course, I
do not propose that several battalions of infantry should be slaughtered
every field-day for the purpose of training cavalry. But I would have
the formation altered, and instead of having the infantry in solid
squares, I would form them into quarter distance columns, with lanes
between the companies wide enough for the cavalry to gallop through
under the blank fire of the infantry. The horses would thus be trained
to gallop straight on, and no square of infantry would be able to resist
a charge of well-trained cavalry when it came to actual war. I am
convinced, in my own mind, that this was the reason that the untrained
remount ridden by Sergeant-Major May charged into the square of the
Forty-First, and broke it, while the well-drilled horses galloped round
the flanks in spite of their riders. But the square once being broken,
the other horses followed as a matter of course. However, we are now in
the age of breech-loaders and magazine rifles, and I fear the days of
cavalry charging squares of infantry are over. But we are still a long
way from the millennium, and the experience of the past may yet be
turned to account for the wars of the future.
We reached Futtehghur on the morning of the 3rd of January to find it
deserted, the enemy having got such a "drubbing" that it had struck
terror into their reserves, which had bolted across the Ganges, leaving
large quantities of Government property behind them, consisting of tents
and all the ordnance stores of the Gun-carriage Agency. The enemy had
also established a gun and shot and shell foundry here, and a
powder-factory, all of which they had abandoned, leaving a number of
brass guns in the lathes, half turned, with many more just cast, and
large quantities of metal and material for the manufacture of both
powder and shot.
During the afternoon of the day of our arrival the whole force was
turned out, owing to a report that the Nawab of Furruckabad was still in
the town; and it was said that the civil officer with the force had sent
a proclamation through the city that it would be given over to plunder
if the Nawab was not surrendered. Whether this was true or not, I cannot
say. The district was no longer under martial law, as from the date of
the defeat of the Gwalior Contingent the civil power had resumed
authority on the right bank of the Ganges. But so far as the country was
concerned, around Futtehghur at least, this merely meant that the
hangmen's noose was to be substituted for rifle-bullet and bayonet.
However, our force had scarcely been turned out to threaten the town of
Furruckabad when the Nawab was brought out, bound hand and foot, and
carried by _coolies_ on a common country _charpoy_.[35] I don't know
what process of trial he underwent; but I fear he had neither jury nor
counsel, and I know that he was first smeared over with pig's fat,
flogged by sweepers, and then hanged. This was by the orders of the
civil commissioner. Both Sir Colin Campbell and Sir William Peel were
said to have protested against the barbarity, but this I don't know for
certain.
We halted in Futtehghur till the 6th, on which date a brigade, composed
of the Forty-Second, Ninety-Third, a regiment of Punjab infantry, a
battery of artillery, a squadron of the Ninth Lancers, and Hodson's
Horse, marched to Palamhow in the Shumshabad district. This town had
been a hot-bed of rebellion under the leadership of a former native
collector of revenue, who had proclaimed himself Raja of the district,
and all the bad characters in it had flocked to his standard. However,
the place was occupied without opposition. We encamped outside the town,
and the civil police, along with the commissioner, arrested great
numbers, among them being the man who had proclaimed himself the Raja or
Nawab for the Emperor of Delhi. My company, with some of Hodson's Horse
and two artillery guns, formed a guard for the civil commissioner in the
_chowk_ or principal square of the town. The commissioner held his court
in what had formerly been the _kotwaiee_ or police station. I cannot say
what form of trial the prisoners underwent, or what evidence was
recorded against them. I merely know that they were marched up in
batches, and shortly after marched back again to a large tree of the
banian species, which stood in the centre of the square, and hanged
thereon. This went on from about three o'clock in the afternoon till
daylight the following morning, when it was reported that there was no
more room on the tree, and by that time there were one hundred and
thirty men hanging from its branches. A grim spectacle indeed!
Many charges of cruelty and want of pity have been made against the
character of Hodson. This makes me here mention a fact that certainly
does not tend to prove these charges. During the afternoon of the day of
which I write, Hodson visited the squadron of his regiment forming the
cavalry of the civil commissioner's guard. Just at the time of his visit
the commissioner wanted a hangman, and asked if any man of the
Ninety-Third would volunteer for the job, stating as an inducement that
all valuables in the way of rings or money found on the persons of the
condemned would become the property of the executioner. No one
volunteering for the job, the commissioner asked Jack Brian, a big tall
fellow who was the right-hand man of the company, if he would act as
executioner. Jack Brian turned round with a look of disgust, saying:
"Wha do ye tak' us for? We of the Ninety-Third enlisted to fight men
with arms in their hands. I widna' become yer hangman for all the loot
in India!" Captain Hodson was standing close by, and hearing the answer,
said, "Well answered, my brave fellow. I wish to shake hands with you,"
which he did. Then turning to Captain Dawson, Hodson said: "I'm sick of
work of this kind. I'm glad I'm not on duty;" and he mounted his horse,
and rode off. However, some _domes_[36] or sweeper-police were found to
act as hangmen, and the trials and executions proceeded.
We returned to Futtehghur on the 12th of January and remained in camp
there till the 26th, when another expedition was sent out in the same
direction. But this time only the right wing of the Ninety-Third and a
wing of the Forty-Second formed the infantry, so my company remained in
camp. This second force met with more opposition than the first one.
Lieutenant Macdowell, Hodson's second in command, and several troopers
were killed, and Hodson himself and some of his men were badly wounded,
Hodson having two severe cuts on his sword arm; while the infantry had
several men killed who were blown up with gunpowder. This force returned
on the 28th of January, and either on the 2nd or 3rd of February we left
Futtehghur _en route_ again for Lucknow _via_ Cawnpore.
We reached Cawnpore by ordinary marches, crossed into Oude, and encamped
at Oonao till the whole of the siege-train was passed on to Lucknow.
FOOTNOTES:
[34] Lieutenant Macdowell, second in command of Hodson's Horse.
[35] Bedstead.
[36] The lowest Hindoo caste.