ANECDOTES--ACTION WITH THE GWALIOR CONTINGENT--ITS DEFEAT--PURSUIT OF
THE NANA--BITHOOR--JOHN LANG AND JOTEE PERSHAD
So far as I now remember, the 30th of November, 1857, passed without any
movement on the part of the enemy, and the Commander-in-Chief, in his
letter describing the state of affairs to the Governor-General, said, "I
am obliged to submit to the hostile occupation of Cawnpore until the
actual despatch of all my incumbrances towards Allahabad is effected."
As stated in the last chapter, when our tents came up our camp was
pitched (as near as I can now make out from the altered state of
Cawnpore), about the spot where Joe Lee's hotel and the jute mill of
Messrs. Beer Brothers and Co. now stand. St. Andrew's day and evening
passed without molestation, except that strong piquets lined the canal
and guarded our left and rear from surprise, and the men in camp slept
accoutred, ready to turn out at the least alarm. But during the night,
or early on the morning of the 1st of December, the enemy had quietly
advanced some guns, unseen by our piquets, right up to the Cawnpore side
of the canal, and suddenly opened fire on the Ninety-Third just as we
were falling in for muster-parade, sending round-shot and shell right
through our tents. One shrapnel shell burst right in the centre of
Captain Cornwall's company severely wounding the captain,
Colour-Sergeant M'Intyre, and five men, but not killing any one.
Captain Cornwall was the oldest officer in the regiment, even an older
soldier than Colonel Leith-Hay who had then commanded it for over three
years, and for long he had been named by the men "Old Daddy Cornwall."
He was poor, and had been unable to purchase promotion, and in
consequence was still a captain with over thirty-five years' service.
The bursting of the shell right over his head stunned the old gentleman,
and a bullet from it went through his shoulder breaking his collar-bone
and cutting a deep furrow down his back. The old man was rather stout
and very short-sighted; the shock of the fall stunned him for some time,
and before he regained his senses Dr. Munro had cut the bullet out of
his back and bandaged up his wound as well as possible. Daddy came to
himself just as the men were lifting him into a _dooly_. Seeing Dr.
Munro standing by with the bullet in his hand, about to present it to
him as a memento of Cawnpore, Daddy gasped out, "Munro, is my wound
dangerous?" "No, Cornwall," was the answer, "not if you don't excite
yourself into a fever; you will get over it all right." The next
question put was, "Is the road clear to Allahabad?" To which Munro
replied that it was, and that he hoped to have all the sick and wounded
sent down country within a day or two. "Then by----" said Daddy, with
considerable emphasis, "I'm off." The poor old fellow had through long
disappointment become like our soldiers in Flanders,--he sometimes
swore; but considering how promotion had passed over him, that was
perhaps excusable. All this occupied far less time than it takes to
write it, and I may as well here finish the history of Daddy Cornwall
before I leave him. He went home in the same vessel as a rich widow,
whom he married on arrival in Dublin, his native place, the corporation
of which presented him with a valuable sword and the freedom of the
city. The death of Brigadier-General Hope in the following April gave
Captain Cornwall his majority without purchase, and he returned to India
in the end of 1859 to command the regiment for about nine months,
retiring from the army in 1860, when we lay at Rawul Pindee.
But I must return to my story. Being shelled out of our tents, the
regiment was advanced to the side of the canal under cover of the mud
walls of what had formerly been the sepoy lines, in which we took
shelter from the fire of the enemy. Later in the day Colonel Ewart lost
his left arm by a round-shot striking him on the elbow just as he had
dismounted from his charger on his return from visiting the piquets on
the left and rear of our position, he being the field-officer for the
day. This caused universal regret in the regiment, Ewart being the most
popular officer in it.
By the evening of the 3rd of December the whole of the women and
children, and as many of the wounded as could bear to be moved, were on
their way to Allahabad; and during the 4th and 5th reinforcements
reached Cawnpore from England, among them our old comrades of the
Forty-Second whom we had left at Dover in May. We were right glad to see
them, on the morning of the 5th December, marching in with bagpipes
playing, which was the first intimation we had of another Highland
regiment being near us. These reinforcements raised the force under Sir
Colin Campbell to five thousand infantry, six hundred cavalry, and
thirty-five guns.
Early on the morning of the 6th of December we struck our tents, which
were loaded on elephants, and marched to a place of safety behind the
fort on the river bank, whilst we formed up in rear of the unroofed
barracks--the Forty-Second, Fifty-Third, Ninety-Third, and Fourth Punjab
Infantry, with Peel's Brigade and several batteries of artillery, among
them Colonel Bourchier's light field-battery (No. 17 of the old
Company's European artillery), a most daring lot of fellows, the Ninth
Lancers, and one squadron of Hodson's Horse under command of Lieutenant
Gough,[29] a worthy pupil of a famous master. This detachment of
Hodson's Horse had come down with Sir Hope Grant from Delhi, and served
at the final relief of Lucknow and the retreat to the succour of
Cawnpore. The headquarters of the regiment under its famous commander
had been left with Brigadier Showers.
As this force was formed up in columns, masked from the view of the
enemy by the barracks on the plain of Cawnpore, the Commander-in-Chief
rode up, and told us that he had just got a telegram informing him of
the safe arrival of the women and children, sick and wounded, at
Allahabad, and that now we were to give battle to the famous Gwalior
Contingent, consisting of twenty-five thousand well-disciplined troops,
with about ten thousand of the Nana Sahib's Mahrattas and all the
_budmashes_ of Cawnpore, Calpee, and Gwalior, under command of the Nana
in person, who had proclaimed himself Peishwa and Chief of the Mahratta
power, with Tantia Topee, Bala Sahib (the Nana's brother), and Raja Koor
Sing, the Rajpoot Chief of Judgdespore, as divisional commanders, and
with all the native officers of the Gwalior Contingent as brigade and
regimental commanders. Sir Colin also warned us that there was a large
quantity of rum in the enemy's camp, which we must carefully avoid,
because it was reported to have been drugged. "But, Ninety-Third," he
continued, "I trust you. The supernumerary rank will see that no man
breaks the ranks, and I have ordered the rum to be destroyed as soon as
the camp is taken."
The Chief then rode on to the other regiments and as soon as he had
addressed a short speech to each, a signal was sent up from Peel's
rocket battery, and General Wyndham opened the ball on his side with
every gun at his disposal, attacking the enemy's left between the city
and the river. Sir Colin himself led the advance, the Fifty-Third and
Fourth Punjab Infantry in skirmishing order, with the Ninety-Third in
line, the cavalry on our left, and Peel's guns and the horse-artillery
at intervals, with the Forty-Second in the second line for our support.
Directly we emerged from the shelter of the buildings which had masked
our formation, the piquets fell back, the skirmishers advanced at the
double, and the enemy opened a tremendous cannonade on us with
round-shot, shell, and grape. But, nothing daunted, our skirmishers soon
lined the canal, and our line advanced, with the pipers playing and the
colours in front of the centre company, without the least
wavering,--except now and then opening out to let through the round-shot
which were falling in front, and rebounding along the hard
ground-determined to show the Gwalior Contingent that they had different
men to meet from those whom they had encountered under Wyndham a week
before. By the time we reached the canal, Peel's Blue-jackets were
calling out--"Damn these cow horses," meaning the gun-bullocks, "they're
too slow! Come, you Ninety-Third, give us a hand with the drag-ropes as
you did at Lucknow!" We were then well under the range of the enemy's
guns, and the excitement was at its height. A company of the
Ninety-Third slung their rifles, and dashed to the assistance of the
Blue-jackets. The bullocks were cast adrift, and the native drivers were
not slow in going to the rear. The drag-ropes were manned, and the
24-pounders wheeled abreast of the first line of skirmishers just as if
they had been light field-pieces.
When we reached the bank the infantry paused for a moment to see if the
canal could be forded or if we should have to cross by the bridge over
which the light field-battery were passing at the gallop, and
unlimbering and opening fire, as soon as they cleared the head of the
bridge, to protect our advance. At this juncture the enemy opened on us
with grape and canister shot, but they fired high and did us but little
damage. As the peculiar _whish_ (a sound when once heard never to be
forgotten) of the grape was going over our heads, the Blue-jackets gave
a ringing cheer for the "Red, white, and blue!" While the Ninety-Third,
led off by Sergeant Daniel White, struck up _The Battle of the Alma_, a
song composed in the Crimea by Corporal John Brown of the Grenadier
Guards, and often sung round the camp-fires in front of Sebastopol. I
here give the words, not for their literary merit, but to show the
spirit of the men who could thus sing going into action in the teeth of
the fire of thirty well-served, although not very correctly-aimed guns,
to encounter a force of more than ten to one. Just as the Blue-jackets
gave their hurrah for the "Red, white, and blue," Dan White struck up
the song, and the whole line, including the skirmishers of the
Fifty-Third and the sailors, joined in the stirring patriotic tune,
which is a first-rate quick march:
Come, all you gallant British hearts
Who love the Red and Blue,[30]
Come, drink a health to those brave lads
Who made the Russians rue.
Fill up your glass and let it pass,
Three cheers, and one cheer more,
For the fourteenth of September,
Eighteen hundred and fifty-four.
We sailed from Kalimita Bay,
And soon we made the coast,
Determined we would do our best
In spite of brag and boast.
We sprang to land upon the strand,
And slept on Russian shore,
On the fourteenth of September,
Eighteen hundred and fifty-four.
We marched along until we came
Upon the Alma's banks,
We halted just beneath their guns
To breathe and close our ranks.
"Advance!" we heard, and at the word
Right through the brook we bore,
On the twentieth of September,
Eighteen hundred and fifty-four.
We scrambled through the clustering vines,
Then came the battle's brunt;
Our officers, they cheered us on,
Our colours waved in front;
And fighting well full many fell,
Alas! to rise no more,
On the twentieth of September,
Eighteen hundred and fifty-four.
The French were on the right that day,
And flanked the Russian line,
While full upon their left they saw
The British bayonets shine.
With hearty cheers we stunned their ears,
Amidst the cannon's roar,
On the twentieth of September,
Eighteen hundred and fifty-four.
A picnic party Menschikoff
Had asked to see the fun;
The ladies came at twelve o'clock
To see the battle won.
They found the day too hot to stay,
The Prince felt rather sore,
On the twentieth of September,
Eighteen hundred and fifty-four.
For when he called his carriage up,
The French came up likewise;
And so he took French leave at once
And left to them the prize.
The Chasseurs took his pocket-book,
They even sacked his store,
On the twentieth of September,
Eighteen hundred and fifty-four.
A letter to Old Nick they found,
And this was what it said:
"To meet their bravest men, my liege,
Your soldiers do not dread;
But devils they, not mortal men,"
The Russian General swore,
"That drove us off the Alma's heights
In September, fifty-four."
Long life to Royal Cambridge,
To Peel and Camperdown,
And all the gallant British Tars
Who shared the great renown,
Who stunned Russian ears with British cheers,
Amidst the cannon's roar,
On the twentieth of September,
Eighteen hundred and fifty-four.
Here's a health to noble Raglan,
To Campbell and to Brown,
And all the gallant Frenchmen
Who shared that day's renown.
Whilst we displayed the black cockade,
They the tricolour bore;
The Russian crew wore gray and blue
In September, fifty-four.
Come, let us drink a toast to-night,
Our glasses take in hand,
And all around this festive board
In solemn silence stand.
Before we part let each true heart
Drink once to those no more,
Who fought their last fight on Alma's height
In September, fifty-four!
Around our bivouac fires that night as _The Battle of the Alma_ was sung
again, Daniel White told us that when the Blue-jackets commenced
cheering under the hail of grape-shot, he remembered that the Scots
Greys and Ninety-Second Highlanders had charged at Waterloo singing
_Bruce's Address at Bannockburn_, "Scots wha hae," and trying to think
of something equally appropriate in which Peel's Brigade might join, he
could not at the moment recall anything better than the old Crimean song
aforesaid.
After clearing the canal and re-forming our ranks, we came under shelter
of a range of brick kilns behind which stood the camp of the enemy, and
behind the camp their infantry were drawn up in columns, not deployed in
line. The rum against which Sir Colin had warned us was in front of the
camp, casks standing on end with the heads knocked out for convenience;
and there is no doubt but the enemy expected the Europeans would break
their ranks when they saw the rum, and had formed up their columns to
fall on us in the event of such a contingency. But the Ninety-Third
marched right on past the rum barrels, and the supernumerary rank soon
upset the casks, leaving the contents to soak into the dry ground.
As soon as we cleared the camp, our line of infantry was halted. Up to
that time, except the skirmishers, we had not fired a shot, and we could
not understand the reason of the halt till we saw the Ninth Lancers and
the detachment of Hodson's Horse galloping round some fields of tall
sugar-cane on the left, masking the light field-battery. When the enemy
saw the tips of the lances (they evidently did not see the guns) they
quickly formed squares of brigades. They were armed with the old musket,
"Brown Bess," and did not open fire till the cavalry were within about
three hundred yards. Just as they commenced to fire, we could hear Sir
Hope Grant, in a voice as loud as a trumpet, give the command to the
cavalry, "Squadrons, outwards!" while Bourchier gave the order to his
gunners, "Action, front!" The cavalry wheeled as if they had been at a
review on the Calcutta parade-ground; the guns, having previously been
charged with grape, were swung round, unlimbered as quick as lightning
within about two hundred and fifty yards of the squares, and round after
round of grape was poured into the enemy with murderous effect, every
charge going right through, leaving a lane of dead from four to five
yards wide. By this time our line was advanced close up behind the
battery, and we could see the mounted officers of the enemy, as soon as
they caught sight of the guns, dash out of the squares and fly like
lightning across the plain. Directly the squares were broken, our
cavalry charged, while the infantry advanced at the double with the
bayonet. The battle was won, and the famous Gwalior Contingent was a
flying rabble, although the struggle was protracted in a series of
hand-to-hand fights all over the plain, no quarter being given. Peel's
guns were wheeled up, as already mentioned, as if they had been
6-pounders, and the left wing of the enemy taken in rear and their
retreat on the Calpee road cut off. What escaped of their right wing
fled along this road. The cavalry and horse-artillery led by Sir Colin
Campbell in person, the whole of the Fifty-Third, the Fourth Punjab
Infantry, and two companies of the Ninety-Third, pursued the flying mass
for fourteen miles. The rebels, being cut down by hundreds wherever they
attempted to rally for a stand, at length threw away their arms and
accoutrements to expedite their flight, for none were spared,--"neither
the sick man in his weakness, nor the strong man in his strength," to
quote the words of Colonel Alison. The evening closed with the total
rout of the enemy, and the capture of his camp, the whole of his
ordnance-park, containing a large quantity of ammunition and thirty-two
guns of sizes, siege-train, and field-artillery, with a loss of only
ninety-nine killed and wounded on our side.
As night fell, large bodies of the left wing of the enemy were seen
retreating from the city between our piquets and the Ganges, but we were
too weary and too few in number to intercept them, and they retired
along the Bithoor road. About midnight the force which had followed the
enemy along the Calpee road returned, bringing in a large number of
ammunition-waggons and baggage-carts, the bullocks driven by our men,
and those not engaged in driving sitting on the waggons or carts, too
tired and footsore to walk. We rested hungry and exhausted, but a man of
my company, named Bill Summers, captured a little pack-bullock loaded
with two bales of stuff which turned out to be fine soft woollen socks
of Loodiana manufacture, sufficient to give every man in the company
three pairs,--a real godsend for us, since at that moment there was
nothing we stood more in need of than socks; and as no commissariat had
come up from the rear, we slaughtered the bullock and cut it into
steaks, which we broiled on the tips of our ramrods around the bivouac
fires. Thus we passed the night of the 6th of December, 1857.
Early on the morning of the 7th a force was sent into the city of
Cawnpore, and patrolled it from end to end, east, west, north, and
south. Not only did we meet no enemy, but many of the townspeople
brought out food and water to our men, appearing very glad to see us.
During the afternoon our tents came up from the rear, and were pitched
by the side of the Grand Trunk road, and the Forty-Second being put on
duty that night, we of the Fifty-Third and Ninety-Third were allowed to
take our accoutrements off for the first night's sleep without them
since the 10th of November--seven and twenty days! Our spare kits
having all vanished with the enemy, as told in the last chapter, our
quarter-master collected from the captured baggage all the underclothing
and socks he could lay hands on. Thanks to Bill Summers and the little
pack-bullock, my company got a change of socks; but there was more work
before us before we got a bath or a change of shirts.
About noon on the 8th the Commander-in-Chief, accompanied by Sir Hope
Grant and Brigadier Adrian Hope, had our brigade turned out, and as soon
as Sir Colin rode in among us we knew there was work to be done. He
called the officers to the front, and addressing them in the hearing of
the men, told them that the Nana Sahib had passed through Bithoor with a
large number of men and seventeen guns, and that we must all prepare for
another forced march to overtake him and capture these guns before he
could either reach Futtehghur or cross into Oude with them. After
stating that the camp would be struck as soon as we had got our dinners,
the Commander-in-Chief and Sir Hope Grant held a short but animated
conversation, which I have always thought was a prearranged matter
between them for our encouragement. In the full hearing of the men, Sir
Hope Grant turned to the Commander-in-Chief, and said, in rather a loud
tone: "I'm afraid, your Excellency, this march will prove a wild-goose
chase, because the infantry, in their present tired state, will never be
able to keep up with the cavalry." On this, Sir Colin turned round in
his saddle, and looking straight at us, replied in a tone equally loud,
so as to be heard by all the men: "I tell you, General Grant, you are
wrong. You don't know these men; these Highlanders will march your
cavalry blind." And turning to the men, as if expecting to be
corroborated by them, he was answered by over a dozen voices, "Ay, ay,
Sir Colin, we'll show them what we can do!"
As soon as dinner was over we struck tents, loaded them on the
elephants, and by two o'clock P.M. were on the march along the Grand
Trunk road. By sunset we had covered fifteen miles from Cawnpore. Here
we halted, lit fires, cooked tea, served out grog, and after a rest of
three hours, to feed and water the horses as much as to rest the men, we
were off again. By five A.M. on the 9th of December we had
reached the thirtieth mile from the place where we started, and the
scouts brought word to the general that we were ahead of the flying
enemy. We then turned off the road to our right in the direction of the
Ganges, and by eight o'clock came in sight of the enemy at Serai _ghat_,
a ferry twenty-five miles above Cawnpore, preparing to embark the guns
of which we were in pursuit.
Our cavalry and horse-artillery at once galloped to the front through
ploughed fields, and opened fire on the boats. The enemy returned the
fire, and some Mahratta cavalry made a dash at the guns, but their
charge was met by the Ninth Lancers and the detachment of Hodson's
Horse, and a number of them cut down. Seeing the infantry advancing in
line, the enemy broke and fled for the boats, leaving all their fifteen
guns, a large number of ordnance waggons loaded with ammunition, and a
hundred carts filled with their baggage and the plunder of Cawnpore. Our
horse-artillery and infantry advanced right up to the banks of the river
and kept up a hot fire on the retreating boats, swamping a great number
of them. The Nana Sahib was among this lot; but the spies reported that
his boat was the first to put off, and he gained the Oude side in
safety, though some thousands of his Mahratta rebels must have been
drowned or killed. This was some return we felt for his treachery at
Suttee Chowrah _ghat_ six months before. It was now our turn to be
peppering the flying boats! There were a number of women and children
left by the routed rebels among their baggage-carts; they evidently
expected to be killed, but were escorted to a village in our rear, and
left there. We showed them that we had come to war with men--not to
butcher women! By the afternoon we had dragged the whole of the captured
guns back from the river, and our tents coming up under the rear-guard,
we encamped for the night, glad enough to get a rest.
On the morning of the 10th our quarter-master divided among us a lot of
shirts and underclothing, mostly what the enemy had captured at
Cawnpore, a great part of which we had now recovered; and we were
allowed to go by wings to undress and have a bath in the sacred Ganges,
and to change our underclothing, which we very much needed to do. The
condition of our flannel shirts is best left undescribed, while our
bodies round our waists, where held tight by our belts, were eaten to
raw flesh. We sent our shirts afloat on the sacred waters of Mother
Gunga, glad to be rid of them, and that night we slept in comfort. Even
now, thirty-five years after, the recollection of the state of my own
flannel when I took it off makes me shiver. This is not a pleasant
subject, but I am writing these reminiscences for the information of our
soldiers of to-day, and merely stating facts, to let them understand
something of what the soldiers of the Mutiny had to go through.
Up to this time, the columns of the British had been mostly acting, as
it were, on the defensive; but from the date of the defeat of the
Gwalior Contingent, our star was in the ascendant, and the attitude of
the country people showed that they understood which was the winning
side. Provisions, such as butter, milk, eggs, and fruit, were brought
into our camp by the villagers for sale the next morning, sparingly at
first, but as soon as the people found that they were well received and
honestly paid for their supplies, they came in by scores, and from that
time there was no scarcity of provisions in our bazaars.
We halted at Serai _ghat_ for the 11th and 12th December, and on the
13th marched back in triumph to Bithoor with our captured guns. The
reason of our return to Bithoor was because spies had reported that the
Nana Sahib had concealed a large amount of treasure in a well there near
the palace of the ex-Peishwa of Poona. Rupees to the amount of thirty
_lakhs_[31] were recovered, which had been packed in ammunition-boxes
and sunk in a well; also a very large amount of gold and silver plate
and other valuables, among other articles a silver howdah which had been
the state howdah of the ex-Peishwa. Besides the rupees, the plate and
other valuables recovered were said to be worth more than a million
sterling, and it was circulated in the force that each private soldier
would receive over a thousand rupees in prize-money. But we never got a
_pie_![32] All we did get was hard work. The well was large. Four strong
frames were erected on the top of it by the sappers, and large leathern
buckets with strong iron frames, with ropes attached, were brought from
Cawnpore; then a squad of twenty-five men was put on to each rope, and
relieved every three hours, two buckets keeping the water down and two
drawing up treasure. Thus we worked day and night from the 15th to the
26th of December, the Forty-Second, Fifty-Third, and Ninety-Third
supplying the working-parties for pulling, and the Bengal Sappers
furnishing the men to work in the well; these last, having to stand in
the water all the time, were relieved every hour. It was no light work
to keep the water down, so as to allow the sappers to sling the boxes
containing the rupees, and to lift three million rupees, or thirty
_lakhs_, out from a deep well required considerable labour. But the
men, believing that the whole would be divided as prize-money, worked
with a will. A paternal Government, however, ignored our general's
assurance on this head, on the plea that we had merely recovered the
treasure carried off by the Nana from Cawnpore. The plate and jewellery
belonging to the ex-Peishwa were also claimed by the Government as State
property, and the troops got--nothing! We had even to pay from our own
pockets for the replacement of our kits which were taken by the Gwalior
Contingent when they captured Wyndham's camp.
About this time _The Illustrated London News_ reached India with a
picture purporting to be that of the Nana Sahib. I forget the date of
the number which contained this picture; but I first saw it in Bithoor
some time between the 15th and 25th December 1857. I will now give the
history of that picture, and show how Ajoodia Pershad, commonly known as
Jotee Pershad, the commissariat contractor, came to figure as the Nana
Sahib in the pages of _The Illustrated London News_. It is a well-known
fact that there is no authentic portrait of the Nana in existence; it is
even asserted that he was never painted by any artist, and photography
had not extended to Upper India before 1857. I believe this is the first
time that the history of the picture published as that of the Nana Sahib
by _The Illustrated London News_ has been given. I learnt the facts
which I am about to relate some years after the Mutiny, under a promise
of secrecy so long as my informant, the late John Lang,
barrister-at-law and editor and proprietor of _The Mofussilite_, should
be alive. As both he and Ajoodia Pershad have been many years dead, I
commit no breach of confidence in now telling the story. The picture
purporting to be that of the Nana having been published in 1857, it
rightly forms a reminiscence of the Mutiny, although much of the
following tale occurred several years earlier; but to make the history
of the picture complete, the facts which led to it must be noticed.
There are but few Europeans now in India who remember the scandal
connected with the trial of Ajoodia Pershad, the commissariat
contractor, for payment for the supplies and carriage of the army
throughout the second Sikh war. When it came to a final settlement of
his accounts with the Commissariat Department, Ajoodia Pershad claimed
three and a half _crores_ of rupees (equal to three and a half millions
sterling), in excess of what the auditor would pass as justly due to
him; and the Commissariat Department, backed by the Government of India,
not only repudiated the claim, but put Ajoodia Pershad on his trial for
falsification of accounts and attempting to defraud the Government.
There being no high courts in those days, nor trial by jury, corrupt or
otherwise, for natives in the Upper Provinces, an order of the
Governor-General in Council was passed for the trial of Ajoodia Pershad
by special commission, with the judge-advocate-general as prosecutor.
The trial was ordered to be held at Meerut, and the commission
assembled there, commencing its sittings in the Artillery mess-house
during the cold weather of 1851-52. There were no barristers or pleaders
in India in those days--at least in the Mofussil, and but few in the
presidency towns; but Ajoodia Pershad, being a very wealthy man, sent an
agent to England, and engaged the services of Mr. John Lang,
barrister-at-law, to come out and defend him. John Lang left England in
May, 1851, and came out round the Cape in one of Green's celebrated
liners, the _Nile_, and he reached Meerut about December, when the trial
commenced.
Everything went swimmingly with the prosecution till Mr. Lang began his
cross-examination of the witnesses, he having reserved his privilege
till he heard the whole case for the prosecution. Directly the
cross-examination commenced, the weakness of the Government case became
apparent. I need not now recall how the commissary-general, the deputy
commissary-general, and their assistants were made to contradict each
other, and to contradict themselves out of their own mouths. Mr. Lang,
who appeared in court every day in his wig and gown, soon became a noted
character in Meerut, and the night before he was to sum up the case for
the defence, some officers in the Artillery mess asked him his opinion
of the members of the commission. Not being a teetotaller, Mr. Lang may
have been at the time somewhat under the influence of "John Exshaw," who
was the ruling spirit in those days, and he replied that the whole
batch, president and members, including the judge-advocate-general, were
a parcel of "d--d _soors_."[33] Immediately several officers present
offered to lay a bet of a thousand rupees with Mr. Lang that he was not
game to tell them so to their faces in open court the following day.
Lang accepted the bet, the stakes were deposited, and an umpire
appointed to decide who should pocket the money. When the court
re-assembled next morning, the excitement was intense. Mr. Lang opened
his address by pulling the evidence for the prosecution to shreds, and
warming to his work, he went at it somewhat as follows--I can only give
the purport:--"Gentlemen of the commission forming this court, I now
place the dead carcass of this shameful case before you in all its naked
deformity, and the more we stir it up the more it stinks! The only stink
in my long experience that I can compare it to is the experience gained
in the saloon of the _Nile_ on my passage out to India the day after a
pig was slaughtered. We had a pig's cheek at the head of the table
[indicating the president of the commission]; we had a roast leg of pork
on the right [pointing to another member]; we had a boiled leg, also
pork, on the left [indicating a third member]"; and so on he went till
he had apportioned out the whole carcass of the supposed pig amongst the
members of the commission. Then, turning to the judge-advocate-general,
who was a little man dressed in an elaborately frilled shirt, and his
assistant, who was tall and thin, pointing to each in turn, Mr. Lang
proceeded,--"And for side-dishes we had chitterlings on one side, and
sausages on the other. In brief, the whole saloon smelt of nothing but
pork: and so it is, gentlemen, with this case. It is the Government of
India who has ordered this trial. It is for the interest of that
Government that my client should be convicted; therefore every member on
this commission is a servant of Government. The officers representing
the prosecution are servants of Government, and every witness for the
prosecution is also a servant of Government. In brief, the whole case
against my client is nothing but pork, and a disgrace to the Government
of India, and to the Honourable East India Company, who have sanctioned
this trial, and who put every obstacle in my way to prevent my coming
out to defend my client. I repeat my assertion that the case is a
disgrace to the Honourable Company and the Government of India, and to
every servant of that Government who has had any finger in the
manufacture of this pork-pie." And so Mr. Lang continued, showing how
Ajoodia Pershad had come forward to the assistance of the State in its
hour of need, by supplying carriage for the materials of the army and
rations for the troops, and so forth, till the judge-advocate-general
declared that he felt ashamed to be connected with the case. The result
was that Ajoodia Pershad was acquitted on all counts, and decreed to be
entitled to his claims in full, and the umpire decided that Mr. Lang had
won the bet of a thousand rupees.
But my readers may ask--What has all this to do with the portrait of the
Nana Sahib? I am just coming to that. After his honourable acquittal,
Ajoodia Pershad was so grateful to Mr. Lang that he presented him with
an honorarium of three _lakhs_ of rupees, equal in those days to over
L30,000, in addition to the fees on his brief; and Mr. Lang happening to
say that he would very much like to have a portrait of his generous
client, Ajoodia Pershad presented him with one painted by a famous
native artist of those days, and the portrait was enshrined in a
jewelled frame worth another twenty-five thousand rupees. To the day of
his death Mr. Lang used to carry this portrait with him wherever he
went. When the Mutiny broke out he was in London, and the artists of
_The Illustrated London News_ were calling on every old Indian of
position known to be in England, to try and get a portrait of the Nana.
One of them was informed that Mr. Lang possessed a picture of an Indian
prince--then, as now, all Indians were princes to the British
public--which might be that of the arch-assassin of Cawnpore. The artist
lost no time in calling on Mr. Lang to see the picture, and when he saw
it he declared it was just the thing he wanted. Mr. Lang protested,
pointing out that the picture no more resembled the Nana of Bithoor than
it did her Gracious Majesty the Queen of England; that neither the dress
nor the position of the person represented in the picture could pass in
India for a Mahratta chief. The artist declared he did not care for
people in India: he required the picture for the people of England. So
he carried it off to the engraver, and in the next issue of _The
Illustrated London News_ the picture of Ajoodia Pershad, the
commissariat contractor, appeared as that of the Nana Sahib. When those
in India who had known the Nana saw it, they declared it had no
resemblance to him whatever, and those who had seen Ajoodia Pershad
declared that the Nana was very like Ajoodia Pershad. But no one could
understand how the Nana could ever have allowed himself to be painted in
the dress of a Marwaree banker. To the day of his death John Lang was in
mortal fear lest Ajoodia Pershad should ever come to hear how his
picture had been allowed to figure as that of the arch-assassin of the
Indian Mutiny.
So much for the Nana's picture. By Christmas Day, 1857, we had recovered
all the gold and silver plate of the ex-Peishwa and the thirty _lakhs_
of treasure from the well in Bithoor, and on the morning of the 27th we
marched for the recapture of Futtehghur, which was held by a strong
force under the Nawab of Furruckabad. But I must leave the re-occupation
of Futtehghur for another chapter.
NOTE
Jotee Pershad was the native banker who, during the height
of the Mutiny, victualled the Fort of Agra and saved the
credit, if not the lives, of the members of the Government
of the North-West Provinces.
FOOTNOTES:
[29] Now Lieutenant-General Sir Hugh Gough, V.C., K.C.B.
[30] "Red and Blue "--the Army and Navy. The tune is _The British
Grenadiers_.
[31] A _lakh_ is 100,000, so that, at the exchange of the day, the
amount of cash captured was L306,250.
[32] One _pie_ is half a farthing.
[33] Pigs.