a legionibus salutaretur, prisco ergo duces honore, qui bene gesta
republica gaudio et impetu victoris exercitus conclamabantur.” The
earliest instance recorded is that of the elder Scipio Africanus (Liv.
xxvii. 19). At the close of the Republic the title might be conferred by
the Senate. Cic. _Phil._ xiv. 4, 11 (to emphasise the fact that Antonius
was a public enemy Servilius had proposed _supplicationes_) “Sed hoc
primum faciam, ut imperatores appellem eos, quorum virtute ... periculis
... liberati sumus.” For who, he asks, has not been called _imperator_
within the last twenty years “aut minimis rebus gestis, aut plerumque
nullis”? (cf. Cic. _ad Att._ v. 20, 3).
[638] Dio Cass. xxxvii. 40.
[639] For the consular tribune see p. 114.
[640] An important exception is recorded in Liv. vii. 11 (360 B.C.). Here
the consul triumphs after the abdication of the dictator, and the honour
is clearly a concession of the latter.
[641] Liv. xxviii. 9 (207 B.C.).
[642] In this case the lesser honour of an “ovation” was sometimes
granted (Liv. xxvi. 21; xxviii. 9).
[643] Liv. xxxix. 29 (185 B.C.).
[644] Gell. v. 6; Val. Max. ii. 8, 7. In this case, too, the ovation was
sometimes granted, e.g. in the slave-wars of 99 and 71 B.C. (Cic. _de
Orat._ ii. 47, 195; Gell. v. 6). For this reason Caesar’s triumph in 46
was over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus and Africa; that of Augustus in 29 over
Dalmatia and Egypt. In neither case was it held over the citizens whom
they had crushed.
[645] Val. Max. ii. 8, 1.
[646] Liv. xxxiii. 23; xlii. 21.
[647] Mommsen thinks the use of it as well (_Staatsr._ i p. 132), e.g.
that it was in consequence of the absence of the _provocatio_ that the
_cives Romani Campani_ were executed in 271 (Val. Max. ii. 7, 15).
[648] e.g. L. Postumius Megellus in 294 B.C. (Liv. x. 37), App. Claudius
in 143 B.C. (Suet. _Tib._ 2).
[649] “Senatus consulto jussuque populi” (Liv. iv. 20).
[650] Polyb. vi. 15 τοὺς ... θριάμβους ... οὐ δύνανται χειρίζειν
ὡς πρέπει, ποτὲ δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ συντελεῖν, ἐὰν μὴ τὸ συνέδριον
συγκατάθηται καὶ δῷ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην.
[651] Liv. xxvi. 21. Cf. Liv. xlv. 35, where the Senate’s request to the
tribune is made through a praetor. One cannot say in this case that the
_imperium_ is conferred for the day, since the Plebs had no power to
confer the _imperium_.
[652] ib. xxviii. 38; cf. xxxi. 20.
[653] e.g. the two triumphs of Pompeius in 80 and 71 B.C. See Cic. _pro
Lege Man._ 21, 62 “quid tam incredibile, quam ut iterum eques Romanus ex
senatus consulto triumpharet?”
[654] A shortened form of _conventio_. Cf. _S. C. de Bacchanalibus_
(Bruns _Fontes_) l. 23 “haice uti in conventionid exdeicatis.”
[655] Gell. xiii. 16 “cum populo agere est rogare quid populum, quod
suffragiis suis aut jubeat aut vetet, contionem autem habere est verba
facere ad populum sine ulla rogatione.”
[656] It was, e.g., the mode in which the people were summoned to witness
public executions outside the Pomerium (Cic. _pro Rab._ 4, 11; Tac.
_Ann._ ii. 23).
[657] _S. C. de Bacch._ quoted p. 158.
[658] Liv. xxxix. 15 “contione advocata cum sollemne carmen precationis,
quod praefari priusquam populum adloquantur magistratus solent,
peregisset, consul ita coepit.”
[659] Messala ap. Gell. xiii. 16 includes the _magistratus minores_.
Mommsen, guided by the (in this case probably false) analogy of the _jus
cum populo agendi_, would exclude the aediles and quaestors (_Staatsr._
i. p. 200).
[660] Gell. l.c.
[661] Cic. _ad Att._ iv. 1, 6 “habui contionem, omnes magistratus praeter
unum praetorem et duos tribunos pl. dederunt”; i. 14, 1 “Pisonis consulis
impulsu levissimus tribunus pl. Fufius in contionem producit Pompeium”;
ii. 24, 3 “Caesar is qui olim, praetor cum esset, Q. Catulum ex inferiore
loco jusserat dicere, Vettium in rostra produxit.”
[662] Sall. _Jug._ 34 “ubi Memmius (a tribune) dicendi finem fecit et
Jugurtha respondere jussus est, C. Baebius tribunus plebis ... regem
tacere jubet.”
[663] See note 1.
[664] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 4, 10 “cum populo patribusque agendi jus esto
consuli praetori magistro populi equitumque eique quem patres produnt
consulum rogandorum ergo.” For the question whether the praefect of the
city had this right see p. 61; an argument for his possession of it in
the Republic is his right of consulting the Senate.
[665] For the curule aediles see Cic. _in Verr._ i. 12, 36; Val. Max.
viii. 1, 7.
[666] Liv. iii. 24; Dionys. viii. 77.
[667] Liv. xliii. 16 (169 B.C., P. Rutilius tr. pl.) “C. Claudio diem
dixit ... et utrique censori perduellionem se judicare pronunciavit,
diemque comitiis a C. Sulpicio praetore urbano petiit ... absoluto
Claudio, tribunus plebis negavit se Gracchum morari.” Antias ap. Gell.
vi. 9 “Licinius tribunus plebi perduellionem ei diem dixit et comitiis
diem a M. Marcio praetore peposcit.”
[668] Whether the tribune presided over this assembly is uncertain. When
the tribune in Livy (l.c.) breaks up such an assembly the act may simply
refer to his retirement as a prosecutor (see last note).
[669] Liv. x. 23; xxv. 2; xxxiii. 42; Gell. x. 6.
[670] _De Leg._ iii. 4, 10, cited p. 160.
[671] Gell. xiv. 7 “(Varro ponit) per quos more majorum senatus haberi
soleret eosque nominat ‘dictatorem, consules, praetores, tribunos plebi,
interregem, praefectum urbi’ ... ‘deinde extraordinario jure tribunos
quoque militares qui pro consulibus fuissent ... jus consulendi senatum
habuisse.’”
[672] This right of the tribunes originated later than 304 B.C.; see p.
127.
[673] Liv. xxii. 30; xl. 52. Cf. Wilmanns n. 27 “L. Mummi. L. F. Cos.
duct(u) auspicio imperioque ejus Achaia capt(a) Corinto deleto Romam
redieit triumphans.”
[674] p. 39.
[675] Festus p. 261 “quinque genera signorum observant augures publici,
ex coelo, ex avibus, ex tripudis, ex quadripedibus, ex diris.”
[676] _Silentium_ is defined negatively; see Cic. _de Div._ ii. 34, 71
“id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret.” Cf.
Festus p. 351.
[677] e.g. the fall of the cap from the head of the sacrificing priest
(Val. Max. i. 1, 5). Cf. Festus p. 64.
[678] Val. Max. i. 1, 5 “occentusque soricis auditus Fabio Maximo
dictaturam ... deponendi causam praebuit.”
[679] ib. 4, 2 (the omens that T. Gracchus encountered when seeking the
tribunate).
[680] ib. 4, 7.
[681] Plut. _C. Gracch._ 11.
[682] Cic. _de Div._ ii. 34, 72 “Illi autem, qui in auspicium adhibetur,
cum ita imperavit is, qui auspicatur ‘Dicito, si silentium esse
videbitur’; nec suspicit nec circumspicit: statim respondet, ‘silentium
esse videri.’”
[683] Plin. _H.N._ xxviii. 2, 11.
[684] Cic. _de Div._ ii. 35, 77.
[685] Liv. i. 36; Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 9.
[686] Cic. _de Div._ ii. 33, 71 “haec certe quibus utimur, sive tripudio
sive de coelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo.”
[687] Liv. xxiii. 31 (215 B.C., Marcellus) “cui ineunti consulatum cum
tonuisset, vocati augures vitio creatum videri pronunciaverunt.”
[688] Cic. _de Div._ ii. 35, 74 “Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optimum
habemus ad omnes res, praeterquam ad comitia.”
[689] ib. i. 15, 27 “nam nostri quidem magistratus auspiciis utuntur
coactis. Necesse est enim, offa objecta, cadere frustum ex pulli ore,
cum pascitur. (28) Quod autem scriptum habetis, tripudium fieri, si ex
ea quid in solidum ceciderit: hoc quoque, quod dixi, coactum, tripudium
solistimum dicitis.” Cf. ii. 34, 72; 35, 73. For their use in camp see
Cic. _de Div._ i. 35, 77; Val. Max. i. 4, 3. In the last passage the
incident connected with P. Claudius Pulcher (249 B.C.) is described.
[690] Messala ap. Gell. xiii. 15 “Patriciorum auspicia in duas sunt
divisa potestates. Maxima sunt consulum, praetorum censorum....
Reliquorum magistratuum minora sunt auspicia.”
[691] Gell. iii. 2.
[692] “Oriens de nocte silentio” (Liv. viii. 23).
[693] That in the camp, by means of the sacred chickens, had naturally to
be exempted from these formalities.
[694] Cic. _de Nat. Deor._ ii. 4, 11; these tents were called _minora
templa_ (Festus p. 157).
[695] The manipulation of auspices at the end of the Republic had caused
the skilled assistant to be neglected (Cic. _de Div._ ii. 34, 71 “apud
majores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilibet”).
[696] Liv. ix. 39, etc.
[697] See the section dealing with the powers of the people. The _vitium_
effected the elections even of tribunes of the Plebs—but purely as a
result of _auspicia oblativa_. See Liv. x. 47 (293 B.C.) “exacto jam anno
novi tribuni plebis magistratum inierant: hisque ipsis, quia vitio creati
erant, quinque post dies alii subfecti.”
[698] ib. v. 31, etc.
[699] Mommsen thinks that the auspices of the consuls might have
alternated, like their fasces, from month to month (_Staatsr._ i. p. 95).
[700] Thus before Cannae Varro takes the field in spite of the ill-omens
which the observation of his colleague Paulus had revealed (Liv. xxii.
42).
[701] Val. Max. ii. 8, 2.
[702] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 6 “magistratus nec oboedientem et noxium
civem multa, vinculis, verberibus coerceto, ni par majorve potestas
populusve prohibessit, ad quos provocatio esto.” A _lex Porcia_
prohibited the scourging of a Roman citizen by a _gravis poena_ (Liv.
x. 9); but that technically it merely submitted the threat of such
_coercitio_ to appeal is shown by the fact that the law is classed
amongst those regulating the _provocatio_ (Cic. _de Rep._ ii. 31, 54).
[703] pp. 79, 109.
[704] Liv. x. 9 “cum eum qui provocasset virgis caedi securique necari
vetuisset, si quis adversus ea fecisset, nihil ultra quam improbe factum
adjecit.” The meaning of this sanction has been much disputed: it may
mean “incapable of making a will,” on the analogy of “improbus (i.e. qui
probare non potest) intestabilisque esto.” Mommsen (_Strafrecht_ p. 632)
takes the expression to mean that the act of the magistrate would be
regarded as “unjustified,” i.e. as an ordinary criminal offence.
[705] Cic. _de Rep._ ii. 31, 54.
[706] p. 95.
[707] Dio Cass. liii. 17.
[708] Plin. _H.N._ vii 44; Liv. _Ep._ 59.
[709] Liv. ii 55; vii. 4.
[710] The _virgis caedi_ in the third _lex Valeria_ (note 2) probably
refers to scourging as well as to death by the rod.
[711] Capito ap. Gell. iv. 10 “Caesar consul viatorem vocavit eumque
(Catonem), cum finem non faceret (of speaking in the Senate) prendi
loquentem et in carcerem duci jussit.” Cf. Suet. _Caes._ 17.
[712] The earliest recorded case is in Liv. _Ep._ xlviii. (Momms.
_Staatsr._ i. p. 154). A typical instance belonging to the year 60 B.C.
is described in Cic. _ad Att._ ii. 1, 8; Dio Cass. xxxvii. 50.
[713] It was thus that the imprisonment of M. Bibulus, consul in 59 (Cic.
_in Vat._ 9, 21), and of M. Crassus, consul in 55 (Dio Cass. xxxix. 39),
was prevented.
[714] The annals introduce bail as early as the trial of Kaeso Quinctius
in 461 B.C. (Liv. iii. 13).
[715] Liv. xxv. 4 (212 B.C.).
[716] Mommsen (_Staatsr._ i. p. 143 n. 1) takes the view that the
quaestor had no power of _coercitio_ through _multa_ and _pignus_. For an
opposite opinion see Karlowa _Rechtsgesch._ i. p. 171 and Huschke _Multa_
p. 36.
[717] Dionys. x. 50 ἐπὶ τῆς λοχίτιδος ἐκκλησίας νόμον ἐκύρωσαν (the
consuls Sp. Tarpeius and A. Aternius) ἵνα ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἐξῇ πάσαις τοὺς
ἀκοσμοῦντας ἤ παρανομοῦντας εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐξουσίαν ζημιοῦν· τέως γὰρ οὐχ
ἅπασιν ἐξῆν ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὑπάτοις μόνοις. Cf. Cic. _de Rep._ ii. 35, 60.
[718] Dionys. l.c.; Gell. xi. 1. Dionysius (probably by an error of the
copyist) represents the fine as being two oxen or thirty sheep.
[719] Cic. _de Rep._ ii. 35, 60 “levis aestimatio pecudum in multa lege
C. Julii, P. Papirii consulum constituta est”; Liv. iv. 30 “legem de
multarum aestimatione pergratam populo ... ipsi (the consuls Julius and
Papirius) praeoccupaverunt ferre”; Gell. xi. 1 “in oves singulas aeris
deni, in boves aeris centeni ... Suprema multa est ejus numeri, ... ultra
quem multam dicere in dies singulos jus non est.” Gellius, however,
attributes the pecuniary estimate to the _lex Aternia_.
[720] The view has been sometimes held that the _multa suprema_ was one
beyond which the magistrate could not under any circumstances go. In this
case there is no known limit at which the appeal became possible. That
there was one, however, is shown by the _provocatio ab omni judicio_
allowed by the Twelve Tables (Cic. _de Rep._ ii. 31, 54. See p. 106).
[721] p. 246.
[722] _Lex Tab. Bant._ 1. 12 “Sei quis mag(istratus) multam inrogare
volet [_quei volet, dum minoris_] partus familias taxsat, liceto.”
[723] e.g. in case of continued resistance to the veto. See Liv. xliii.
16 (169 B.C., P. Rutilius) “Ti Gracchi primum bona consecravit, quod in
multa pignoribusque ejus, qui tribunum adpellasset, intercessioni non
parendo, se in ordinem coegisset”; or for a supposed stigma inflicted
by a censor on a tribune (Plin. _H.N._ vii. 44). Cicero, _pro Domo_ 47,
123, mentions the consecration of the goods of L. Metellus by C. Atinius
(131 B.C., Plin. l.c.) as an instance of “furor tribuni plebis, ductus ex
nonnullis perveterum temporum exemplis.” P. Clodius (58 B.C.) consecrated
the goods of Cicero and of Gabinius the consul (ib. § 124).
[724] _Lex Quinctia de aquaeductibus_ (Bruns _Fontes_) l. 20 “tum is
praetor ... multa pignoribus cogito coerceto.”
[725] Cic. _de Orat._ iii. 1, 4, “pignora caedere” or “concidere”; the
destruction was performed as an example “in conspectu populi Romani.”
[726] _Auct. de Vir. Illustr._ 72, 6. Cf. the procedure of the consul
Servilius against the revolutionary praetor Caelius Rufus in 48 B.C. Dio
Cass. xlii. 23 τόν τε δίφρον αὑτοῦ συνέτριψεν.
[727] Varro ap. Gell. xiii. 12 “vocationem (habent), ut consoles et
caeteri, qui habent imperium; prensionem, ut tribuni plebis et alii, qui
habent viatorem; neque vocationem neque prensionem, ut quaestores et
ceteri, qui neque lictorem habent neque viatorem. Qui vocationem habent,
idem prendere, tenere, abducere possunt.”
[728] p. 94.
[729] See Varro ap. Gell. l.c.
[730] Aediles were used in the trial of Coriolanus (Dionys. vii. 26,
see p. 98); Gracchus sent one of his _viatores_ to drag his colleague
Octavius from the Rostra (Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 12). Cf. Liv. xxv. 4 (case
of Postumius 212 B.C.) “tribuni ... ni vades daret ... prehendi a viatore
... jusserunt.”
[731] Varro, as an antiquarian, refused to obey such a summons on the
ground of its illegality (Gell. xiii. 12.)
[732] Donatus _ad Ter. Ad._ iv. 2, 9 “qui malam rem nuntiat, obnuntiat,
qui bonam adnuntiat; nam proprie obnuntiare dicuntur augures, qui aliquid
mali ominis scaevumque viderint.” Cf. Cicero _Phil._ ii. 33, 83; _de
Div._ i. 16, 29 (_dirarum obnuntiatio_).
[733] The plebeian magistrates sometimes watched for such signs, for
purposes of obstruction, and were then improperly said _servare de coelo_
(Cic. _ad Att._ iv. 3, 3). The words are properly used only of the
_spectio_. See Greenidge, “The Repeal of the Lex Aelia Fufia” in _Class.
Rev._ vii. p. 158.
[734] p. 163.
[735] Cic. _pro Sest._ 36, 78; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 13. To discuss, as has
been done, whether the patrician magistrates’ _obnuntiatio_ was valid
against the tribunes is to raise rather an idle question. The _lex Aelia
Fufia_ could not have artificially regulated religious belief, and the
Plebs was as susceptible to _auspicia_ as the Populus (see p. 39).
[736] Gell. xiii. 15; _minor_ here simply means “inferior to the consul.”
[737] They regulated the precedence of the _comitia_ for elections and
for laws (Cic. _ad Att._ i. 16, 13).
[738] Cic. _in Pis._ 4, 9; _de Prov. Con._ 19, 46; _in Vat._ 7, 18.
[739] Cic. _Phil._ ii. 32, 80 and 38, 99; _ad Att._ iv. 9, 1; 16, 7, etc.
See _Class. Rev._ vii. p. 160.
[740] The exercise of the _coercitio_ might of course be vetoed, and in
this case the prohibition was of no avail. See Liv. ix. 34 (n. 7).
[741] p. 159.
[742] Liv. xliii. 16 (169 B.C., P. Rutilius tr. pl.) “C. Claudio diem
dixit, quod contionem ab se avocasset.”
[743] ib. xxvii. 5 (210 B.C.). The consul declined to question the people
on the nomination of a dictator, “quod suae potestatis esset,” and
forbade the praetor to do so.
[744] p. 172.
[745] Cf. the story in Suet. _Tib._ 2, “Etiam virgo vestalis fratrem
(App. Claudius, consul 143 B.C.) injussu populi triumphantem, adscenso
simul curru, usque in Capitolium prosecuta est, ne vetare aut intercedere
fas cuiquam tribunorum esset.”
[746] Liv. ix. 33-34. P. Sempronius, tribune, attempted to compel App.
Claudius, who was trying to prolong his censorship beyond eighteen
months, to abdicate. He tried to imprison the censor but was resisted by
the veto of three colleagues.
[747] _Auct. de vir. illustr._ 72, 6 (for the occasion see p. 171); the
consul “ne quis ad eum (praetorem) in jus ire edixit.” Dio Cass. xlii.
23; amongst the other penalties imposed by Servilius Isauricus on Caelius
Rufus (see p. 171) was the transference of his functions to another
praetor, τά τε προσήκοντα τῇ ἀρχῇ αὐτοῦ ἄλλῳ τῳ τῶν στρατηγῶν προσέταξε.
[748] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 58, 134 “quaestores, legates, praefectos,
tribunos suos, multi missos fecerunt et de provincia decedere jusserunt,
quod illorum culpa se minus commode audire arbitrarentur, aut quod
peccare ipsos aliqua in re judicarent.”
[749] Liv. iii. 27; vii. 9.
[750] _C.I.L._ vi. n. 895.
[751] Liv. iii. 3; Cic. _Phil._ v. 12, 31.
[752] Liv. iii. 5; vi. 7; Cic. l.c.
[753] Mommsen conjectures that, on the occasion of every public funeral
in the forum, a short _justitium_ was declared (_Staatsr._ i. p. 251 n.
4).
[754] Liv. x. 21.
[755] Cic. _de Har. Resp._ 26, 55 “justitium edici oportere,
jurisdictionem intermitti, claudi aerarium, judicia tolli.” Cf. Plut.
_Ti. Gracch._ 10; Cic. _pro Plancio_ 14, 33.
[756] Liv. vi 7.
[757] Cic. _Brut._ 89, 304 “exercebatur una lege judicium Varia, ceteris
propter bellum intermissis.”
[758] p. 119.
[759] Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 10.
[760] “(Feriae) imperativae sunt, quas consules vel praetores pro
arbitrio potestatis indicunt” (Macrob. _Saturn._ i. 16, 6).
[761] e.g. by Livy (x. 37).
[762] No instance of such a veto being exercised at Rome is known; but it
is recognised in the municipal law of Salpensa (Bruns _Fontes_) c. 27.
[763] Or _decretum_. The formal difference is slight; by the end of the
Republic _edictum_ is a general, _decretum_ a more special (and generally
judicial) command.
[764] Liv. iv. 55.
[765] Caes. _Bell. Civ._ iii. 20 (Caelius Rufus) “tribunal suum juxta C.
Treboni praetoris urbani sellam collocavit, et si quis appellavisset ...
fore auxilio pollicebatur.” For the consequent necessity of the presence
of the tribunes in Rome see p. 94.
[766] Thus Verres, who was _praetor urbanus_, had his decisions vetoed by
Piso, who was probably _praetor peregrinus_, in cases where Verres had
decided contrary to his own edict. Cic. _in Verr._ i. 46, 119; cf. Caes.
l.c.
[767] Of the four private-law speeches of Cicero, two, those for
Quinctius and Tullius, show the request for tribunician interference with
the praetor’s jurisdiction. Cf. Cic. _Acad. Prior._ ii. 30, 97 “postulant
ut excipiantur haec inexplicabilia. Tribunum aliquem censeo adeant (_al._
videant); a me istam exceptionem nunquam impetrabunt.”
[768] Liv. xxxiii. 42.
[769] The tribunes promise “cognituros se de quo appellati essent” (Liv.
xlii. 32).
[770] Liv. xlii. 33.
[771] Ascon. _in Milon._ p. 47.
[772] p. 174.
[773] Liv. iv. 50; xxv. 2.
[774] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 12, 30.
[775] Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 10.
[776] Cic. _ad Att._ iv. 16, 6; Ascon. _in Cornel._ p. 58.
[777] Liv. xlv. 21 “cum ita traditum esset, ne quis prius intercedat
legi, quam privatis suadendi dissuadendique legem potestas facta esset.”
[778] Momms. _Staatsr._ i p. 285.
[779] Liv. xxvii. 6.
[780] Cic. _pro Sest._ 31, 68.
[781] ib. 34, 74.
[782] Cic. _ad Fam._ x. 12, 3 and 4.
[783] Liv. xxx. 43. Consular intercession against the praetor was
unnecessary, since the praetor did not usually summon the Senate while
the consul was at Rome.
[784] Val. Max. ii. 2, 7 “Illud quoque memoria repetendum est, quod
tribunis plebis intrare curiam non licebat, ante valvas autem positis
subselliis decreta patrum attentissima cura examinabant, ut, si qua
ex eis improbassent, rata esse non sinerent. Itaque veteribus senatus
consultis C. litera subscribi solebat, eaque nota significabatur illa
tribunos quoque censuisse.” In _S.C.C._ translated into Greek it appears
as ἔδοξεν (_S.C.C. de Thisbaeis_, Bruns _Fontes_). In those given in
Cic. _ad Fam._ viii. 8, 6, the letters “i. n.” (sometimes interpreted
“intercessit nemo”) are probably a corruption for _censuere_.
[785] Momms. _Staatsr._ i. p. 282 n. 7; combated by Willems _Le Sénat_ p.
200 n. 2.
[786] Liv. xxvi. 26; xxx. 40; cf. xlii. 10 “Popillius ... prae se ferens
si quid decernerent, intercessurum, collegam deterruit.”
[787] Val. Max. ii. 2, 7.
[788] Cic. _ad Fam._ x. 12, 3.
[789] Liv. xxxvi. 40.
[790] Cic. _ad Fam._ viii. 8, 6 “qui impedierit prohibuerit, eum senatum
existimare contra rem publicam fecisse.”
[791] Cic. _de Prov. Con._ 8, 17; _pro Domo_ 9, 24. Intercession in
jurisdiction and administration is sometimes forbidden in municipal laws:
_Lex Rubria_ i. 50; _Lex Ursonensis_ c. 72 (Bruns _Fontes_).
[792] Varro ap. Gell. xiii. 13 “Qui potestatem neque vocationis populi
viritim habent neque prensionis, eos magistratus a privato in jus quoque
vocari est potestas.” The context shows that they were practically as
exempt as the higher magistrates.
[793] Nothing is known of the early history of _peculatus_. The word
itself, “the misappropriation of cattle,” which had been collected as
fines, shows the antiquity of the offence described by Varro (_L.L._
v. 95) as _peculatus publicus_. For the early procedure see Mommsen
_Strafrecht_ p. 768.
[794] In Polybius’ time bribery was a capital offence at Rome (Polyb. vi
56).
[795] Polyb. vi. 14. The people are often judges of money penalties,
when the offence can be valued in money, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς τὰς ἐπιφανεῖς
ἐσχηκότας ἀρχάς, θανάτου δὲ κρίνει μόνος. Cf. c. 15. The greatest source
of the power of the people is that ἀποτιθεμένους τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐν τούτῳ δεῖ
τὰς εὐθύνας ὑπέχειν τῶν πεπραγμένων.
[796] Liv. xxiv. 43 (214 B.C., the tribune Metellus prosecutes the
censors Furius and Atilius) “Sed novem tribunorum auxilio vetiti causam
in magistratu dicere dimissique fuerant”; Suet. _Caes._ 23 (Caesar on
leaving for Gaul) “a L. Antistio, tr. pl., postulatus, appellato demum
collegio, obtinuit, cum reipublicae causa abesset, reus ne fieret.” In
the case of the trial of the censors of 169 B.C. (Liv. xliii 16) the
accused agree to be put on their trial during their tenure of office.
[797] Liv. xxix. 22 (204 B.C.). Pleminius and his colleagues were
“producti ad populum ab tribunis.”
[798] ib. vi. 1 “Q. Fabio ... ab Cn. Marcio tribuno plebis dicta dies
est, quod legatus in Gallos, ad quos missus erat orator, contra jus
gentium pugnasset.”
[799] ib. _Ep._ 69 “L. Appuleius Saturninus ... Metello Numidico, eo quod
in eam (the agrarian law) non juraverat, diem dixit.”
[800] ib. xxv. 3 (Postumius a _publicanus_, for shipwrecking and false
reports of shipwreck).
[801] e.g. waging war without authorisation (Ascon. _in Cornelian_. p.
80, 104 B.C.), disgraceful flight imperilling the safety of others (Liv.
xxvi. 2, 211 B.C.).
[802] Exceeding the legal duration of a magistracy, in this case the
dictatorship (Cic. _de Off._ iii. 31, 112). The instance, though typical,
is not historic.
[803] Liv. xliii. 7, 8 (170 B.C.).
[804] Tac. _Ann._ xi. 22 “apud majores ... cunctis civium, si bonis
artibus fiderent, licitum petere magistratus.”
[805] Festus p. 231 “plebeium magistratum neminem capere licet, nisi qui
ex plebe est.” Cf. Suet. _Aug._ 10.
[806] This seems shown by Suet. _Claud._ 24 (see p. 135).
[807] Momms. _Staatsr._ i. p. 488. Exceptional elections of the sons of
freedmen are found in 304 B.C. (Liv. ix. 46, Cn. Flavius (see p. 185) as
aedile) and in the year 100 B.C. (App. B.C. i. 33).
[808] _Lex Julia Municipalis_ (Bruns _Fontes_) l. 92 “in castreis inve
provincia.”
[809] Plut. _C. Gracch._ 2.
[810] There is also evidence for this as the minimum age at a period
earlier than Cicero’s political career; see Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 49, 122.
[811] In Caesar’s municipal law (45 B.C.) the qualification for a
municipal magistracy is either thirty years of age or a certain length of
service—six years on foot or three on horseback (_L.J.M._ l. 89).
[812] Liv. ix. 46 (of the election of Cn. Flavius to the curule
aedileship) “Invenio in quibusdam annalibus, cum adpareret aedilibus ...
neque accipi nomen, quia scriptum faceret, tabulam posuisse et jurasse,
se scriptum non facturum.”
[813] Cic. _de Off._ i. 42, 150; in later Roman law spoken of as
_vilitas_; see Greenidge _Infamia in Roman Law_ pp. 12, 193.
[814] Cic. _pro Cluent._ 42, 119; Schol. Bob. in Cic. _pro Sulla_ 5, 17,
p. 361 Orell.; Cic. _pro Rosc. Com._ 6, 16; Tertull. _de Spect._ 22;
Ascon. _in orat. in Tog. Cand._ p. 115; _Lex Julia Munic._ l. 104; _Dig._
48, 7, 1. All these passages are discussed in Greenidge _Infamia in Roman
Law_ pp. 18-40 and 187.
[815] Liv. iii. 35 “Ars haec erat, ne semet ipse creare posset; quod
praeter tribunos plebi (et id ipsum pessimo exemplo) nemo unquam
fecisset.” The revolutionary period shows Cinna and Carbo nominating
themselves consuls for two successive years (Liv. _Ep._ 83) and Caesar as
dictator presiding over his own election to the consulship (Caes. B.C.
iii. 1, 1).
[816] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 8, 21 “Licinia est lex atque altera
Aebutia, quae non modo eum, qui tulerit de aliqua curatione ac potestate,
sed etiam collegas ejus, cognatos, affines excipit, ne eis ea potestas
curatiove mandetur.”
[817] Liv. vii. 42 “aliis plebiscitis cautum ne quis eundem magistratum
intra decem annos caperet; neu duos magistratus uno anno gereret.” Cf. x.
13.
[818] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 9, 24 “ne in iis quidem magistratibus
quorum certus ordo est.”
[819] Liv. xl. 44 “eo anno rogatio primum lata est ab L. Villio tr. pl.,
quot annos nati quemque magistratum peterent caperentque.” It probably
accepted the age of twenty-eight for the quaestorship; the minimum age
for the consulship in the time of Cicero was forty-three (_Phil._ v. 17,
48); that for the praetorship is quite unknown; thirty-five and forty
have been conjectured.
[820] Cic. _ad Fam._ x. 25, 2 “non est annus hic tibi destinatus,
ut, si aedilis fuisses, post biennium tuus annus esset” (i.e. for
election to the praetorship). To be elected in the earliest year, when
one is qualified by the interval, is to attain a magistracy “anno
sibi destinato” (l.c.) or “suo anno” (Cic. _pro Mil._ 9, 24). Momms.
_Staatsr._ i. pp. 527, 529. The principle of at least one year’s interval
seems to have applied to the transition from plebeian to patrician
magistracies in the form that candidature during the holding of any
office was forbidden (Momms. _Staatsr._ i. p. 533).
[821] App. B.C. i. 100 καὶ στρατηγεῖν ἀπεῖπε πρὶν ταμιεῦσαι καὶ ὑπατεύειν
πρὶν στρατηγῆσαι, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν αὐτὴν αὖθις ἄρχειν ἐκώλυσε πρὶν ἒτη
δέκα διαγενέσθαι.
[822] Cic. _ad Fam._ xvi. 12, 3 “se praesentem trinum nundinum
petiturum”; Sallust, _Cat._ 18 “post paulo Catilina pecuniarum
repetundarum reus prohibitus erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitimos
dies profiteri nequiverit.” The interval was probably twenty-four days.
See the section on the _comitia_.
[823] Plut. _Aem. Paul._ 3; _Sull._ 5.
[824] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 9, 24 (63 B.C.) “praesentem profiteri
jubet, quod nulla alia in lege unquam fuit, ne in iis quidem
magistratibus quorum certus ordo est”; Suet. _Caes._ 18 (60 B.C.) “cum
edictis jam comitiis ratio ejus haberi non posset ... et ambienti ut
legibus solveretur multi contradicerent, coactus est triumphum, ne
consulatu excluderetur, dimittere.” Cf. Plut. _Caes._ 13.
[825] Dio Cass. xl. 56 (Pompeius) τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν νόμον τὸν
κελεύοντα τοὺς ἀρχήν τινα ἐπαγγέλλοντας ἐς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν πάντως ἁπαντᾷν,
ὥστε μηδένα ἀπόντα αἱρεῖσθαι, παρημελημένον πῶς ἀνενεώσατο.
[826] Hence their association with _sequestres_—the agents in whose hands
the candidate deposited money. Cic. _pro Planc._ 18, 19; Q. Cic. _de Pet.
Cons._ 14, 57.
[827] _Lex Jul. Munic._ l. 132 “neve quis ejus rationem comitieis
conciliove [habeto, neive quis quem, sei adversus ea comitieis
conciliove] creatum est, renuntiato.” In 67 B.C. the consul Piso,
questioned “Palicanum num suffragiis populi consulem creatum
renuntiaturus esset,” answered “non renuntiabo” (Val. Max. iii. 8, 3).
[828] p. 47.
[829] Mommsen (_Staatsr._ i. p. 599) places this change in 222 B.C. Liv.
xxxi. 5, etc.
[830] _Fasti Praenestini_ (_C.I.L._ i. p. 364) “[ann]us nov[us incipit],
quia eo die mag[istratus] ineunt: quod coepit [p. R.] c. a. DCI.”
[831] Quaestors (Cic. _in Verr._ Act. i. 10, 30; _Lex de XX. quaest._ in
Bruns _Fontes_ l. 15); tribunes (Dionys. vi 89).
[832] Dio Cass. xl. 66; Cic. _in Verr._ i. 41, 105; Liv. xxi. 63.
[833] The _execratio_ is given by Pliny (_Paneg._ 64), “explanavit verba
quibus caput suum, domum suam, si sciens fefellisset, deorum (Jupiter and
the Dii Penates) irae consecraret.”
[834] Cic. _ad Att._ ii. 18, 2 “habet ... Campana Lex (of the consul
Caesar in 59 B.C.) execrationem in contione candidatorum.”
[835] Liv. xxxi. 50; if we may argue from municipal law (_Lex Salpens._
c. 26), omission to take it due to mere neglect was visited in the first
instance by a fine.
[836] Liv. l.c.
[837] Cic. _ad Fam._ v. 2, 7; _pro Sulla_ 11, 34; _in Pison._ 3, 6; _pro
Domo_ 35, 94. Cicero, at the close of 63, varied the oath by swearing
that he had saved the state.
[838] p. 45.
[839] Liv. v. 41.
[840] The dagger is mentioned more frequently than the sword (_gladius_)
as the distinctive sign of military power. Momms. _Staatsr._ i. p. 434 n.
1.
[841] Hence such phrases as _decedere via_, _descendere equo_, _adsurgere
sella_, _caput aperire_. The senators were in the habit of rising from
their seats when the consul entered the Curia (Cic. _in Pis._ 12, 26).
[842] A decree of the augurs in 426 B.C. declared the consular tribunes
capable of this nomination (Liv. iv. 31).
[843] p. 165.
[844] Liv. viii. 12 “Aemilius, cujus tum fasces erant, collegam
dictatorem dixit”; iv. 26 “Sors, ut dictatorem diceret (nam ne id quidem
inter collegas convenerat) T. Quinctio evenit”; iv. 21 “Verginius, dum
collegam consuleret, moratus, permittente eo, nocte dictatorem dixit.”
[845] Liv. iv. 17 “senatus ... dictatorem dici Mam. Aemilium jussit”;
vii. 12 “dictatorem dici C. Sulpicium placuit. Consul ad id adcitus C.
Plautius dixit.”
[846] ib. xxii. 57 (216 B.C.) “dictator ex auctoritate patrum dictus M.
Junius.”
[847] ib. _Ep._ 19; Suet. _Tib._ 2 (the enforced abdication of Claudius
Glicia, nominated by Claudius Pulcher). In Liv. iv. 26 the _coercitio_ of
the tribune is represented as employed against the consuls who disobey.
[848] Mommsen in _C.I.L._ i. p. 557.
[849] Liv. xxvii 5 (210 B.C., on the proposal of the consul to nominate
a dictator in Sicily) “patres extra Romanum agrum (eum autem in Italia
terminari) negabant dictatorem dici posse.”
[850] ib. ix. 38-39.
[851] Polyb. iii. 87; but, as a rule, he was preceded by only twelve
within the walls (Liv. _Ep._ 89 “Sulla, dictator factus, quod nemo umquam
fecerat, cum fascibus viginti quatuor processit”).
[852] Liv. ii. 18 “Creato dictatore primum Romae, postquam praeferri
secures viderunt, magnus plebem metus incessit.”
[853] p. 85.
[854] e.g. the dictator named by Livy (ix. 26) as “quaestionibus
exercendis” (314) is mentioned in the _Fast. Capitol._ as “rei gerundae
causa” (Momms. _Staatsr._ ii. p. 157 n. 2); a dictator “seditionis
sedandae et rei gerundae causa” is found in the _Fasti_ for 368.
[855] Liv. vii. 24 “qui aegris consulibus comitia haberet.” Cf. c. 26
(absence of consuls in the field) and ix. 7.
[856] ib. xxiii. 22. In 216 B.C. M. Fabius Buteo was appointed dictator
“qui senatum legeret.”
[857] ib. viii. 40.
[858] ib. vii. 28 (for establishment of _feriae_ on the occasion of
a _prodigium_); “dictator Latinarum feriarum causa” in _Fast. Cap._
(_C.I.L._ i. p. 434) for the year 257 B.C.
[859] The first instance was on the occasion of the great pestilence in
363 B.C. (Liv. vii. 3 “Lex vetusta est ... ut, qui praetor maximus sit,
Idibus Septembribus clavum pangat”). Cf. Fest. p. 56.
[860] Cic. _de Off._ iii. 31, 112 (see p. 183); cf. Liv. vii. 3. L.
Manlius, appointed “clavi figendi causa,” acted “perinde ac reipublicae
gerendae ... gratia creatus esset,” and was forced to abdicate.
[861] p. 84.
[862] This is Mommsen’s interpretation (_Staatsr._ ii. p. 160 n. 4)
of Liv. xxx. 39. C. Servilius Geminus had been appointed dictator
_comitiorum causa_—“Saepe comitia indicta perfici tempestates
prohibuerunt. Itaque, cum prid. Id. Mart. veteres magistratus abissent,
novi subfecti non essent, respublica sine curulibus magistratibus erat.”
[863] Liv. iv. 41. The consul is here said “auspicio dictatoris res
gerere.”
[864] ib. ii. 32 “quamquam per dictatorem dilectus habitus esset, tamen,
quoniam in consulum verba jurassent, sacramento teneri militem rati.”
[865] This view has led to the exaggerated statement of Polybius (iii.
87) that, on the establishment of a dictator, παραχρῆμα διαλύεσθαι
συμβαίνει πάσας τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πλὴν τῶν δημάρχων: which has been
copied by later Greek writers.
[866] This is clearly shown by the attitude of the dictator L. Papirius
Cursor when pursuing his disobedient master of the horse (Liv. viii.
34). The dictator hopes that the veto will not be employed (“optare ne
potestas tribunicia, inviolata ipsa, violet intercessione sua Romanum
imperium”). Zonaras expresses the fact and not the law (vii. 13 οὔτ’
ἐγκαλέσαι τις αὐτῷ οὔτ’ ἐναντίον τι διαπράξασθαι ἴσχυεν οὐδὲ οἱ δήμαρχοι).
[867] Zonar. vii. 13 οὔτε ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων ἀναλῶσαι τι ἐξῆν αὐτῷ,
εἰ μὴ ἐψηφίσθη.
[868] Liv. _Ep._ 19 (249 B.C.) “Atilius Calatinus primus dictator extra
Italiam exercitum duxit”; Dio Cass. xxxvi. 17 (the dictatorship was
limited to Italy) καὶ οὐκ ἂν εὑρεθείη δικτάτωρ οὐδεὶς ἄλλοσε, πλὴν ἑνὸς
ἐς Σικελίαν, καὶ ταῦτα μηδὲν πράξαντος, αἱρεθείς.
[869] Festus p. 198 “optima lex in magistro populi faciendo, qui vulgo
Dictator appellator, quam plenissimum posset jus ejus esse significabatur
... postquam vero provocatio ab eo magistratu ad populum data est, quae
ante non erat, desitum est adici ‘ut optima lege,’ ut pote imminuto jure
priorum magistrorum.”
[870] p. 168. It could not have been a consequence of the
Valerio-Horatian laws of 449 B.C. (see p. 109).
[871] Liv. xxii. 8.
[872] Livy (xxii. 25) describes it as a _rogatio_ “de aequando magistri
equitum et dictatoris jure.” Cf. c. 26 “de aequato imperio.”
[873] Liv. xxii. 57, M. Junius Pera.
[874] _Fast. Capitol._
[875] Sulla was nominated by an interrex (though his powers were
conferred by law), Caesar by a praetor. Plutarch (_Marc._ 24) says that
the praetor could nominate the dictator, a proceeding which is declared
by Cicero to be wholly unconstitutional, _ad Att._ ix. 15, 2 (49 B.C.)
“volet (Caesar) ... vel ut consules roget praetor vel dictatorem dicat,
quorum neutrum jus est. Etsi si Sulla potuit efficere, ab interrege ut
dictator diceretur, cur hic non possit?” The nomination of Caesar was
regular in so far as a special _lex_ was passed which empowered the
praetor to nominate (Caes. B.C. ii. 21; Dio Cass. xli. 36).
[876] An exception is found in 216 B.C. M. Fab. Buteo was appointed
“dictator sine mag. eq. senatus legendi causa” (see p. 193).
[877] In the single case of the election of a dictator, the _magister
equitum_ was also elected (Liv. xxii. 8).
[878] Dio Cass. xlii. 27; Antonius, as Caesar’s _magister equitum_, had
six lictors.
[879] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 9 “equitatumque qui regat, habeto pari jure
cum eo, quicumque erit juris disceptator.”
[880] Pompon. in _Dig._ 1, 2, 2, 19 “et his dictatoribus magistri equitum
injungebantur sic, quo modo regibus tribuni celerum: ... magistratus
tamen habebantur legitimi.”
[881] Liv. iv. 34 “jussoque magistro equitum abdicare se magistratu, ipse
deinde abdicat.”
[882] Liv. ix. 38 “Papirius C. Junium Bubulcum magistrum equitum dixit:
atque ei, legem curiatam de imperio ferenti, triste omen diem diffidit.”
[883] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 4, 10; see p. 160.
[884] Liv. viii. 32 sq.; cf. xxii. 27 “in ... civitate, in qua magistri
equitum virgas ac secures dictatoris tremere atque horrere soliti sint.”
[885] ib. iv. 27 “relictoque (at Rome) L. Julio magistro equitum ad
subita belli ministeria.”
[886] ib. ii. 18; Dio Cass. xlii. 21 (Caesar τὸν Ἀντώνιον, μηδ’
ἐστρατηγηκότα, ἵππαρχον προσελόμενος).
[887] Dionys. ii. 6 τῶν δὲ παρόντων τινὲς ὀρνιθοσκόπων μισθὸν ἐκ τοῦ
δημοσίου φερόμενοι.
[888] Cic. _post Red. ad Quir._ 5, 11. The first meeting of the Senate
was in early times held by the elder of the two consuls (ὁ πρεσβύτερος
τῶν ὑπάτων Dionys. vi. 57).
[889] Cic. _pro Planc._ 25, 60 “honorum populi finis est consulatus.”
[890] App. _B.C._ ii. 19. In formal dating the names of the two chief
praetors were added. See the _Senatus Consultum de Asclepiade_ (Bruns
_Fontes_).
[891] Suet. _Tib._ 31; see p. 191.
[892] Liv. xliv. 17 (169 B.C.) “designatos extemplo sortiri placuit
provincias.”
[893] ib. ii. 33 “consul alter Romae mansit, alter ad Volscum bellum
missus”; cf. Dionys. vi. 91; Liv. ix. 42.
[894] Cic. _de Rep._ ii. 31, 55.
[895] Festus p. 161 “majorem consulem L. Caesar putat dici, vel eum penes
quem fasces sint, vel eum, qui prior factus sit.” The first explanation
is doubtless the correct one.
[896] Suet. _Caes._ 20.
[897] Polyb. vi. 12 πασῶν εἰσι κύριοι τῶν δημοσίων πράξεων.
[898] Cicero furnishes an instance for the year 54 B.C., _ad Att._
iv. 15, 5 “Reatini me ad sua Τέμπη duxerunt, ut agerem causam contra
Interamnates apud consulem et decem legatos, quod lacus Velinus ... in
Nar defluit.”
[899] p. 167.
[900] Selection of a consul, Cic. _de Fin._ ii. 16, 54, in 141 B.C.,
“decreta a senatu est consuli quaestio”; of a praetor, Liv. xlii. 21,
in 172 B.C., “C. Licinius praetor consuluit senatum quem quaerere ea
rogatione vellet. Patres ipsum eum quaerere jusserunt.”
[901] Cic. _de Rep._ iii. 18, 28 (of the year 136 B.C.) “Consul ego
quaesivi, cum vos mihi essetis in consilio, de Numantino foedere.”
Mommsen (_Staatsr._ ii. p. 112 n. 3) thinks that the _consilium_ was
formed by the Fetiales (cf. Cic. _de Leg._ ii. 9, 21).
[902] For the question whether the _pomerium_ or the first milestone was
the limit of the full _imperium_ see p. 79.
[903] For the rotation of the _imperium_ before Cannae (216 B.C.) see
Polyb. iii. 110, Liv. xxii. 41.
[904] Liv. xxii. 27 “Ita (Fabius, after the appointment of Minucius as
his colleague in 217 B.C.) obtinuit uti legiones, sicut consulibus mos
esset, inter se dividerent.”
[905] ib. xxx. 1 (203 B.C.) “censuerunt patres, ut consules inter se
compararent sortirenturve, uter Bruttios adversus Hannibalem, uter
Etruriam ac Ligures provinciam haberet.”
[906] Italy and Macedonia (ib. xxxii. 8, xlii. 31, xliii. 12), Italy and
Greece (xxxvii. 1).
[907] Italia and some foreign country are still consular _provinciae_ in
112 and 111 B.C. (Sall. _Jug._ 27, 43). When a consul was appointed to
one of the old praetorian provinces, he did not supplant the praetor but
commanded with and over him.
[908] Liv. xxx. 1 “ut consules inter se compararent sortirenturve.” Cf.
ib. xxxii. 8, xxxvii. 1, and the other passages cited in note 3.
[909] ib. viii. 16; cf. Cic. _pro Domo_ 9, 24. In 205 B.C. Scipio was
given Sicilia _extra sortem_ because his colleague was _pontifex maximus_
(Liv. xxviii. 38).
[910] Liv. xxi. 17 (218 B.C.) “nominatae jam antea consulibus provinciae
erant; tum sortiri jussi.” Cf. ib. xxviii. 38.
[911] Sall. _Jug._ 27; Cic. _pro Domo_ 9, 24.
[912] Cic. _ad Att._ viii. 15, 3 “consules quibus more majorum concessum
est vel omnes adire provincias.” Lucullus went as consul to Asia in 74
B.C.
[913] p. 153.
[914] That staunch conservative Q. Catulus was wont to reflect with
pleasure “non saepe unum consulem improbum, duos vero nunquam, excepto
illo Cinnano tempore, fuisse” (Cic. _post Red. in Sen._ 4, 9). By
_improbi_ Catulus meant “radicals.”
[915] The consul was the “legitimus tutor” of the state (Cic. _post Red.
ad Quir._ 5, 11) and “quasi parens bonus aut tutor fidelis” (_de Or._
iii. 1, 3).
[916] p. 120.
[917] Two praetors for Sicily and Sardinia (Liv. _Ep._ xx.), two more for
the Spanish provinces (Liv. xxxii. 27). For the _lex Baebia_ see Liv. xl.
44. For the restoration of the number six see Vell. ii. 16. Pomponius
says that four were added by Sulla (_Dig._ 1, 2, 2, 32), but eight are
found in 47 B.C. (Dio Cass. xlii. 51).
[918] The praetor had a right to six lictors (στρατηγὸς ἑξαπέλεκυς, App.
_Syr._ 15; cf. Polyb. iii. 40) and appears with the full number in the
province (Cic. _in Verr._ v. 54, 142 “sex lictores circumsistunt”); but,
in the exercise of his jurisdiction within the city, he employed, or was
allowed, only two (Censorinus _de Die Nat._ 24, 3; cf. Cic. _de Leg.
Agr._ ii. 34, 93).
[919] _Praetor urbanus_ (_S. C. de Bacch._ ll. 5, 8, 17, 21), _praetor
qui inter cives jus dicet_ (_lex Agraria_ of 111 B.C.), _provincia_
or _sors urbana_ (Liv. xxiv. 9, xxv. 3, xxvii. 7, xxviii. 10, xxix.
13), jurisdictio urbana (ib. xxxii. 28, xlii. 31)—_praetor qui inter
peregrinos jus dicet_ (_lex Acil._ ll. 12 and 89; _lex Jul. Munic._
ll. 8 and 12), _jurisdictio inter peregrinos_ (Liv. xl. 1), _provincia
peregrina_ (ib. xxvii. 7, xxviii. 10). Both these praetors, as distinct
from those in foreign command, are said to have _urbanae provinciae_ (ib.
xliii. 11), _provincia urbana_ (xxxii. 1), _jurisdictio urbana_ (xxv. 41,
xxx. 1).
[920] p. 197.
[921] App. _B. C._ ii. 112.
[922] Cic. _Phil._ ii. 13, 31.
[923] p. 174.
[924] Liv. xlii. 21.
[925] ib. xxvii. 5.
[926] ib. xliii. 14.
[927] ib. xlii. 21; see p. 199.
[928] e.g. in the _dilectus_ (ib. xxv. 22, xxxix. 20, xlii. 35).
[929] After Cannae the two urban praetors summoned the Senate (ib.
xxii. 55). In 197 B.C., on the news of troubles in Spain, “decreverunt
patres ut, comitiis praetorum perfectis, cui praetori provincia Hispania
obvenisset, is primo quoque tempore de bello Hispaniae ad senatum
referret” (ib. xxxiii. 21).
[930] The _provinciae_ assigned to the four praetors are _urbana_,
_peregrina_, Sicilia, Sardinia (ib. xxviii. 10), to the six praetors the
same with the addition of the two Spains (ib. xxxii. 28, xl. 1).
[931] ib. xxv. 3 (212 B.C.) “Et praetores provincias sortiti sunt; P.
Cornelius Sulla urbanam et peregrinam, quae duorum ante sors fuerat.” Cf.
ib. xxxvii. 50 (189 B.C.).
[932] ib. xxix. 13 (204 B.C.) “M. Marcio urbana, L. Scribonio Liboni
peregrina et eidem Gallia.”
[933] ib. xxiv. 9 (215 B.C.) “comitiis praetorum perfectis, senatus
consultum factum ut Q. Fulvio extra ordinem urbana provincia esset.”
[934] Gaius _Inst._ iv. 30 “per legem Aebutiam et duas Julias sublatae
sunt istae legis actiones; effectumque est ut per concepta verba, id est,
per formulas, litigaremus”; Gell. xvi. 10, 8 “cum ... omnis ... illa
duodecim tabularum antiquitas nisi in legis actionibus centumviralium
causarum lege Aebutia lata consopita sit.”
[935] Marcian in _Dig._ 1, 1, 8 “nam et ipsum jus honorarium viva vox est
juris civilis.”
[936] Cic. _de Leg._ i. 5, 17 “Non ergo a praetoris edicto, ut plerique
nunc, neque a XII Tabulis, ut superiores ... hauriendam juris disciplinam
putas.” Cf. _de Leg._ ii. 23, 59 “discebamus enim pueri XII, ut carmen
necessarium: quas jam nemo discit.”
[937] Papinian in _Dig._ 1, 1, 7, 1 “jus praetorium est, quod praetores
introduxerunt adjuvandi vel supplendi vel corrigendi juris civilis gratia
propter utilitatem publicam.”
[938] For the edict as the expression of customary law see Cic. _de
Invent._ ii. 22, 67 “Consuetudine autem jus esse putatur id, quod
voluntate omnium sine lege vetustas comprobarit.... Quo in genere et alia
sunt multa et eorum multo maxima pars, quae praetores edicere consuerunt.”
[939] Cic. _in Verr._ i. 42, 109 “qui plurimum tribuunt edicto, praetoris
edictum legem annuam dicunt esse.”
[940] Ascon. _in Cornel._ p. 58; Cic. _in Verr._ i. 44, 114. _Perpetuum_
means “continuous,” _tralaticium_ “transmitted.”
[941] Cic. _in Verr._ i. 46, 119. Cf. p. 178.
[942] Ascon. _in Cornel._ p. 58 “Aliam deinde legem Cornelius, ... tulit,
ut praetores ex edictis suis perpetuis jus dicerent, quae res ... gratiam
ambitiosis praetoribus, qui varie jus dicere assueverant, sustulit.” Cf.
Dio Cass. xxxvi. 23.
[943] p. 202.
[944] Cic. _in Verr._ Act. i. 8, 21; _pro Mur._ 20, 42. The fullest
account that we possess of the distribution of such functions amongst the
members of the college refers to the year 66 B.C. (ib. _pro Cluent._ 53,
147; Ascon. _in Cornel._ p. 59).
[945] e.g. the _lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficis_ took cognisance
of murder, poisoning, and arson, that _de falsis_ of the forgery of
documents and of wills as well as of coining.
[946] After the _sortitio_ for 62 B.C. the praetor Q. Metellus Celer was
given the province of Cisalpine Gaul (Cic. _ad Fam._ v. 2, 3, and 4).
During his praetorship (63 B.C.) he had been summoned to a command in
northern Italy.
[947] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 7 “Suntoque aediles, curatores urbis,
annonae ludorumque sollemnium: ollisque ad honoris amplioris gradum is
primus ascensus esto.” Cf. _lex Jul. Munic._ l. 24.
[948] p. 122.
[949] Cic. _in Verr._ v. 14, 36.
[950] Livy (iii. 55), in stating the ineffectiveness of the
_sacrosanctitas_ granted by law and not by oath, says “itaque aedilem
prendi ducique a majoribus magistratibus, etc.” Cf. Gell. xiii. 13.
[951] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 7, cited p. 208.
[952] p. 98.
[953] Dio Cass. liv. 36.
[954] _Lex Jul. Munic._ ll. 20, 32-45, 29, 46.
[955] Suet. _Vesp._ 5; _lex Jul. Munic._ l. 68.
[956] Cic. _ad Fam._ viii. 6, 4 (Caelius Rufus, curule aedile in 50 B.C.,
says) “nisi ego cum tabernariis et aquariis pugnarem, veternus civitatem
occupasset.”
[957] ib. _in Verr._ v. 14, 36 “mihi sacrarum aedium procurationem, mihi
totam urbem tuendam esse commissam.”
[958] Liv. xxv. 1 (on the spread of foreign superstitions in Rome in 213
B.C.) “incusati graviter ab senatu aediles triumvirique capitales, quod
non prohiberent.” Cf. Cic. _de Har. Resp._ 13, 27.
[959] Macrob. _Sat._ ii. 6 “lapidatus a populo Vatinius cum gladiatorium
munus ederet, obtinuerat ut aediles edicerent ne quis in arenam nisi
pomum misisse vellet.”
[960] Seneca _Ep._ 86, 10 “hoc quoque nobilissimi aediles fungebantur
officio intrandi ea loca quae populum receptabant exigendique munditias
et utilem ac salubrem temperaturam.” Cf. Suet. _Claud._ 38; Tac. _Ann._
ii. 85.
[961] Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 28 (56 A.D.) “cohibita artius et aedilium
potestas statutumque quantum curules, quantum plebei pignoris caperent
vel poenae inrogarent.”
[962] _Dig._ 21, 1, 40-42 (from the edict of the curule aediles) “ne quis
canem, verrem vel minorem aprum, lupum, ursum, pantheram, leonem ... qua
vulgo iter fiet, ita habuisse velit, ut cuiquam nocere damnumve dare
possit.”
[963] p. 208 n. 4.
[964] Liv. xxiii. 41; xxxi. 50; xxxiii. 42. Cic. _de Off._ ii. 17, 58
“ne M. quidem Sejo vitio datum est, quod in caritate asse modium populo
dedit: magna enim se et inveterata invidia, nec turpi jactura, quando
erat aedilis, nec maxima liberavit.”
[965] Cic. _ad Fam._ viii. 6, 5 (from Caelius Rufus in 50 _B.C._)
“alimentariam (legem), qua jubet aediles metiri, jactavit (Curio).”
[966] Liv. xxvi. 10 (211 B.C., when Hannibal was at the gates of Rome)
“Fulvius Flaccus ... inter Esquilinam Collinamque portam posuit castra.
Aediles plebis commeatum eo comportarunt.”
[967] For this there is no direct evidence, but the aediles complain
about the transgression of sumptuary laws in Tac. _Ann._ iii. 52-55.
[968] Momms. _Staatsr._ ii. p. 499. He takes “cum tabernariis pugnarem”
(Cic. _ad Fam._ viii. 6, 4, cited p. 209) in this sense.
[969] _Dig._ 21, 1, 1; Gell. iv. 2.
[970] Cic. _in Verr._ v. 14, 36.
[971] Liv. x. 47; xxvii. 6. They were shared by both colleagues (Suet.
_Caes._ 10).
[972] Liv. xxiii. 30.
[973] Dio Cass. xliii. 48 (44 B.C.). Here by a decree of the Senate the
Megalesia are celebrated by the plebeian aediles.
[974] When during the first Punic war Clodia uttered her ill-omened wish
about the Roman people, “C. Fundanius et Ti. Sempronius, aediles plebei,
multam dixerunt ei aeris gravis viginti quinque milia” (Gell. x. 6). Cf.
Suet. _Tib._ 2.
[975] Cicero promises, as aedile, to prosecute those “qui aut deponere
aut accipere aut recipere aut pollicere aut sequestres aut interpretes
corrumpendi judicii solent esse” (_in Verr._ Act. i. 12, 36).
[976] An instance is furnished by Clodius’ prosecution of Milo in 56 B.C.
(Cic. _pro Sest._ 44, 95; _ad Q. fr._ 2, 3). A prosecution by the aedile
in defence of his own dignity or person is an outcome of his _coercitio_.
An instance is furnished by Gell. iv. 14.
[977] Liv. viii. 22; xxv. 2.
[978] ib. xxxv. 41.
[979] ib. xxxviii. 35. Here the offence was _annona compressa_ by the
corn-dealers.
[980] Condemnation “quia plus, quam quod lege finitum erat, agri
possiderent” (ib. x. 13). Condemnation of _pecuarii_ (x. 47). Cf. xxxiii.
42.
[981] ib. xxxviii. 35; x. 23.
[982] p. 63.
[983] p. 80.
[984] p. 81.
[985] p. 117.
[986] Tac. _Ann._ xi. 22 “post lege Sullae viginti creati supplendo
senatui.”
[987] C. Gracchus served as quaestor for three years; one was spent in
Rome and two in Sardinia (Plut. _C. Gracch._ 2).
[988] Cic. _in Verr._ Act. i. 4, 11 “quaestura primus gradus honoris.”
[989] ib. i. 13, 34 “quaestor ex senatus consulto provinciam sortitus es.”
[990] Liv. xxx. 33 “Laelium, cujus ... eo anno quaestoris extra sortem ex
senatusconsulto opera utebatur” (Scipio in 202 B.C.); Cic. _ad Att._ vi.
6, 4 “Pompeius ... Q. Cassium sine sorte delegit, Caesar Antonium; ego
sorte datum offenderem?”
[991] The first trace of a _quaestio de sicariis_ is in 142 B.C. (Cic.
_de Fin._ ii. 16, 54).
[992] Polyb. xxiv. 9_a_, 1.
[993] Liv. iii. 69 “signa ... a quaestoribus ex aerario prompta delataque
in campum.”
[994] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 20, 46.
[995] Liv. xxxix. 4. It was the duty of the quaestors to see that they
were genuine. Cato the younger required the oath of the consuls that a
certain decree had been passed (Plut. _Cat. Min._ 17).
[996] Cic. _Phil._ v. 5, 15.
[997] ib. _in Verr._ iii. 79, 183 “eorum hominum (the _scribae_ of the
quaestors) fidei tabulae publicae periculaque magistratuum committuntur.”
[998] The security was given to the _aerarium_ (“subsignare apud
aerarium” Cic. _pro Flacco_ 32, 80); hence the money was probably paid
into that treasury.
[999] Liv. xxxviii. 58 “Hostilius et Furius damnati (for _peculatus_ in
187 B.C.) praedes eodem die quaestoribus urbanis dederunt.” In the _lex
Acil. Rep._ (l. 57) it is said of the man convicted “q(uaestori) praedes
facito det.”
[1000] Plaut. _Capt._ i. 2, 111; ii. 3, 453.
[1001] Hygin. _de Cond. Agr._ p. 115.
[1002] _Auct. ad Herenn._ i. 12, 21 “Cum L. Saturninus legem frumentariam
de semissibus et trientibus laturus esset, Q. Caepio, qui per id temporis
quaestor urbanus erat, docuit senatum aerarium pati non posse tantam
largitionem.”
[1003] p. 117.
[1004] p. 213. If the quaestor was lacking through death or any other
cause, the governor appointed one of his _legati_ as _pro quaestore_
(Cic. _in Verr._ i. 36, 90).
[1005] Cic. _pro Planc._ 11, 28 “morem ilium majorum qui praescribit in
parentum loco quaestoribus suis praetores esse oportere.”
[1006] ib. _in Verr._ i. 15, 40 “Tu, cum quaestor ad exercitum missus
sis, custos non solum pecuniae sed etiam consulis, particeps omnium rerum
consiliorumque fueris.”
[1007] Lydus _de Mag._ i. 27 κρινάντων Ῥωμαίων πολεμεῖν τοῖς συμμαχήσασι
Πύρρῳ τῷ Ἠπειρὼτῃ κατεσκευάσθη στόλος καὶ προεβλήθησαν οἱ καλοὺμενοι
κλασσικοὶ (οἱονεὶ ναυάρχαι) τῷ ἀριθμῷ δυοκαίδεκα κυαίστωρες. Lydus may be
right about the original number, although it has been sometimes thought a
confused reminiscence of the raising of the number from four to eight.
[1008] Vell. ii. 94; cf. Cic. _pro Mur._ 8, 18 “tu illam (provinciam
habuisti), cui, cum quaestores sortiuntur, etiam acclamari solet,
Ostiensem non tam gratiosam et illustrem quam negotiosam et molestam.”
[1009] Tac. _Ann._ iv. 27. In 24 A.D. a rising near Brundisium was
repressed by “Curtius Lupus quaestor, cui provincia vetere ex more calles
evenerant.” Mommsen (_Staatsr._ ii. p. 571), following Lipsius, would
read Cales, the oldest Latin colony in Campania, and therefore supposes
that this quaestor’s functions extended over the whole of South Italy.
The woods and forests was the _provincia_ which the Senate destined for
Caesar as proconsul (Suet. _Caes._ 19 “opera optimatibus data est ut
provinciae futuris consulibus minimi negotii, id est, silvae callesque,
decernerentur”).
[1010] Plut. _Sert._ 4.
[1011] The last to remain were the Gallic and Ostian, which, as Italian
_provinciae_, were abolished by the Emperor Claudius in 44 A.D. (Suet.
_Claud._ 24).
[1012] So Sertorius, as Gallic quaestor in the Marsic war, was instructed
στρατιώτας ... καταλέγειν καὶ ὅπλα ποιεῖσθται (Plut. _Sert._ 4).
[1013] Cicero speaks of Vatinius, when holding this post, being sent to
Puteoli on some other business (_in Vat._ 5, 12), but this does not show
that he was holding an Italian quaestorship. See Momms. _Staatsr._ ii. p.
573 n. 3.
[1014] Liv. iv. 8; see p. 115.
[1015] ib. vii. 22 (C. Marcius Rutilus); cf. x. 8.
[1016] ib. viii. 12 “ut alter utique ex plebe, cum eo [ventum sit] ut
utrumque plebeium fieri liceret, censor crearetur.” Madvig and Mommsen
would omit “ventum sit,” and so make the Publilian law open both places
in the college to Plebeians.
[1017] ib. _Ep._ lix. “Q. Pompeius Q. Metellus tunc primum utrique ex
plebe facti censores lustrum condiderunt.”
[1018] Messala ap. Gell. xiii. 15, 4.
[1019] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii 11, 26 “majores de singulis magistratibus
bis vos sententiam ferre voluerunt: nam cum centuriata lex censoribus
ferebatur, cum curiata ceteris patriciis magistratibus, tum iterum de
eisdem judicabatur.”
[1020] Messala ap. Gell. xiii. 15.
[1021] Polybius (vi. 53) says that the _imago_ of the censor at a funeral
was clad in purple. As all the _insignia_ of the other magistrates that
he mentions are those of their lifetime, this should be true of the
censors. Perhaps the complete purple was worn for certain ceremonial
purposes. Mommsen (_Staatsr._ i. pp. 411 and 446) thinks they were only
buried in it.
[1022] ἁρχὴ ἀνυπεύθυνος (Dionys. xix. 16).
[1023] Liv. xxix. 37; Val. Max. vii. 2, 6.
[1024] Ascon. _in Pison._ p. 9.
[1025] Hence the helplessness of the tribune against censorial
animadversion. Cf. Liv. xliv. 16 “multis equi adempti, inter quos P.
Rutilio, qui tr. pl. eos violenter accusarat: tribu quoque is motus et
aerarius factus.”
[1026] Cic. _ad Att._ iv. 9, 1.
[1027] For the later mode of regarding this limitation see Liv. iv. 24
“grave esse iisdem per tot annos magna parte vitae obnoxios vivere.” But,
if the tenure was fixed by the _lex Aemilia_ (of the dictator Mamercus
Aemilius, 434 B.C., Liv. l.c.), it originated before the censorship had
become a dangerous power.
[1028] Liv. xxiii. 23 “nec censoriam vim uni permissam et eidem iterum.”
The prohibition is attributed to a law of Marcius Rutilus Censorinus,
censor 294 and 265 B.C. (Plut. _Cor._ 1; cf. Val. Max. iv. 1, 3); but it
could not have been his work, at least as censor, for this official had
not the _jus rogandi_. See Momms. _Staatsr._ i. p. 520.
[1029] It is Cicero’s business in the _pro Cluentio_ (43, 122) to
represent this divergence of view as a weakness in the censorship; cf.
Liv. xlii. 10 (173 B.C.) “concors et e re publica censura fuit ... neque
ab altero notatum alter probavit.” But it was a necessary condition of
the continuance of the office in a free state.
[1030] Liv. ix. 34 “cum ita comparatum a majoribus sit ut comitiis
censoriis nisi duo confecerint legitima suffragia, non renuntiato altero
comitia differantur.”
[1031] Tradition attributed the origin of this role to a religions
scruple, “quia eo lustro (in which a _suffectus_ was appointed) Roma est
capta: nec deinde unquam in demortui locum censor sufficitur” (Liv. v.
31).
[1032] Cicero mixes up the earlier and later functions in his pseudo-law,
which expresses all the activities of the censors (_de Leg._ iii. 3,
7), “Censores populi aevitates, suboles, familias pecuniasque censento:
urbis, tecta, templa, vias, aquas, aerarium, vectigalia tuento:
populique partes in tribus discribunto: exin pecunias, aevitates,
ordines partiunto: equitum peditumque prolem discribunto: caelibes esse
prohibento: mores populi regunto: probrum in senatu ne relinquunto.”
[1033] Liv. ix. 30.
[1034] ib. xxiii. 22; see p. 193.
[1035] In the great _sublectio_ after Cannae (216 B.C.) the ex-curule
magistrates not already on the list were chosen in the order of their
tenure of power; then the ex-aediles, ex-tribunes of the _plebs_ and the
_quaestorii_, lastly men of distinction who had held no magistracy (Liv.
xxiii. 23).
[1036] Festus p. 246 “Ovinia tribunicia intervenit, qua sanctum est ut
censores ex omni ordine optimum quemque jurati (_Cod._ curiati, _Mommsen_
curiatim) in senatum legerent.” If “ex omni ordine” means “from every
grade of the magistracy,” the second interpretation is necessary.
[1037] The _oratio_ of Cato as censor against L. Quinctius Flaminius was
delivered _post notam_ (Liv. xxxix. 42); but it suggests that the censors
felt themselves bound at times to give reasons for their actions.
[1038] The phrases for rejection and omission are _movere_, _ejicere_,
_praeterire_. The last applies both to existing and to expectant
senators, and has reference to the public reading of the list
(_recitatio_) (Cic. _pro Domo_ 32, 84 “praeteriit in recitando senatu”).
[1039] Liv. xli. 57 “retinuit quosdam Lepidus a collega praeteritos”; cf.
Cic. _pro Cluent._ 43, 122.
[1040] For a type of _subscriptio_ see Ascon. _in or. in Tog. Cand._ p.
84 “Antonium Gellius et Lentulus censores ... senatu moverunt causasque
subscripserunt, quod socios diripuerit, quod judicium recusarit, quod
propter aeris alieni magnitudinem praedia manciparit bonaque sua in
potestate non habeat.”
[1041] Usually the praetorship or quaestorship. Momms. _Staatsr._ i. p.
521 n. 3.
[1042] See the formula of summons in Varro (_L.L._ vi. 86), “omnes
Quirites pedites armatos, privatosque curatores omnium tribuum, si quis
pro se sive pro altero rationem dari volet, vocato in licium huc ad me.”
[1043] Mommsen believes in a special summons to the _capite censi_
(_Staatsr._ ii. p. 366).
[1044] Liv. xliii. 14.
[1045] Cato in 184 assessed articles of luxury at ten times their value
(Liv. xxxix. 44; Plut. _Cat. Maj._ 18).
[1046] Liv. iv. 24 “Mamercum ... tribu moverunt octuplicatoque censu
aerarium fecerunt”; Val. Max. ii. 9, 1 “Camillas et Postumius censores
aera poenae nomine eos, qui ad senectutem caelibes pervenerant, in
aerarium deferre jusserunt.”
[1047] See p. 69.
[1048] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 7 “familias pecuniasque censento”; _lex
Jul. Munic._ l. 147 “rationem pecuniae ... accipito.” _Pecunia_ here
applies to both _res mancipi_ and _nec mancipi_.
[1049] Cic. l.c. “aevitates suboles ... censento”; _lex Jul. Munic._ l.
145 “eorum ... nomina, praenomina, patres ... et quot annos quisque eorum
habet ... accipito.”
[1050] p. 68.
[1051] Liv. ix. 46 “forensis factio App. Claudi censura vires nacta,
qui ... humilibus per omnes tribus divisis forum et campum corrupit.”
Cf. Diod. xx. 46 (App. Claudius) ἔδωκε τοῖς πολίταις ὅποι προαιροῖντο
τιμήσασθαι. Mommsen imagines that it was in this year that the landless
citizens _first_ found a place in the tribes (_Staatsr._ ii. 392 sq., 402
sq.).
[1052] Liv. l.c. “aliud integer populus ... aliud forensis factio
tendebat.... Fabius simul concordiae causa, simul ne humilimorum in
manu comitia essent, omnem forensem turbam excretam in quattuor tribus
conjecit urbanasque eas appellavit.”
[1053] _Sexagenarius de ponte._ Cf. Cic. _pro Rosc. Amer._ 35, 100 “Habeo
etiam dicere, quem contra morem majorum, minorem annis LX de ponte
in Tiberim dejecerit”; Festus p. 334 “quo tempore primum per pontem
coeperunt comitiis suffragium ferre, juniores conclamaverunt ut de ponte
dejicerentur sexagenari, qui jam nullo publico munere fungerentur, ut
ipsi potius sibi quam illi deligerent imperatorem.” If _pons_ could
be taken literally, a curious parallel is furnished by early Slavonic
procedure. “The vechés passed whole days in debating the same subjects,
the only interruptions being free fights in the streets. At Novgorod
these fights took place on the bridge across the Volchov, and the
stronger party sometimes threw their adversaries into the river beneath”
(Kovalevsky _Modern Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia_, p. 138).
[1054] p. 221.
[1055] “Eorum qui arma ferre possent” (Liv. i. 44), τῶν ἐχόντων τὴν
στρατεύσιμον ἡλικίαν (Dionys. xi. 63), τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις (Polyb. ii
24).
[1056] Momms. _Staatsr._ ii. p. 411.
[1057] p. 72.
[1058] Beloch _der Italische Bund_ p. 78.
[1059] p. 73.
[1060] The change is put by tradition at the time of the siege of Veii
(403 B.C., Liv. v. 7 “quibus census equester erat, equi publici non erant
adsignati ... senatum adeunt factaque dicendi potestate equis se suis
stipendia facturos promittunt”). Livy here assumes a census as existing
for the _equites equo publico_, but it is questionable whether it was not
transferred from these new _equites_ (_equo privato_ as they are called
by modern historians) to the old equestrian centuries.
[1061] Polyb. vi. πλουτίνδην αὐτῶν γεγενημένης ὑπὸ τοῦ τιμητοῦ τῆς
ἐκλογῆς.
[1062] There is no direct authority for this particular _census_ earlier
than the Principate. The fact that a _census_, approximating to or
identical with the equestrian, was required for _judices_ under the
Gracchan law, and the specification that these should not be senators
or members of senatorial families, led to these judges being called
“knights.” They were selected from a class practically identical with
that of the _equites equo privato_.
[1063] Cic. _pro Cluent._ 48, 134.
[1064] Suet. _Claud._ 16.
[1065] Val. Max. ii. 9, 7.
[1066] Cic. _de Rep._ iv. 2, 2. So Pompeius, a consul who had never been
a senator (70 B.C.), claims and obtains his discharge before he enters on
his office (Plut. _Pomp._ 22).
[1067] Plut. _C. Gracch._ 2. See p. 184.
[1068] Liv. xxvii. 11 (209 B.C.) “(Censores) addiderunt acerbitati (the
deprivation of the public horse) etiam tempus, ne praeterita stipendia
procederent eis, quae equo publico meruerant, sed dena stipendia equis
privatis facerent.”
[1069] Gell. iv. 12; Festus p. 108.
[1070] Cic. _pro Cluent._ 48, 134; Liv. xxix. 37. Removal from the ranks
is described as a deprivation of the horse (_adimere equum_, Liv. xxiv.
18, xli. 2, 7).
[1071] A fragment of a censorian edict of 92 B.C. directed against the
“Latini rhetores” has been preserved. It contains the words “Haec nova,
quae praeter consuetudinem ac morem majorum fiunt, neque placent neque
recta videntur” (Suet. _de Clar. Rhet._ 1; Gell. xv. 11, 2).
[1072] “Judex domesticus,” “domesticus magistratus” (Sen. _Controv._ ii.
3; _de Benef._ iii. 11).
[1073] Cic. _de Rep._ iv. 6, 16 “Nec vero mulieribus praefectus
praeponatur, qui apud Graecos creari solet; sed sit censor qui viros
doceat moderari uxoribus.”
[1074] Dionys. xx. 13.
[1075] p. 55.
[1076] Dionys. l.c.
[1077] Festus p. 344.
[1078] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 7 “coelibes esse prohibento.”
[1079] Val. Max. ii. 9, 1 “Camillus et Postumius censores aera poenae
nomine eos, qui ad senectutem coelibes pervenerant, in aerarium deferre
jusserunt.”
[1080] Liv. xxxix. 19.
[1081] Cic. _Phil._ ii. 28, 69.
[1082] Val. Max. ii. 9, 2 “M. Val. Maximus et C. Junius Brutus Bubulcus
censores ... L. Annium senatu moverunt, quod, quam virginem in
matrimonium duxerat, repudiasset, nullo amicorum in consilio adhibito.”
[1083] Plin. _H. N._ xviii. 3, 11.
[1084] Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 14; Val. Max. ii. 9, 4. For excessive taxation
imposed on articles of luxury see Liv. xxxix. 44; Plut. _Cat. Maj._ 18;
and p. 221.
[1085] Cf. Gell. v. 13 “M. Cato in oratione, quam dixit apud censores in
Lentulum, ita scripsit: ‘quod majores sanctius habuere defendi pupillos
quam clientem non fallere.’”
[1086] Greenidge _Infamia in Roman Law_ p. 67.
[1087] Even amateur performances might call down the _nota_. See Suet.
_Dom._ 8 (Domitian) “suscepta correctione morum ... quaestorium virum,
quod gesticulandi saltandique studio teneretur, movit senatu.”
[1088] The _lex Julia Municipalis_ excludes them, like actors, from
the municipal senate; the _lex Acilia repetundarum_ from the bench of
_judices_.
[1089] Suet. _Aug._ 39 “notavitque aliquos quod, pecunias levioribus
usuris mutuati, graviori foenore collocassent.”
[1090] Plut. _Cat. Maj._ 17; _C. Gracch._ 2.
[1091] Gell. xiv. 7 “opus etiam censorium fecisse existimatos, per quos
eo tempore (i.e. at an unlawful time) senatus consultum factum esset.”
[1092] Cic. _de Div._ i. 16, 29 “Appius ... censor C. Ateium (tribune 55
B.C.) notavit, quod ementitum auspicia subscriberet.”
[1093] Val. Max. ii. 9, 5 “M. autem Antonius et L. Flaccus censores (97
B.C.) Duronium senatu moverunt, quod legem de coercendis conviviorum
sumptibus latam tribunus plebi abrogaverat.”
[1094] Cic. _pro Cluent._ 42, 119; 43, 121; Suet. _Dom._ 8.
[1095] Liv. xxiv. 18; xxvii. 11 and 25.
[1096] In 204 B.C. the censor M. Livius disfranchised for the purposes
of the _comitia centuriata_ (_aerarios reliquit_) thirty-four out of the
thirty-five tribes “quod et innocentem se condemnassent et condemnatum
consulem et censorem fecissent” (Liv. xxix. 37).
[1097] _Lex Jul Munic._ l. 120.
[1098] Cic. _de Off._ iii. 31, 111 “indicant (the sanctity of the oath
in former times) notiones animadversionesque censorum, qui nulla de re
diligentius quam de jure jurando judicabant.”
[1099] To this form of disqualification the name “mediate _infamia_” has
been given by modern jurists.
[1100] Cic. _pro Cluent._ 42, 120 “quos autem ipsi L. Gellius et Cn.
Lentulus duo censores ... furti et captarum pecuniarum nomine notaverunt,
ii non modo in senatum redierunt. sed etiam illarum ipsarum rerum
judiciis absoluti sunt.”
[1101] Liv. xxix. 37 (in 204 B.C., Claudius Nero) “M. Livium (his
colleague), quia populi judicio esset damnatus, equum vendere jussit.”
[1102] It enacted “ut quem populus damnasset cuive imperium abrogasset in
senatu ne esset” (Ascon. _in Cornelian._ p. 78).
[1103] Dio Cass. xxxvi. 21.
[1104] Liv. xlv. 15 “omnes iidem ab utroque et tribu remoti et aerarii
facti”; xliv. 16 “tribu quoque is motus et aerarius factus”; xxvii. 11;
xxix. 37 “aerarios reliquit.”
[1105] See Greenidge _Infamia in Roman Law_ pp. 106-110. Mommsen
(_Staatsr._ ii. pp. 402 ff.) makes the expressions _tribu movere_ and
_in aerarios referre_ identical after 312 B.C. and interprets both as
signifying the removal from a higher to a lower tribe.
[1106] Liv. i. 44; Dionys. iv. 22.
[1107] At each _lustrum vota_ were offered “quae in proximum lustrum
suscipi mos est” (Suet. _Aug._ 97). Before the censorship of Scipio
Aemilianus it had been the custom to pray “ut populi Romani res meliores
amplioresque facerent”; after it, on his initiative, “ut eas perpetuo
incolumes servent” (Val. Max. iv. 1, 10).
[1108] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 19, 50 and 51; 29, 81. The leases were
sometimes of considerable duration (Hyginus p. 116 Lachm. “Ex hoste
capti agri postquam divisi sunt per centurias ... qui superfuerunt agri
vectigalibus subjecti sunt, alii per annos [quinos], alii per annos
centenos pluresve: finito illo tempore iterum veneunt locanturque ita ut
vectigalibus est consuetudo”).
[1109] e.g. a _lex censoria_ enjoined that not more than five thousand
workmen should be employed in the gold mines of Vercellae by the
contractor who worked them (Plin. _H.N._ xxxiii. 78).
[1110] The jurists inform us that this is the true sense of _publicanus_;
the _conductores_ are only _publicanorum loco_ (_Dig._ 39, 4, 12, 13).
In common parlance, however, both are _publicani_, and this usage
is etymologically justifiable, since they are both concerned with a
_publicum_, a word which denotes state revenue and state service (_Dig._
39, 4, 1; Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 51; Liv. xxiii. 49, 1).
[1111] _Vectigal_ (ἀποφορά Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 8; cf. App. _B.C._ i. 7).
In the case of pasture land it was called _scriptura_ (Festus p. 833).
[1112] _Lex agraria_ l. 85 “ex lege dicta, quam ... censores ...
deixerunt, publicano dare oportuit.”
[1113] Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 26, 63; 60, 147; iii. 7, 18.
[1114] ib. iii. 6, 12 and 14.
[1115] Polyb. vi. 17. The Senate can συμπτώματος γενομένου κουφίσαι
καὶ τὸ παράπαν ἀδυνάτου τινὸς συμβάντος ἀπολῦσαι τῆς ἐργωνίας. Cf. the
section on the Senate’s control of property. In 169 and 59 B.C. we find
the people releasing from an oppressive contract (Liv. xliii. 16; App.
_B.C._ ii. 13).
[1116] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 7 “templa, vias, aquas ... tuento”; _ad
Fam._ xiii. 11, 1 “sarta tecta (i.e. the repairs of walls and roofs)
aedium sacrarum locorumque communium tueri.”
[1117] Cf. Liv. xxxix. 44 “ultro tributa infimis (pretiis) locaverunt.”
[1118] ib. xliv. 16 “ad opera publica facienda cum eis (censoribus)
dimidium ex vectigalibus ejus anni attributum ex senatus consulto a
quaestoribus esset”; xl. 46 “censoribus deinde postulantibus ut pecuniae
summa sibi, qua in opera publica uterentur, attribueretur, vectigal
annuum decretum est.”
[1119] _Lex Jul. Munic._ l. 73; Liv. xxxix. 44 (quoted n. 2).
[1120] Mommsen (_Staatsr._ ii. p. 446) takes the phrase to mean something
“voluntarily granted” by the Senate to the magistrate.
[1121] Liv. xxxix. 44. The later tendency, however, was for such public
rights to be protected by the praetor’s interdicts.
[1122] ib. xl. 51 “complura sacella publica quae fuerant occupata a
privatis publica sacraque ut essent paterentque populo curarunt.”
[1123] ib. xliii. 16 “censores ad pignora capienda miserunt multamque pro
contione privato dixerunt.”
[1124] _Lex agraria_ ll. 35, 36.
[1125] ib.
[1126] p. 208.
[1127] p. 93.
[1128] p. 94.
[1129] pp. 95 ff.
[1130] p. 190.
[1131] p. 162.
[1132] p. 126.
[1133] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 7, 17 “toties legibus agrariis curatores
constituti sunt triumviri quinqueviri decemviri.” Cf. ib. ii. 12, 31
“eodem jure ... quo habuerunt (pullarios) tresviri lege Sempronia.”
[1134] ib. ii. 7, 16 “jubet enim (the agrarian law of Rullus) tribunum
plebis, qui eam legem tulerit, creare decemviros per tribus septemdecim,
ut, quem novem tribus fecerint, is decemvir sit.”
[1135] pp. 174, 177.
[1136] The nature of the Sullan limitations is unknown. Caesar says
“Sullam nudata omnibus rebus tribunicia potestate tamen intercessionem
liberam reliquisse” (_B.C._ i. 7), and Cicero “Sullam probo, qui tribunis
plebis sua lege injuriae faciendae potestatem ademerit, auxilii ferendi
reliquerit” (_de Leg._ iii. 9, 22). He probably formulated cases in which
it could not be employed. There are instances of the tribunician veto
between 81 B.C. and 70 B.C., the date of the restoration of the tribune’s
power. See Momms. _Staatsr._ ii p. 308 nn. 1 and 2.
[1137] p. 162.
[1138] p. 182.
[1139] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 6.
[1140] Festus p. 233; Dio Cass. liv. 26.
[1141] Liv. _Ep._ xi.
[1142] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 6; Sall. _Cat._ 55.
[1143] Val. Max. vi. 1, 10; Cic. _pro Cluent._ 13, 38.
[1144] Ascon. _in Milon._ p. 38.
[1145] Plaut. _Amph._ l. 1, 3.
[1146] Pompon. in _Dig._ 1, 2, 2, 30. The full official title which first
appears in 44 B.C. is _a_(_uro_) _a_(_rgento_) _a_(_ere_) _f_(_lando_)
_f_(_eriundo_). For this title and its variants see Momms. _Staatsr._ ii.
p. 602 n. 3.
[1147] Momms. _Staatsr._ ii p. 601.
[1148] Verbally the second title might, and perhaps should, refer to the
_viae_ of Italy. But the office is probably an urban magistracy. See ib.
p. 604.
[1149] Liv. iii. 55.
[1150] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 3, 6. For their jurisdiction in cases of
freedom in the Ciceronian period see Cic. _pro Caec._ 39, 97; _pro Domo_
29, 78.
[1151] Festus p. 233.
[1152] p. 207.
[1153] This was the case with C. Claudius Pulcher (_C.I.L._ i. p. 279),
C. Junius (Cic. _pro Cluent._ 29, 79), and C. Julius Caesar (Suet.
_Caes._ 11).
[1154] p. 189.
[1155] Cic. _pro Cluent._ 33, 91.
[1156] Mommsen inclines to think that the office followed as a matter of
course on the aedileship (_Staatsr._ ii. p. 590).
[1157] p. 155.
[1158] Liv. ix. 30.
[1159] p. 234.
[1160] p. 43.
[1161] p. 102.
[1162] p. 126.
[1163] Cic. _pro Caec._ 33, 95; cf. _pro Domo_ 40, 106 “Quae tua fuit
consecratio? Tuleram, inquit, ut mihi liceret. Quid? Non exceperas ut, si
quid jus non esset rogari, ne esset rogatum?”
[1164] Valerius Probus gives the formula which emphasises this religious
aspect of the saving clause. It was SI QUID SACRI SANCTI EST QUOD NON
JURE SIT ROGATUM, EJUS HAC LEGE NIHIL ROGATUR.
[1165] See p. 107.
[1166] Cic. _pro Domo_ 20, 53 “quae (est) sententia Caeciliae legis et
Didiae nisi haec, ne populo necesse sit in conjunctis rebus compluribus
aut id quod nolit accipere aut id quod velit repudiare?” The principle
had existed as early as the _lex Acilia Repetundarum_ of 122 (l. 72). See
Mommsen _Staatsr._ iii. p. 336.
[1167] Liv. viii. 23.
[1168] ib. ix. 42. Compare, however, x. 22 (296 B.C.), where the
_plebiscitum_ and the _senatus consultum_ are both mentioned in connexion
with the prorogation of the command of L. Volumnius. For the recognition
of the _imperium_ of the consul for a single day to enable him to
triumph, see p. 158.
[1169] Liv. xxxviii. 54-60.
[1170] ib. xlii. 21 and 22.
[1171] Cic. _de Fin._ ii. 16, 54.
[1172] The _quaestio Mamilia_ of 110 B.C. (Sall. _Jug._ 40).
[1173] p. 14.
[1174] The _lex Plautia Papiria_ (Cic. _pro Arch._ 4, 7; see p. 311) was
the work of two tribunes.
[1175] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 21, 48 “lege Appuleia ... qua lege Saturninus
C. Mario tulerat, ut in singulas colonias ternos cives Romanos facere
posset.”
[1176] ib. 8, 19 “lege quam L. Gellius Cn. Cornelius (coss. 72 B.C.) ex
senatus sententia tulerunt ... videmus satis esse sanctum ut cives Romani
sint ii, quos Cn. Pompeius de consilii sententia singillatim civitate
donaverit.”
[1177] Val. Max. v. 2, 8 “(C. Marius) duas ... Camertium cohortes mira
virtute vim Cimbrorum sustinentis in ipsa acie adversus condicionem
foederis civitate donavit.”
[1178] Momms. _Staatsr._ iii. p. 135 n. 5.
[1179] Cic. _pro Caec._ 35, 101.
[1180] Liv. xxvi. 33 (speech of M. Atilius Regulus) “‘Per senatum agi de
Campanis, qui cives Romani sunt, injussu populo non video posse. Idque et
apud majores nostros in Satricanis factum est (319 B.C.) cum defecissent,
ut M. Antistius tribunus plebis prius rogationem ferret scisceretque
plebs uti senatui de Satricanis sententiae dicendae jus esset. Itaque
censeo cum tribunis plebis agendum esse ut eorum unus pluresve rogationem
ferant ad plebem qua nobis statuendi de Campanis jus fiat.’ L. Atilius
tribunus plebis ex auctoritate senatus plebem in haec verba rogavit ...
Plebes sic jussit, ‘Quod senatus juratus, maxima pars, censeat, qui
adsidetis, id volumus jubemusque.’”
[1181] ib. xxxviii. 36 “edocti populi esse, non senatus, jus suffragii
quibus velit impertiri, destiterunt incepto.”
[1182] p. 229.
[1183] Liv. xlv. 15 (169 B.C.; on the proposal of the censor Sempronius
to disfranchise the freedmen, his colleague Claudius) “negabat ...
suffragii lationem injussu populi censorem cuiquam homini, nedum ordini
universo adimere posse: neque enim, si tribu movere posset, quod sit
nihil aliud quam mutare jubere tribum, ideo omnibus quinque et triginta
tribubus emovere posse, id est civitatem libertatemque eripere.”
[1184] In Liv. vii. 16 (357 B.C.) we find the account of the creation of
the _vicesima manumissionis_ by the _comitia tributa populi_.
[1185] This change was effected by a _lex Aebutia_ (Gell. xvi. 10, 8;
Gaius iv. 30).
[1186] p. 205.
[1187] The fullest _praescriptio_ which has been preserved is that of
the _lex Quinctia de aquaeductibus_, a consular law of 9 B.C. (Frontinus
_de aquaeductibus_ 129). It runs: “T. Quinctius Crispinus consul populum
jure rogavit populusque jure scivit in foro pro rostris aedis divi Juli
pr(idie) [k] Julias. Tribus Sergia principium fuit, pro tribu Sex.... L.
f. Virro [primus scivit].”
[1188] Ulpian _Reg. praef._ 2 “Minus quam perfecta lex est, quae vetat
aliquid fieri et, si factum sit, non rescindit, sed poenam injungit ei
qui contra legem fecit.” The Licinio-Sextian agrarian law of 367 was
apparently of this kind.
[1189] Macrob. _Comm. in Somn. Scip._ ii. 17, 13 “inter leges quoque illa
imperfecta dicitur, in qua nulla deviantibus poena sancitur.”
[1190] Cic. _ad Att._ iii. 23, 2 “alteram caput est tralaticium de
impunitate SI QUID CONTRA ALIAS LEGES EJUS LEGIS ERGO FACTUM SIT.”
[1191] Ulpian _op. cit._ 3 “Lex aut rogatur, id est, fertur; aut
abrogatur, id est, prior lex tollitur; aut derogatur, id est, pars primae
(legis) tollitur; aut subrogatur, id est, adjicitur aliquid primae legi;
aut obrogatur, id est, mutatur aliquid ex prima lege.” Cf. the clause in
a law cited by Cicero (_ad Att._ iii. 23, 3) “SI QUID IN HAC ROGATIONE
SCRIPTUM EST, QUOD PER LEGES PLEBISVE SCITA PROMULGARE, ABROGARE,
DEROGARE, OBROGARE SINE FRAUDE SUA NON LICEAT.”
[1192] Cic. l.c. 23, 2 “neque enim ulla (lex) est, quae non ipsa se
saepiat difficultate abrogationis. Sed, cum lex abrogatur, illud ipsum
abrogatur, quo modo eam abrogari [_non_] oporteat.”
[1193] p. 239.
[1194] See the section on the Senate.
[1195] Livy describes a controversy whether from this point of view an
armistice (_indutiae_) rested on a level with a _pax_: (iv. 30) “cum
Veientibus ... indutiae, ... non pax facta ... ante diem rebellaverant
... controversia inde fuit utrum populi jussu indiceretur bellum an satis
esset senatus consultum. Pervicere tribuni ... ut Quinctius consul de
bello ad populum ferret: omnes centuriae jussere.”
[1196] Polyb. vi. 14 ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης οὖτος (ὁ δῆμος) βουλεύεται καὶ πολέμου.
[1197] Mommsen _Staatsr._ iii. p. 343.
[1198] See the section on the Senate.
[1199] Polyb. i. 62 (agreement between Lutatius Catulus and the
Carthaginians in 241 B.C.) ἐπὶ τοῖσδε φιλίαν εἶναι Καρχηδονίοις καὶ
Ῥωμαίοις, ἐὰν καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων συνδοκῇ. The people rejected the
treaty, but it was subsequently maintained that, but for this saving
clause, it would have been binding (ib. iii. 29).
[1200] ib. vi. 14 καὶ μὴν περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ διαλύσεως καὶ συνθηκῶν οὖτος
(ὁ δῆμος) ἐστιν ὁ βεβαιῶν ἒκαστα τούτων καὶ κύρια ποιῶν ἢ τοὐναντίον.
[1201] Liv. xxix. 12 (205 B.C., peace with Philip of Macedon) “jusserunt
... omnes tribus”; xxx. 43 (201 B.C., peace with Carthage) “De pace ...
omnes tribus jusserunt”; xxxiii. 25 (196 B.C., peace with Philip of
Macedon) “ea rogatio in Capitolio ad plebem lata est. Omnes quinque et
triginta tribus, uti rogas jusserunt.”
[1202] So on the conclusion of the second Punic war (Liv. xxx. 43 “M’.
Acilius et Q. Minucius tribuni plebis ad populum tulerunt ‘Vellent
juberentne senatum decernere ut cum Carthaginiensibus pax fieret, et quem
eam pacem dare quemque ex Africa exercitum deportare juberent’”).
[1203] See _lex Antonia de Termessibus_ (Bruns _Fontes_).
[1204] p. 47.
[1205] p. 187.
[1206] p. 63.
[1207] See below on the competence of the _concilium plebis_.
[1208] See Momms. _Staatsr._ i. p. 195; ii. p. 618.
[1209] See p. 161.
[1210] p. 169.
[1211] p. 211.
[1212] p. 161.
[1213] _Anquisitio_ (a variant of the _quaestio_ of the magistrate when
he investigates on his own authority) perhaps means an “inquiry on both
sides,” i.e. through accusation and defence (Lange _Röm. Alt._ ii. p.
470; cf. Festus p. 22 “anquirere est circum quaerere”).
[1214] Liv. ii. 52 (the tribunes) “cum capitis anquisissent, duo milia
aeris damnato multam edixerunt”; xxvi. 3 (a pecuniary penalty having been
proposed during the first two days) “tertio ... tanta ira accensa est ut
capite anquirendum contio subclamaret.”
[1215] Cic. _pro Dom._ 17, 45 “cum tam moderata judicia populi sint a
majoribus constituta ... ne inprodicta die quis accusetur, ut ter ante
magistratus accuset intermissa die quam multam irroget aut judicet,
quarta sit accusatio trinum nundinum prodicta die, quo die judicium sit
futurum.” Cf. App. _B.C._ i. 74.
[1216] Cic. l.c. “si qua res illum diem aut auspiciis aut excusatione
sustulit, tota causa judiciumque sublatum sit.”
[1217] Dio Cass. xxxvii. 27.
[1218] Cic. _pro Domo_ 82, 86 “at vero ... Kaeso ille Quinctius (cf. Liv.
iii. 13) et M. Furius Camillus et M. Servilius Ahala (cf. Liv. iv. 16,
21) ... populi incitati vim iracundiamque subierunt; damnatique comitiis
centuriatis cum in exilium profugissent, rursus ab eodem populo placato
sunt in suam pristinam dignitatem restituti.”
[1219] Cic. _Brut._ 34, 128; _post Red. in Sen._ 15, 38.
[1220] App. _B.C._ i 31.
[1221] Cic. _pro Planc._ 28, 69; _post Red. in Sen._ 15, 38.
[1222] Cic. _ad Att._ iv. 1, 4.
[1223] _Auct. ad Herenn._ ii. 28, 45.
[1224] Caes. _B.C._ iii. 1 “praetoribus tribunisque plebis rogationes ad
populum ferentibus ... in integrum restituit.” Cf. Suet. _Caes._ 41; Dio
Cass, xliii. 27.
[1225] “de alea condemnatum” (Cic. _Phil._ ii. 23, 56), that is,
probably, under the _lex Cornelia de falsis_ (Rein _Criminalrecht_ p.
833).
[1226] See p. 248.
[1227] Plut. _Mar._ 43; cf. Vell. ii. 21; App. _B.C._ i. 70.
[1228] App. _B.C._ iii. 95.
[1229] Vell. ii. 58; cf. Cic. _Phil._ i. 1, 1.
[1230] Dio Cass. xlix. 43.
[1231] pp. 166, 179.
[1232] p. 239.
[1233] When Varro says (_L.L._ vi. 30) “magistratus vitio creatus nihilo
secius magistratus” he is reflecting the practical procedure—hardly
the constitutional theory, unless the _dictum_ implies that repeal is
impossible because unnecessary, and that there is no authority for
determining the nullity of the election.
[1234] Cicero says, with respect to the law exiling him, that there was
some point in its being held invalid as a _privilegium_, “sed multo est
melius abrogari” (_ad Att._ iii. 15, 5).
[1235] Laelius Felix ap. Gell. xv. 27, 5 “Cum ex generibus hominum
suffragium feratur, ‘curiata’ comitia esse, cum ex censu et aetate
‘centuriata,’ cum ex regionibus et locis, ‘tributa.’”
[1236] How easily one _comitia_ could melt into another is shown by the
words of Cicero [_ad Fam._ vii. 30 (44 B.C.)] “Ille autem (Caesar), qui
comitiis tributis esset auspicatus, centuriata habuit.”
[1237] See Appendix on the _comitia tributa_.
[1238] p. 49.
[1239] Messala ap. Gell. xiii. 15, 4 “Minoribus creatis magistratibus
tributis comitiis magistratus, sed justus curiata datur lege.”
[1240] Dio Cass. xxxix. 19.
[1241] ib. xli. 43.
[1242] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 12, 30 “consuli, si legem curiatam non
habet, attingere rem militarem non licet.”
[1243] Sulla’s law had said that the magistrate should retain _imperium_
until he re-entered the city, apparently without mentioning the _lex
curiata_. App. Claudius, consul for 54 B.C., who had been prevented by
the tribunician veto from getting his _lex curiata_ passed, presumed on
this silence and said “legem curiatam consuli ferri opus esse, necesse
non esse; se, quoniam ex senatus consulto provinciam haberet, lege
Cornelia imperium habiturum quoad in urbem introisset” (Cic. _ad Fam._ i.
9, 25).
[1244] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 12, 31.
[1245] p. 26.
[1246] Gell. xv. 27, 1 “‘calata’ comitia esse, quae pro conlegio
pontificum habentur aut regis aut flaminum inaugurandorum causa. Eorum
autem alia esse ‘curiata,’ alia ‘centuriata’ ... Isdem comitiis, quae
‘calata’ appellari diximus, et sacrorum detestatio et testamenta fieri
solebant.” It is not known what particular acts were reserved for the
“comitia calata” assembled _centuriatim_; Mommsen thinks the inauguration
of the Flamen Martialis outside the city (_Staatsr._ iii. p. 307).
[1247] p. 107.
[1248] pp. 107, 246.
[1249] p. 244.
[1250] Liv. i. 43 “Nec mirari oportet hunc ordinem, qui nunc est post
expletas quinque et triginta tribus duplicate earum numero centuriis
juniorum seniorumque, ad institutam ab Servio Tullio summam non
convenire.” Cf. Dionys. iv. 21. The description of Cicero (_de Rep._
ii. 22, 39 and 40) probably refers to the Servian arrangement, although
Mommsen (_Staatsr._ iii. p. 275) holds that it refers to the reformed
_comitia_. The description given in the text is in essentials that of
Pantagathus (died 1567) _ap. Ursinum in_ Liv. i. 43. For the different
systems that have been adopted see Willems _Le Droit Public_ p. 97.
Mommsen (l.c.) admits the 70 votes for the 70 centuries of the first
class, but thinks that the 280 centuries of the other classes were so
combined as to form but 100 votes; the total votes being 70 + 100 + 5 +
18 = 193, as before.
[1251] p. 73.
[1252] Cic. _Phil._ ii. 33, 82 “Ecce Dolabellae comitiorum dies: sortitio
praerogativae: quiescit. Renuntiatur, tacet. Prima classis vocatur:
renuntiatur. Deinde, ita ut assolet, suffragia; tum secunda classis.”
[1253] Liv. xliii. 16 “cum ex duodecim centuriis equitum octo censorem
condemnassent, multaeque aliae primae classis.” It would seem as though
the _sex suffragia_ (p. 73) voted with or after the first class.
Drakenborch would read _octodecim_ for _duodecim_, but this would seem to
give too small a number of condemnatory votes amongst the _equites_.
[1254] Cic. _pro Planc._ 20, 49.
[1255] Hence such expressions as _Aniensis juniorum_, _Veturia juniorum_,
_Galeria juniorum_ (Liv. xxiv. 7; xxvi. 22; xxvii. 6).
[1256] App. _B.C._ i. 59.
[1257] See Appendix on the _comitia tributa_.
[1258] p. 107.
[1259] Liv. xxv. 4 (212 B.C.) “Tribuni plebem rogaverunt plebesque ita
scivit, ‘Si M. Postumius ante K. Maias non prodisset citatusque eo die
non respondisset neque excusatus esset, videri eum in exilio esse,
bonaque ejus venire, ipsi aqua et igni placere interdici”; ib. xxvi. 3
(211 B.C.) “Cn. Fulvius exulatum Tarquinios abiit. Id ei justum exilium
esse scivit plebs.”
[1260] When Plutarch says (_C. Gracch._ 4) that C. Gracchus gave the
right of trying such cases τῷ δήμῳ, this word may include the Plebs.
Gracchus at least seems to have banished the ex-consul Popilius by means
of a _plebiscitum_ (Cic. _pro Domo_ 31, 82 “ubi enim tuleras ut mihi aqua
et igni interdiceretur? quod Gracchus de P. Popilio ... tulit”).
[1261] App. _B.C._ i. 59.
[1262] This conclusion has been drawn from the words of Cicero (_in
Verr._ Act i. 13, 38) “judiciis ad senatorium ordinem translatis
sublataque populi Romani in unum quemque vestrum potestate.”
[1263] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 7, 18 “Quod populus per religionem
sacerdotia mandare non poterat, ut minor pars populi vocaretur.”
[1264] For this presidency by the youngest pontifex (the one, i.e., who
stood the least chance of election) see Liv. xxv. 5 (212 B.C.). From Cic.
_ad Brut._ i. 5, 4 it follows that the consuls had something to do with
arranging the elections, but not that they were ever the presidents.
[1265] Cic. _de Leg. Agr._ ii. 7, 18; Vell. ii. 12, 3.
[1266] Dio Cass. xxxvii. 37.
[1267] Macrob. _Sat._ i. 16, 29 “Julius Caesar XVI auspiciorum libro
negat nundinis contionem advocari posse, id est cum populo agi ideoque
nundinis Romanorum haberi comitia non posse.”
[1268] Varro _L.L._ v. 155 “comitium ab eo quod coibant eo comitiis
curiatis et litium causa.”
[1269] Liv. vi. 20; Plin. _H.N._ xvi. 10, 37.
[1270] Liv. vii. 16.
[1271] The change to the Forum is perhaps post-Gracchan; see Momms.
_Staatsr._ iii. p. 385. Cf. the prescription of the _lex Quinctia de
aquaeductibus_ (p. 242).
[1272] Gell. xiii. 15, 1 “In edicto consulum, quo edicunt quis dies
comitiis centuriatis futurus sit.” “Comitia edicere” (Liv. xxiii. 31) and
“comitia indicere” (Liv. iv. 6) are employed as descriptive of this act.
[1273] Festus p. 224 “promulgari leges dicuntur cum primum in vulgus
eduntur, quasi provulgari.”
[1274] Momms. _Staatsr._ iii. p. 370.
[1275] Schol. Bob. to Cic. _pro Sest._ 64, 135 (p. 310) “(lex) Licinia
et Junia ... illud cavebat ne clam aerario legem ferri liceret.” For
registration in the _aerarium_ at the time of promulgation cf. Cic. _de
Leg._ iii. 4, 11. Clodius’ law exiling Cicero in 58 B.C. was amended
(Cic. _ad Att._ iii. 2 “praesertim nondum rogatione correcta”), but
whether before or after promulgation is not clear.
[1276] Dionysius, Plutarch, and Priscian explain _trinum nundinum_ as the
third market-day, an interval of _trinarum nundinarum_, i.e. seventeen
days; but Mommsen has made out a good case for its being three _nundina_,
i.e. intervals of eight days (_Staatsr._ iii. p. 375).
[1277] p. 164.
[1278] p. 38.
[1279] Varro _L.L._ vi. 91 “comitiatum praeco populum vocet ad te, et eum
de muris vocet praeco.”
[1280] The herald is not mentioned in connexion with the _concilium
plebis_. The _comitia curiata_ were summoned by a _lictor curiatius_. See
Momms. _Staatsr._ iii. p. 386.
[1281] Gell. xv. 27; Dio Cass. xxxvii. 27.
[1282] Varro _L.L._ vi. 92; Plut. _C. Gracch._ 3.
[1283] “Sollemne carmen precationis” (Liv. xxxix. 15).
[1284] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 4, 11 “qui agent ... rem populum docento”;
Quintil. _Inst. Or._ ii. 4, 33 “Romanis pro contione suadere ac
dissuadere moris fuit.”
[1285] Except perhaps at the _comitia centuriata_ (Momms. iii. p. 395),
but this body had almost ceased to be a legislative assembly.
[1286] p. 247.
[1287] Originally _licium_, later _saepta_ or _ovile_.
[1288] Liv. ii. 56; cf. Asc. _in Cornel._ p. 70 “discedere, quod verbum
... significat ... [ut] in suam quisque tribum discedat, in qua est
suffragium laturus.”
[1289] Hence the expression _ferre punctum_ (Cic. _pro Planc._ 22, 53).
[1290] Liv. v. 13; iii. 21.
[1291] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. cc. 15, 16.
[1292] Hence the discovery of a fraud at an election through tablets
being μιᾷ χειρὶ γεγραμμέναις (Plut. _Cat. Min._ 46).
[1293] Cic. _cum Sen. Gr. eg._ 11, 28; _in Pis._ 15, 36.
[1294] Plin. _H.N._ xxxiii. 2, 31; Cic. _cum Sen. Gr. eg._ 7, 17.
[1295] p. 253.
[1296] The first curia or tribe is the _principium_. See the prescription
of the _lex Quinctia_ (p. 242). Even after the ballot was introduced the
name of the first voter in a division was specified (_primus scivit_,
l.c.).
[1297] _Tribus_ or _centurias non explere_ is said of such candidates
(Liv. iii. 64; xxxvii. 47). Cf. Liv. xxii. 35.
[1298] Cic. _in Pis._ 15, 36 “hoc certe video quod indicant tabulae
publicae vos rogatores, vos diribitores, vos custodes fuisse tabularum.”
It is the list of votes as certified by the guardians and tellers rather
than the separate voting tablets that Cicero here speaks of. But the
tablets themselves were kept for a time in _loculi_ (Varro _R.R._ iii. 5,
18).
[1299] Cic. _de Leg._ iii. 20, 46 “Legum custodiam nullam habemus. Itaque
eae leges sunt quas apparisores nostri volunt; a librariis petimus.”
[1300] See the evidences collected by Mommsen (_Staatsr._ iii. pp.
418-419). It is from this practice that _figere_ and _refigere_ are used
of the publication and annulling of laws.
[1301] p. 219.
[1302] Cic. _pro Sest._ 65, 137 “senatum reipublicae custodem, praesidem,
propugnatorem collocaverunt (majores); hujus ordinis auctoritate uti
magistratus et quasi ministros gravissimi consilii esse voluerunt.”
[1303] Festus p. 142 “mulleos genus calceorum aiunt esse, quibus reges
Albanorum primi, deinde patricii sunt usi.”
[1304] Hence the distinction between the patrician and plebeian form of
shoe (Mommsen _Staatsr._ iii. p. 891). In the time of Cato the elder this
footgear was only worn by the plebeian senator “qui magistratum curulem
cepisset” (Festus l.c.).
[1305] For an investiture of boys with the _latus clavus_ earlier than
the rule of Augustus, see Suet. _Aug._ 94.
[1306] Tac. _Ann._ xi. 22 “post lege Sullae viginti (quaestores) creati
supplendo senatui.”
[1307] Gell. iv. 10, 8 “Erat ... jus senatori ut sententiam rogatus
diceret ante quicquid vellet aliae rei et quoad vellet.” For this
practice of _egredi relationem_ see Tac. _Ann._ ii. 33.
[1308] “Delenda est Carthago” (Florus ii. 15); cf. App. _Lib._ 69.
[1309] An attempt to violate this order was made in 56 B.C., “cum Lupus
tribunus pl.... intendere coepit ante se oportere discessionem facere
quam consules. Ejus orationi vehementer ab omnibus reclamatum est; erat
enim et iniqua et nova” (Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 2, 2).
[1310] The consul Marcellus thus dismissed the Senate in 50 B.C. on its
favouring the proposal that both Pompeius and Caesar should lay down
their commands (App. _B.C._ ii. 30).
[1311] Gell. iv. 10, 8.
[1312] ib. l.c.; Suet. _Caes._ 20.
[1313] Gell. xiv. 7, 9 (from the _Commentarius_ of Varro) “singulos
autem debere consuli gradatim incipique a consulari gradu. Ex quo gradu
semper quidem antea primum rogari solitum qui princeps in senatum lectus
esset; tum autem, cum haec scriberet, novum morem institutum refert per
ambitionem gratiamque ut is primus rogaretur quem rogare vellet qui
haberet senatum, dum is tamen ex gradu consulari esset.” For this _novus
mos_ cf. Cic. _ad Att._ i. 13, 2 (61 B.C.) “Primum igitur scito primum
me non esse rogatum sententiam praepositumque esse nobis pacificatorem
Allobrogum” (C. Calpurnius Piso, a relative of the presiding consul).
[1314] Sall. _Cat._ 50 (in the debate on the Catilinarian conspirators)
“D. Junius Silanus primus sententiam rogatus quod eo tempore consul
designatus erat.”
[1315] Festus p. 210 “(Pedarius senator) ita appellator quia tacitus
transeundo ad eum, cujus sententiam probat, quid sentiat indicat.” Cf.
Gell. iii. 18. The explanation cited by Festus is true only so far as it
expresses a usual circumstance of debate. The name _pedarius_ is probably
derived from the absence of the curule chair (Gavius Bassus ap. Gell.
l.c.).
[1316] Vell. ii. 35 “Hic tribunus plebis designatus ... paene inter
ultimos interrogatus sententiam”; Cic. _ad Att._ xii. 21, 1 “Cur ergo in
sententiam Catonis? Quia verbis luculentioribus et pluribus rem eandem
(i.e. the opinion already expressed by _consulares_) comprehenderat.”
[1317] See p. 270 n. 2.
[1318] In a rough estimate of the house (61 B.C.) Cicero mentions 15 on
one side of a question, “quite 400” on the other (_ad Att._ i. 14, 5). On
Curio’s proposal in 50 B.C. that both Pompeius and Caesar should lay down
their commands, 22 dissented, 370 approved (App. _B.C._ ii. 30). In the
latter case there seems to have been no formal division (see p. 268 n.
2); and in both the small numbers may be the result of exact computation,
the large either of a guess or of a deduction drawn from an already
counted quorum.
[1319] “Verbo adsentiri” (Sall. _Cat._ 52); cf. Cic. _ad Fam._ v. 2, 9
“sedens iis adsensi.”
[1320] “In alienam sententiam pedibus ire” (Gell. iii. 18, 1).
[1321] The invitation to divide on the _sententia_ was couched in the
form “Qui hoc censetis, illuc transite: qui alia omnia, in hanc partem”
(Festus p. 261). Hence the colloquial phrase “ire in alia omnia” for
negativing a proposal at the Senate (Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 2, 1).
[1322] Cic. _ad Att._ i. 14, 3 “totum hunc locum, quem ego ... soleo
pingere, de flamma, de ferro—nosti illas ληκύθους.”
[1323] p. 179.
[1324] Cic. _ad Fam._ viii. 8, 5 ff. In § 6 we find the formula “Si quis
huic s. c. intercesserit, senatui placere auctoritatem perscribi.”
[1325] ib. l.c. § 6 “Pr. Kal. Octobres in aede Apollinis scrib. adfuerunt
L. Domitius Cn. f. Fab. Ahenobarbus,” etc.
[1326] p. 148.
[1327] Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 10; App. _B.C._ i. 12.
[1328] Polyb. xxx. 4. For the motive of the veto see Liv. xlv. 21 “M.
Juventius Thalna ... praetor novo maloque exemplo rem ingressus erat,
quod, ante non consulto senatu, non consulibus certioribus factis, de
sua unius sententia rogationem ferret vellent juberentne Rhodiis bellum
indici, cum antea semper prius senatus de bello consultus esset, deinde
ex auctoritate patrum ad populum latum.”
[1329] Suet. _Caes._ 16 (Caesar supported Metellus in carrying)
“turbulentissimas leges adversus collegarum intercessionem ... donec ambo
administratione reipublicae decreto patrum submoverentur.”
[1330] In this case the prohibition was effected through the coercive
power of the consul springing from his _majus imperium_ (Dio Cass. xlii.
23).
[1331] Tac. _Ann._ ii. 30 “vetere senatus consulto quaestio in caput
domini prohibebatur.”
[1332] Cic. _ad Att._ v. 21, 13 (50 B.C.) “cum senatus consultum modo
factum sit ... in creditorum causa, ut centesimae perpetuo faenore
ducerentur.”
[1333] Ascon. _in Cornel._ p. 58.
[1334] M. Brutus had gained from the Senate the validation of a bond
(_syngrapha_), by which an exorbitant rate of interest was demanded from
the government of Salamis in Cyprus. Bonds of this kind, through which
obligations were incurred by provincials at Rome, had been rendered
illegal by a _lex Gabinia_ of 67 B.C. (Cic. _ad Att._ v. 21, 12).
[1335] Cic. _pro Domo_ 16, 41 “judicavit senatus M. Drusi legibus, quae
contra legem Caeciliam et Didiam latae essent, populum non teneri.” The
account that the Livian laws were shelved as _contra auspicia_ (Ascon.
_in Cornel._ p. 68 “Philippus cos.... obtinuit a senatu, ut leges ejus
omnes uno s. c. tollerentur. Decretum est enim contra auspicia esse
latas neque eis teneri populum”) may contain one of the grounds of their
abrogation.
[1336] Cic. _ad Att._ iii. 15, 5 “Quod te cum Culleone scribis de
privilegio locutum, est aliquid, sed multo est melius abrogari.”
[1337] p. 204.
[1338] Liv. xxv. 4; Sall. _Cat._ 50; Ascon. _in Milon._ p. 44. The
Senate in this way sometimes interprets a criminal law and extends its
incidence. See Cic. _de Har. Resp._ 8, 15 “decrevit senatus eos qui id
fecissent (i.e. who had disturbed the rebuilding of Cicero’s house) lege
de vi, quae est in eos qui universam rem publicam oppugnassent (i.e. vi
publica) teneri.”
[1339] Cic. _ad Att._ i. 13, 3 “Credo enim te audisse, cum apud Caesarem
pro populo fieret, venisse eo muliebri vestitu virum ... mentionem a
Q. Cornificio in senatu factam ... postea rem ex senatus consulto ad
pontifices relatam, idque ab iis nefas esse decretum; deinde ex senatus
consulto consules rogationem promulgasse.”
[1340] Liv. viii. 18.
[1341] ib. xl. 43 (180 B.C.) “A. C. Maenio praetore (cui, provincia
Sardinia cum evenisset, additum erat ut quaereret de veneficiis longius
ab urbe decem millibus passuum) literae adlatae _se jam tria millia
hominum damnasse_.”
[1342] Liv. xxxix. 41 (184 B.C.); cf. ix. 26 (314 B.C.) and the instance
cited in the next note. In such instances of _quaestiones_ extended to
Italy, it is not clear whether _socii_ as well as _cives_ were executed
summarily by Roman magistrates.
[1343] ib. xxxix. 18. On this point see Zumpt _Criminalrecht der Römer_
i. 2 p. 212.
[1344] _C.I.L._ i. n. 196 (a letter from the consuls to some unknown
magistrates of the _ager Teuranus_ in Brutii) l. 24 “eorum (i.e. the
Senate) sententia ita fuit ‘sei ques esent, quei avorsum ead fecisent,
quam suprad scriptum est, eeis rem caputalem faciendam censuere.’”
[1345] The consul was armed against C. Gracchus, the consuls in 63; the
consuls, praetors, and tribunes in 100 B.C.; the interrex, proconsul, and
all other magistrates with _imperium_ in 77 B.C.
[1346] The decree proposed to meet the threatened revolution of M.
Lepidus in 77 B.C. ran as follows: “quoniam M. Lepidus exercitum privato
consilio paratum cum pessimis et hostibus rei publicae contra hujus
ordinis auctoritatem ad urbem ducit, uti Appius Claudius interrex cum
Q. Catulo pro consule et ceteris, quibus imperium est, urbi praesidio
sint operamque dent ne quid res publica detrimenti capiat” (from speech
of Philippus in Sall. _Hist._ lib. i. frgt. 77, § 22). The historical
instances of the employment of this power are against C. Gracchus and
his adherents in 121 B.C., in the tumult of Saturninus (100), the first
Sullan restoration (88), by the anti-Sullans (82), at the threatened
revolution of M. Lepidus (77), in the Catilinarian conspiracy (63),
during the disturbances raised by Q. Metellus (62), and those preceding
the sole consulship of Pompeius (52), against Caesar (49), against
Dolabella and M. Antonius (43).
[1347] Cf. Sall. _Cat._ 50 “consul ... convocato senatu refert quid de
eis fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant. Sed eos paulo ante
frequens senatus judivcaerat contra rem publicam fecisse.”
[1348] Although the _ultimum senatus consultum_ had not been passed
against Ti. Gracchus, the condemnation of his adherents without appeal
(Vell. ii. 7; Val. Max. iv. 7, 1) was the exercise of the jurisdiction of
martial law. It was this jurisdiction which elicited the _plebiscitum_ of
C. Gracchus.
[1349] Cic. _pro Rab._ 4, 12 “C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium
Romanorum injussu vestro judicaretur.”
[1350] Schol. Ambros. p. 370 “Quia sententiam (wrongly for “legem”;
see Zumpt _Criminalrecht_ i. 2 p. 73) tulerat Gracchus ne quis in
civem Romanum capitalem sententiam diceret.” Cf. Cic. _pro Sest._ 28,
61 “Consule me, (Cato), cum esset designatus tribunus plebis, obtulit
in discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam, cujus invidiam capitis
periculo sibi praestandam videbat.” So Dio Cassius (xxxviii 14), in
speaking of the first bill of Clodius against Cicero, says ἔφερε μὲν γὰρ
καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν βουλήν, ὅτι τοῖς τε ὑπάτοις τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς πόλεως ...
προσετετάχει.
[1351] Plut. _C. Gracch._ 4 τὸν δὲ (νόμον εἰσέφερε) εἴ τις ἄρχων ἄκριτον
ἐκκεκηρύχοι πολίτην, κατ’ αὐτοῦ διδόντα κρίσιν τῷ δήμῳ. δῆμος here may
mean either _populus_ or _plebs_; but Gracchus, as tribune, put his own
law into force against Popilius (Cic. _pro Domo_ 31, 82).
[1352] Cic. _in Cat._ iv. 5, 10 “At vero C. Caesar intelligit legem
Semproniam esse de civibus Romanis constitutam; qui autem rei publicae
sit hostis eum civem esse nullo modo posse.”
[1353] Cic. _in Pis._ 4, 9; _pro Sest._ 25, 55; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 13.
[1354] Cic. _ad Q. fr._ ii. 3, 5 (56 B.C.) “senatus consultum factum est
ut sodalitates decuriatique discederent lexque de iis ferretur ut, qui
non discessissent, ea poena quae est de vi tenerentur.” The _sodalitates_
were clubs of the type of the Greek ἑταιρεῖαι, the _decuriati_ probably
electioneering associations.
[1355] Cic. _ad Att._ i. 16, 12 (61 B.C.) “senatus consulta duo jam facta
sunt odiosa ... unum, ut apud magistratus inquiri liceret, alterum, cujus
domi divisores habitarent, adversus rem publicam.”
[1356] Liv. ix. 8-12; Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 7; Cic. _de Off._ iii. 30, 109;
Sall. _Jug._ 39.
[1357] Sall. _Jug._ 39 “senatus ita, uti par fuerat, decernit suo atque
populi injussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri.”
[1358] Polyb. vi. 14 ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης οὗτος (ὁ δῆμος) βουλεύεται καὶ πολέμου.
καὶ μὴν περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ διαλύσεως καὶ συνθηκῶν οὑτός ἐστιν ὁ βεβαιῶν
ἕκαστα τούτων καὶ κύρια ποιῶν ἢ τοὐναντίον.
[1359] The Gaditani approach the Senate for the renovation of a treaty
made with a pro-magistrate in 78 B.C. Cicero questions its validity
(_pro Balbo_ 15, 34) on the ground that the people was not consulted.
The passage illustrates both the Senate’s exercise of this power and the
continuance of a controversy as to its right.
[1360] Hence the institution of the _Graecostasis_. Varro (_L.L._ v.
165) describes it as “sub dextra hujus (the Rostra) a comitio locus
substructus ubi nationum subsisterent legati, qui ad senatum essent
missi; is Graecostasis appellatus a parte ut multa.”
[1361] So the Numantian envoys in 36 B.C. are received ἔξω τοῦ τείχους
(Dio _fr._ 79). As a rule the appeal was made to the nearest _imperator_,
and his representations might accord such legati a reception within the
city. See Momms. _Staatsr._ iii. 2 p. 1150.
[1362] Liv. _Ep._ xlvi. “in commune lex lata est ne cui regi Romam venire
liceret.” Cf. Polyb. xxx. 17.
[1363] Cic. _ad Q. fr._ ii. 13, 3 “Appius interpretatur ... quod Gabinia
sanctum sit, etiam cogi ex Kal. Febr. usque ad Kal. Mart. legatis senatum
quotidie dare.”
[1364] Polyb. xxii. 24; Liv. xlv. 17.
[1365] For the attempt made by the _lex Sempronia_ to obviate this power
see p. 201.
[1366] Cic. _ad Fam._ v. 2, 3 (to Metellus Celer, proconsul of Cisalpine
Gaul, 62 B.C.) “Nihil dico de sortitione vestra: tantum te suspicari volo
nihil in ea re per collegam meum me insciente esse factum.” Cf. _ad Att._
i. 16, 8.
[1367] Liv. xlv. 13; Dittenberger n. 240. The Senate sometimes referred
questions respecting the internal affairs of these states to Roman
_patroni_, with whom they had entered into relations of clientship (Liv.
ix. 20; Cic. _pro Sulla_ 21, 60).
[1368] _lex de Termessibus_ ii. 6 “Nei quis magistratus ... meilites ...
introducito ... nisei senatus nominatim ... decreverit.”
[1369] Sall. _Jug._ 62 “Metellus propere cunctos senatorii ordinis ex
hibernis accersi jubet: eorum et aliorum, quos idoneos ducebat, consilium
habet.” Cf. c. 104 “Marius ... Sullam (the quaestor) ab Utica venire
jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem, praeterea omnes undique senatorii
ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit.”
[1370] Cic. _ad Att._ ii. 16, 4 “Illud tamen, quod scribit (Q. Cicero,
governor of Asia) animadvertas velim, de portorio circumvectionis; ait se
de consilii sententia rem ad senatum rejecisse.”
[1371] Cic. _de Off._ ii. 22, 76 “tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit
(Paulus) ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum.” Cf.
Plut. _Paul._ 38.
[1372] Momms. _Staatsr._ iii. 2 pp. 1112-20.
[1373] Plut. _Ti. Gracch._ 14 οὐδὲν ἔφη τῇ συγκλήτῳ βουλεύεσθαι
προσήκειν, ἀλλὰ τῳ δήμῳ γνώμην αὐτὸς προθήσειν.
[1374] p. 229.
[1375] The Senate invalidated the _locationes_ of the censors of 184 B.C.
(Liv. xxxix. 44 “locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis publicanorum
victus induci et de integro locari jussisset”). A vain appeal was made
by the _publicani_ of Asia to remit their contracts in 60 B.C. (Cic. _ad
Att._ i. 17, 9; cf. ii. 1, 8).
[1376] The business of draining the Pomptine marshes is entrusted to
a consul (Liv. _Ep._ xlvi.), the building of an aqueduct to a praetor
(Frontin. _de Aquaed._ 7).
[1377] Cic. _ad Att._ iii. 24.
[1378] This was necessary when the supplies were destined for the
army. See Sall. _Jug._ 104 “(Rufus) qui quaestor stipendium in Africam
portaverat.” Compare the section on provincial government.
[1379] The phrase for opening this credit is _attribuere_. See Liv.
xliv. 16 “ad opera publica facienda cum eis (censoribus) dimidium ex
vectigalibus ejus anni (169 B.C.) attributum ex senatus consulto a
quaestoribus esset.”
[1380] p. 194.
[1381] Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 1 sq.
[1382] Cic. _ad Q. fr._ ii. 6, 4 and 5 (56 B.C.) “consul est
egregius Lentulus ... Dies comitiales exemit omnes. Nam etiam
Latinae instaurantur: nec tamen deerant supplicationes. Sic legibus
perniciosissimis obsistitur.”
[1383] In the later Republic these periods of thanksgiving had reached
the inordinate length of fifteen, twenty, and even fifty days (Caes.
_Bell. Gall._ ii. 35; iv. 38; Cic. _Phil._ xiv. 11, 29). At this period
the _supplicatio_ was considered the usual preliminary of a triumph; but
Cato explains to Cicero that this was not always the case (_ad Fam._
xv. 5, 2 “Quodsi triumphi praerogativam putas supplicationem et idcirco
casum potius quam te laudari mavis, neque supplicationem sequitur semper
triumphus,” etc.).
[1384] Cic. _pro Domo_ 49, 127 “video ... esse legem veterem tribuniciam
quae vetat injussu plebis aedes, terram, aram consecrari.” The _jussus
plebis_ probably implies that of the _populus_ as well. See Momms.
_Staatsr._ iii. 2 p. 1050.
[1385] The Senate alone is mentioned as decreeing the reception of the
_Magna Mater_ in 205 B.C., and as ordaining the erection of her temple
(Liv. xxix. 10 and 11; xxxvi. 36).
[1386] See p. 56.
[1387] Dionys. ii. 72; Liv. i. 32; cf. Plin. _H.N._ xxii. 2.
[1388] Polyb. iii. 25; Liv. i. 24. Yet the ceremonies they describe
are different. In that related by Polybius the stone has a passive
signification; the priest hurls it from him and prays, “May I only be
cast out, if I break my oath, as this stone is now.” In that described by
Livy, “the pig represents the perjurer, the flint-knife the instrument
of divine vengeance” (Strachan-Davidson’s Polybius, _Proleg._ viii.),
and Jupiter is here to strike the _people_ that fails in the compact.
Possibly the two forms of ritual were used in different kinds of
treaties; the first, perhaps, in commercial compacts, the second in
agreements that closed a war.
[1389] Liv. iv. 17; Middleton _Ancient Rome_ i. p. 245.
[1390] Liv. v. 36.
[1391] See p. 283.
[1392] Liv. xxii. 61.
[1393] Varro _L.L._ v. 3 “multa verba aliud nunc ostendunt, aliud ante
significabant, ut hostis: nam tum eo verbo dicebant peregrinum qui suis
legibus uteretur, nunc dicunt eum quem tum dicebant perduellem.” Cf. Cic.
_de Off._ i. 12, 37.
[1394] p. 284.
[1395] Polyb. iii. 22.
[1396] “Aeduos, fratres consanguineosque saepe numero a senatu
appellatos” (Caes. _B.G._ i. 33).
[1397] Cf. p. 284 for this rule and for the exception to it made in 166
B.C.
[1398] In the first treaty with Carthage two kinds of legal satisfaction
are given to Roman traders. In Libya and Sardinia the state guarantees
the debt; in the Sicilian cities under the Carthaginian protectorate
Romans and Carthaginians are on an equal footing (Polyb. iii. 22).
[1399] Hartmann (O. E.) _Der ordo judiciorum und die judicia
extraordinaria der Römer_ Thl. i. pp. 229 ff.
[1400] Festus p. 274 “Reciperatio est, ut ait Gallus Aelius, cum inter
populum et reges nationesque et civitates peregrinas lex convenit
quomodo per reciperatores reddantur res reciperenturque resque privatas
inter se persequantur.” See Keller _Civilprocess_ p. 36; Rudorff
_Rechtsgeschichte_ ii. p. 34.
[1401] p. 207.
[1402] In the treaty supposed to be the work of Spurius Cassius and to
date from 493 B.C. the following clause was found: τῶν τ’ ἰδιωτικῶν
συμβολαίων αἱ κρίσεις ἐν ἡμέραις γιγνέσθωσαν δέκα, παρ’ οἷς ἂν γένηται τὸ
συμβόλαιον (Dionys. vi. 95).
[1403] Dionys. iii. 34, 51.
[1404] ib. vi. 95; Festus p. 241.
[1405] Dionys. viii. 70, 74.
[1406] p. 295.
[1407] App. _B.C._ i. 23. Dionysius (viii. 72) speaks of the Latins and
Hernicans exercising voting privileges (ψηφοφορία) in Rome in the year
486 B.C. But it is impossible that they could have been enrolled in the
centuries, which was a Roman army list, and no assembly of the tribes had
yet received state recognition.
[1408] Dionys. viii. 69, 72, 74.
[1409] Livy, by attributing _civitas_ to Tusculum (vi. 26) and calling
the Tusculans _cives_ (vi. 36), seems to imply that they were full
citizens. In this case the city could not have been from the first
a _municipium_, the name it bears later (“municipium antiquissimum”
Cic. _pro Planc._ 8, 19). Festus, however (p. 127), includes Tusculum
amongst the states with _civitas sine suffragio_, i.e. amongst the true
_municipia_, and we know that Livy (x. 1) uses _civitas_ for _civitas
sine suffragio_. The Satricani are _cives Romani_ in 319 B.C. (Liv. ix.
16). Satricum had formerly belonged to the thirty Latin cities (Dionys.
v. 61).
[1410] Liv. viii. 14 “Ceteris Latinis populis (i.e. other than those with
whom special arrangements were made) conubia commerciaque et concilia
inter se ademerunt.”
[1411] Liv. ix. 43 “Hernicorum tribus populis, Aletrinati, Verulano,
Ferentinati, quia maluerunt quam civitatem, suae leges redditae;
conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu soli Hernicorum habuerunt,
permissum. Anagninis, quique arma Romanis intulerant, civitas sine
suffragii latione data: concilia conubiaque adempta, et magistratibus,
praeterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum.”
[1412] p. 299.
[1413] Dionys. vii. 13; Plut. _Cor._ 13.
[1414] Hyginus p. 176 “cum signis et aquila et primis ordinibus ac
tribunis deducebantur”; Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 27 “non enim, ut olim, universae
legiones deducebantur cum tribunis et centurionibus et sui cujusque
ordinis militibus.”
[1415] Varro _L.L._ v. 143; Serv. ad _Aen._ v. 755.
[1416] Liv. xxvii. 38 (207 B.C.) “colonos etiam maritimos, qui
sacrosanctam vacationem dicebantur habere, dare milites cogebant”;
xxxvi. 3 (191 B.C.) “contentio orta cum colonis maritimis ... nam, cum
cogerentur in classem, tribunos plebei appellarunt.”
[1417] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 11, 28; _pro Caec._ 34, 100.
[1418] p. 203.
[1419] Festus p. 233 “Praefecturae eae appellabantur in Italia, in
quibus et jus dicebatur et nundinae agebantur; et erat quaedam earum res
publica, neque tamen magistratus suos habebant; in quas legibus praefecti
mittebantur quodannis, qui jus dicerent. Quarum genera fuerunt duo:
alterum, in quas solebant ire praefecti quattuor, [qui] viginti sex virum
numero populi suffragio creati erant ... alterum, in quas ibant quos
praetor urbanus quodannis in quaeque loca miserat legibus.” Amongst the
_praefecturae_ which he enumerates are the Roman colonies of Volturnum,
Liternum, Puteoli, and Saturnia.
[1420] Liv. viii. 14 “Campanis ... Fundanisque et Formianis ... civitas
sine suffragio data. Cumanos Suessulanosque ejusdem juris conditionisque,
cujus Capuam, esse placuit.” For Atella and Calatia see Festus pp. 131,
233.
[1421] Liv. x. 1.
[1422] ib. ix. 43, quoted p. 299.
[1423] Festus p. 131 “municipes erant qui ex aliis civitatibus Romam
venissent, quibus non licebat magistratum capere sed tantum muneris
partem, ut fuerunt Cumani, Acerrani, Atellani, qui et cives Romani
erant et in legione merebant, sed dignitates non capiebant”; cf. p. 127
“participes ... fuerunt omnium rerum ad munus fungendum una cum Romanis
civibus praeterquam de suffragio ferendo aut magistratu capiendo.” The
words “qui ex aliis civitatibus Romam venissent” in the first definition
do not describe the _municipes_ of historical times; they suggest a
possible origin for the institution. These rights were first conditioned
by domicile in Rome, but the condition was subsequently removed.
[1424] p. 235.
[1425] Festus p. 233, quoted p. 302.
[1426] Liv. viii. 14.
[1427] ib. xxiv. 19; xxvi. 6.
[1428] The language of Livy makes it doubtful whether he conceives the
_foedus_ to have continued after the _civitas_ had been conferred. They
are different stages of rights, but he may mean them to be cumulative.
In xxxi. 31 we read “cum ... ipsos (Campanos) foedere primum, deinde
conubio atque cognationibus, postremo civitate nobis conjunxissemus” (cf.
xxiii. 5). The _civitas_ here is probably the full citizenship conferred
on individual Capuans. They are spoken of as _socii_ in 216 B.C. (xxiii.
5), and though the word is sometimes loosely used, it harmonises in its
literal sense with the great constitutional privileges of the town.
[1429] As at Arpinum (Cic. _ad Fam._ xiii. 11, 3).
[1430] Festus p. 127 “quorum civitas universa in civitatem Romanam venit.”
[1431] It did not possess any magistracy for secular purposes (Liv. ix.
43 “magistratibus, praeterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum”).
[1432] “in ditionem” (Liv. xxxvii. 45), “in potestatem” (xxxix. 54).
[1433] “in fidem” (ib. viii. 2).
[1434] Polyb. xx. 9, 12 παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἰσοδυναμεῖ τό τε εἰς τὴν πίστιν
αὑτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι καὶ τὸ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν δοῦναι περὶ αὑτοῦ τῷ κρατοῦντι.
[1435] Gell. x. 3, 19.
[1436] _Dig._ 49, 15, 7, 1 “liber populus est is qui nullius alterius
populi potestati est subjectus.”
[1437] _Lex Antonia de Termessibus_ i. 8.
[1438] Plin. _Ep. ad Traj._ 92 (93).
[1439] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 6, 13; cf. App. _B.C._ i. 102 (ἐπὶ συνθήκαις
ἔνορκοι).
[1440] _Dig._ 49, 15, 7, 1 “hoc adjicitur, ut intellegatur alterum
populum superiorem esse, non ut intellegatur alterum non esse liberum.”
Cf. Cic. _pro Balbo_ 16, 35 “Id habet hanc vim, ut sit ille in foedere
inferior.”
[1441] _Dig._ l.c. “is foederatus est item sive aequo foedere in
amicitiam venit sive foedere comprehensum est ut is populus alterius
populi majestatem comiter conservaret.”
[1442] _Lex Agraria_ 1. 21 “socii nominisve Latini, quibus ex formula
togatorum [milites in terra Italia inperare solent].”
[1443] Liv. xxii. 57; xxvii. 10 “milites ex formula paratos esse.”
[1444] The number of troops required was decreed every year by the Senate
(Liv. xli. 5 etc.), the consuls fixing the amount which each state was to
send in proportion to its fighting strength.
[1445] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 9, 24.
[1446] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 8, 21 “innumerabiles aliae leges de civili jure
sunt latae; quas Latini voluerunt, adsciverunt.”
[1447] Liv. xxxv. 7 (193 B.C.) “M. Sempronius tribunus plebis ... plebem
rogavit plebesque scivit ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae
jus idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset.” The enactment was produced
by the discovery that Roman creditors escaped the usury laws by using
Italians as their agents.
[1448] Macrob. _Sat._ iii. 17, 6.
[1449] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 8, 20 “foederatos populos fieri fundos oportere
... non magis est proprium foederatorum quam omnium liberorum.” For the
formula of acceptance (“fundi—i.e. auctores—facti sunt”) cf. Festus p. 89.
[1450] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 24, 54 “Latinis, id est foederatis.”
[1451] The distinction is expressed in the familiar _socii ac nominis
Latini_ (Liv. xli. 8), _socii et Latium_ (Sall. _Hist._ i. 17), and
perhaps in _socii Latini nominis_, if this last expression is to be
regarded as an asyndeton.
[1452] These twelve colonies, with the dates of their foundations,
are—Ariminum (268 B.C.), Beneventum (268), Firmum (264), Aesernia (263),
Brundisium (244), Spoletium (241), Cremona and Placentia (218), Copia
(193), Valentia (192), Bononia (189), Aquileia (181).
[1453] The later Latin colonists have of right no _conubium_ with Rome
(Ulp. _Reg._ v. 4 “Conubium habent cives Romani cum civibus Romanis; cum
Latinis autem et peregrinis ita si concessum sit”). The change may have
come with this last outburst of Latin colonisation in Italy; but it may
be as late as the extension of _latinitas_ to the provinces. For the
right of _commercium_ possessed by these colonies see Cic. _pro Caec._
35, 102 “jubet enim (Sulla Volaterranos) eodem jure esse quo fuerint
Ariminenses, quos quis ignorat duodecim coloniarum fuisse et a civibus
Romanis hereditates capere potuisse?”
[1454] Appian (_B.C._ i. 23), speaking of C. Gracchus’ proposal to
extend the citizenship, suggests a Latin right ψῆφον ἐν ταῖς Ῥωμαίων
χειροτονίαις φέρειν. Livy, with reference to the year 212 B.C., speaks of
the _sortitio_ as to the tribe or tribes in which the Latins should vote
(xxv. 3, in the trial of Postumius “sitella ... lata est ut sortirentur
ubi Latini suffragium ferrent”).
[1455] Liv. xli. 8 “Lex sociis ac nominis Latini, qui stirpem ex sese
domi relinquerent, dabat ut cives Romani fierent.”
[1456] This was the _latinitas_ given to Cisalpine Gaul in 89 B.C. by a
law of the consul Cn. Pompeius Strabo. Ascon. _in Pison._ p. 3 “Pompeius
enim non novis colonis eas (Transpadanas colonias) constituit, sed
veteribus incolis manentibus jus dedit Latii, ut possent habere jus
quod ceterae Latinae coloniae, id est ut gerendo magistratus civitatem
Romanam adipiscerentur.” Consequently when Caesar refounded Comum in
this district, in accordance with the _lex Vatinia_ (59 B.C.), the new
_civitas_ possessed this right (App. _B.C._ ii. 26).
[1457] _Lex Acilia_ l. 77; Cic. _pro Balbo_ 24, 54. The probable dates of
these laws are 122 and 111 B.C. respectively.
[1458] The allies before the social war reckon as their chief grievance
“per omnes annos atque omnia bella duplici numero se militum equitumque
fungi” (Vell. ii. 15).
[1459] Liv. xlii. 1 “(L. Postumius Albinus) ... literas Praeneste
misit, ut sibi magistratus obviam exiret, locum publice pararet, ubi
deverteretur, jumentaque, cum exiret inde, praesto essent. Ante hunc
consulem nemo unquam sociis in ulla re oneri aut sumptui fuit ... Injuria
consulis ... et silentium ... Praenestinorum jus, velut probato exemplo,
magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.”
[1460] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. x. 3, 3.
[1461] App. _B.C._ i. 21 and 34. According to Valerius Maximus (ix. 5, 1)
Flaccus proposed to give the _provocatio_ to those “qui civitatem mutare
noluissent.”
[1462] App. _B.C._ i. 23. Plutarch makes it a simple proposal of
citizenship for the allies (_C. Gracch._ 5). The geographical limits of
these proposed extensions are unknown. Velleius (ii. 6) remarks vaguely,
with respect to the Gracchan law, “dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis,
extendebat eam paene usque Alpis.”
[1463] App. _B.C._ i. 35; he promised to reintroduce the law περὶ τῆς
πολιτείας. Liv. _Ep._ lxxi. “socios et Italicos populos spe civitatis
Romanae sollicitavit”; Vell. ii. 14 “Tum conversus Drusi animus ... ad
dandam civitatem Italiae.”
[1464] Diod. xxxvii. 2.
[1465] Cf. the words of Pontius Telesinus, the Samnite leader in the
later struggle at the Colline gate (Vell. ii. 27), “eruendam delendamque
urbem ... nunquam de futuros raptores Italicae libertatis lupos, nisi
silva, in quam refugere solerent, esset excisa.” This, however, is an
expression of Samnite rather than of Italian feeling.
[1466] App. _B.C._ i. 49; Cic. _pro Balbo_ 8, 21.
[1467] Only one clause of this law is known—that by which the _civitas_
was granted to _incolae_ enrolled on the registers of federate
communities; they were to have the citizenship, if they made profession
to the praetor within sixty days (Cic. _pro Arch._ 4, 7). It is difficult
to believe that this cumbrous rule applied to the citizens of the towns.
[1468] The gradual nature of the incorporation is attested by the
expression of Velleius (ii. 16), “paulatim deinde recipiendo in
civitatem, qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius, vires
refectae sunt.”
[1469] Vell. ii. 20 “Itaque cum ita civitas Italiae data esset, ut in
octo tribus contribuerentur novi cives, ne potentia eorum et multitudo
veterum civium dignitatem frangeret plusque possent recepti in beneficium
quam auctores beneficii, Cinna in omnibus tribubus eos se distributurum
pollicitus est.” Appian (_B.C._ i. 49) seems to speak of the creation
of ten new tribes (δεκατεύοντες ἀπέφηναν ἑτέρας ἐν αἷς ἐχειροτόνουν
ἔσχατοι). The attempt to reconcile these accounts by supposing that they
refer to different classes of allies or are the respective products of
the two acts of legislation (Kubitschek _Imp. Rom. trib. descr._; Beloch
_der Italische Bund_) receives some epigraphic support, but rests either
on a correction of Appian’s text or on the assumption that his account
refers to ten of the _old_ tribes.
[1470] Liv. _Ep._ 84 “Novis civibus senatus consulto suffragium datum
est,” a careless phrase of the epitomiser or copyist for the distribution
through the tribes (Drakenborch). Sulla, in spite of his rescission of
the rights of certain rebel towns, did not disturb this arrangement.
[1471] Augustus formed the plan of giving to the senates (_decuriones_)
of the twenty-eight colonies which he founded in Italy the right of
voting for the magistrates at Rome. They were to send their votes under
seal (Suet. _Aug._ 46).
[1472] Liv. xxxviii. 36.
[1473] Cicero says that his grandfather, in or just before the consulship
of Scaurus (115 B.C.), “restitit M. Gratidio ... ferenti legem
tabellariam” (_de Leg._ iii. 16, 36).
[1474] _C.I.L._ i. p. 163.
[1475] A fragment of a constitution of Tarentum, dating apparently from
a time not long subsequent to the _lex Julia_ of 90 B.C., has been
preserved (_Fragmentum Tarentinum_ in _L’Année Épigraphique_, 1896, pp.
30, 31). Arpinum was undergoing reorganisation in 46 B.C. (Cic. _ad Fam._
xiii. 11, 3).
[1476] Cic. _in Verr._ v. 13, 34 “unum illud, quod ita fuit illustre
notumque omnibus, ut nemo tam rusticanus homo L. Lucullo et M. Cotta
consulibus (74 B.C.) Romam ex ullo municipio vadimonii causa venerit quin
sciret jura omnia praetoris urbani nutu ... Chelidonis ... gubernari.”
[1477] Ascon. _in Pison._ p. 8.
[1478] This is proved both by the attempt of Crassus, as censor in 65
B.C., to place the Transpadanes on the register of citizens (Dio Cass.
xxxvii. 9), and by Cicero’s comment on Marcellus’ action in scourging a
citizen of Novum Comum in 51 B.C. (Cic. _ad Att._ v. 11, 2 “Marcellus
foede in Comensi: etsi ille magistratum non gesserit, erat tamen
Transpadanus”).
[1479] Dio Cass. xli. 36.
[1480] Cic. _ad Att._ v. 2, 3 “eratque rumor de Transpadanis, eos jussos
IIIIviros creare. Quod si ita est, magnos motus timeo.”
[1481] App. _B.C._ v. 3 τήν τε γὰρ Κελτικὴν τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων ἐδόκει
Καίσαρος ἀξιοῦντος (i.e. Octavianus after Philippi) αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι,
γνώμῃ τοῦ προτέρου Καίσαρος. Cf. iii. 30 and Dio Cass. xlviii. 12.
[1482] The name given to the district in the law _Gallia Cisalpeina_,
_Gallia cis Alpeis_ (cc. 22 and 23) suits both epochs equally well,
for Caesar had not made it a part of Italy. The fact that the _praetor
urbanus_ is the central authority in jurisdiction (cc. 21 and 22) suits
the Augustan epoch better.
[1483] _Lex Rubria_ cc. 21 and 22. For the _vadimonium_ cf. Cic. _in
Verr._ v. 13, 34 (quoted p. 313).
[1484] Generally _quattuorviri_, this board being usually divided into
two magistrates with higher jurisdiction (_duumviri juri dicundo_) and
two police officials (_duumviri aediles_). Sometimes we find _IIIIviri
dicundo_, perhaps a designation for the joint board, or, where the
magistrates with aedilician power alone are referred to, _IIIIviri
aediles_ or _aedilicia potestate_. See Wilmanns _Index_ pp. 620-622.
[1485] _Lex Julia mun._ l. 84. Cf. Cic. _in Pis._ 22, 51 “neque enim
regio ulla fuit, nec municipium neque praefectura aut colonia, ex qua non
ad me publice venerint gratulatum.”
[1486] Wilmanns _Index_ p. 618.
[1487] Sicily, Sardinia, Hither and Further Spain, Illyricum, Macedonia
and Achaea (separated by Caesar), Africa, Asia, Gallia Narbonensis,
Gallia Cisalpina, Bithynia, Cyrene with Crete, Cilicia and Syria.
[1488] The number is given by Pliny (_H.N._ iii. 88). In Cicero’s time
there was about this number. He speaks of the appointment of 130 censors
(_in Verr._ ii. 55, 137), two for each state (ib. 53, 133).
[1489] Cassiodorus _Chron._ ad A.U.C. 670 “Asiam in XLIIII. regiones
Sulla distribuit.”
[1490] Tac. _Ann._ iii. 44. This division may be the work of Augustus.
[1491] pp. 244, 283.
[1492] p. 245.
[1493] Except that ownership of the soil is not always, as in Italy,
the ground of exemption from taxation. On the free city of Termessus in
Pisidia “free possession” is alone conferred.
[1494] See the _lex Antonia de Termessibus_ (71 B.C.), especially the
clause which confers autonomy “so far as is consistent with this charter”
(i. l. 7 “eique legibus sueis ita utunto ... quod advorsus hanc legem non
fiat”).
[1495] Cic. _de Prov. Cons._ 3, 6. For the weakening of this respect for
αὐτονομία in the Ciceronian period and Caesar’s attempt to strengthen it
by law (probably the _lex Julia repetundarum_ of 59 B.C.) see Cic. _in
Verr._ iii 89, 207; _in Pis._ 16, 37 (“lege Caesaris justissima atque
optima populi liberi plane et vere erant liberi”).
[1496] Festus p. 218.
[1497] Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 13, 32; 15, 37; 16, 39; 24, 59.
[1498] Liv. xlv. 17 and 32.
[1499] Plin. _ad Traj._ 79 (83), 1.
[1500] As Cicero did in his government of Cilicia. See _ad Att._ vi. 2,
4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae,
revixerunt”; vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae (governor of
Asia _circa_ 98 B.C.); in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent
Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero
exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur.”
[1501] This we may gather from Cicero’s account of the proceedings of
the native magistrates in Cilicia (_ad Att._ vi. 2, 5 “Mira erant in
civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui fecerant:
quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decem proximis magistratum gesserant;
aperte fatebantur”).
[1502] On the conquest of Epirus in 167 B.C., although all the Illyrians
were declared _liberi_, only some were pronounced “non solum liberi sed
etiam immunes” (Liv. xlv. 26).
[1503] Cf. Tac. _Hist._ iv. 74 “nam neque quies gentium sine armis neque
arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt.”
[1504] Liv. xlv. 29.
[1505] Cic. _pro Leg. Man._ 6, 14 “ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia,
Quirites, tanta sunt ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contenti
esse possimus, Asia vero tam opima est et fertile ut ... facile omnibus
terris antecellat.”
[1506] Gaius ii. 7 “in eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani
est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere
videmur.” The theory is perhaps as old as the Gracchan period. C.
Gracchus’ association of the Asiatic taxes with the censor (cf. p. 231)
must have done a good deal to develop it. It is no wonder that this
theory led to the view that the provinces were “quasi quaedam praedia
populi Romani” (Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 3, 7).
[1507] These expressions are known only from the literature of the
Empire; it may be a mere accident that in Republican literature
_tributum_ seems never to be used of imperial taxation. The form
_stipendium_ is preferred. In Liv. xxiii. 32 we have the _tributum_ of
Sardinia mentioned with reference to Republican times. The _venditio
tributorum_ and the ὠναί of Cilicia (Cic. _ad Fam._ iii. 8, 5; _ad Att._
v. 16, 2) probably refer to local taxes improperly sold to _publicani_.
[1508] Liv. xliii. 2 “(Hispani) impetraverunt ne frumenti aestimationem
magistratus Romanus haberet.”
[1509] p. 319.
[1510] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 33, 77.
[1511] ib. ii. 13, 32; 26, 63, etc.
[1512] ib. iii. 6, 12 “inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias ... in
agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum
vectigal est certum ... aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae
lege Sempronia.”
[1513] Cf. Cic. _ad Q. fr._ i. 1, 11, 33 “nomen autem publicani aspernari
non possunt, qui pendere ipsi vectigal sine publicano non potuerint, quod
iis aequaliter Sulla discripserat.” The reference is to Sulla’s temporary
abolition of the Gracchan principle of collection.
[1514] App. _B.C._ v. 4; Dio Cass. xlii. 6.
[1515] Nothing seems to be known about the conditions of sale of the
provincial _portoria_, e.g. whether those of Asia were put up at Rome
like the _decumae_.
[1516] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. cc. 81-96, 188-222.
[1517] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 70, 163. Cf. Liv. xxxvi. 2 “idem L. Oppio de
alteris decumis exigendis in Sardinia imperatum.” Sometimes this enforced
sale of corn (_frumentum imperatum_) was required from free cities such
as Halaesa, Centuripae, and Messana in Sicily (Cic. _in Verr._ iii 73,
170; iv. 9, 20).
[1518] pp. 201, 202.
[1519] p. 201.
[1520] Sall. _Jug._ 27; Cic. _de Prov. Cons._ 2, 3; _pro Domo_ 9, 24.
[1521] Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 9, 25.
[1522] Cf. Cic. _de Prov. Cons._ 15, 87 (if the consul of 55 B.C.
succeeds Caesar on March 1, 54 B.C.) “Fuerit toto in consulatu sine
provincia, cui fuerit, antequam designatus est, decreta provincia?
Sortietur, an non? Nam et non sortiri absurdum est, et quod sortitus sis
non habere. Proficiscetur paludatus? Quo? Quo pervenire ante certam diem
non licebit. Januario, Februario provinciam non habebit. Kalendis ei
denique Martiis nascetur repente provincia.”
[1523] Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 9, 25; xii. 4, 2.
[1524] Cic. _in Verr._ i. 13, 34 “pecunia attributa, numerata est.
Profectus est quaestor in provinciam (Verres). Venit exspectatus in
Galliam ad exercitum consularem cum pecunia.”
[1525] _Rationes referre_ (Cic. _in Verr._ i. 13, 36). In accordance with
a _lex Julia_ (perhaps _repetundarum_) of Caesar’s, the accounts had
to be deposited at the _aerarium_, and two copies in two cities of the
province (Cic. _ad Fam._ v. 20, 2; Plut. _Cato Min._ 38).
[1526] p. 215.
[1527] Cic. _in Verr._ iii. 58, 134 “Quaestores, legatos ... multi missos
fecerunt et de provincia decedere jusserunt, quod illorum culpa se
minus commode audire arbitrarentur aut quod peccare ipsos aliqua in re
judicarent.”
[1528] The transition is marked in 169 B.C. (Liv. xliv. 18 “Senatus Cn.
Servilio consuli negotium dedit, ut is in Macedoniam, quos L. Aemilio
videretur, legaret”).
[1529] Cicero delegates even jurisdiction to one of his _comites_,
Volusius (_ad Att._ v. 21, 6). Other members of his retinue were his
son Marcus and his brother Quintus. These intimates of the governor
were spoken of as _contubernales_, _cohors_ _amicorum_, even as _cohors
praetoria_ (Cic. _ad Q. fr._ i. 1, 4, 12), although this title was
properly applied to the governor’s military guard.
[1530] p. 319, note 2.
[1531] Cic. _in Verr._ ii. 13, 32 “Siculi hoc jure sunt ut, quod civis
cum cive agat, domi certet suis legibus.”
[1532] ib. “quod Siculus cum Siculo non ejusdem civitatis (agat), ut de
eo praetor judices ex P. Rupilii decreto ... sortiatur.”
[1533] It is possible, however, that the principle here adopted was that
the _judex_ should be of the nationality of the defendant.
[1534] Cic. l.c. “quod privatus a populo petit aut populus a privato,
senatus ex aliqua civitate, qui judicet, datur, cum alternae civitates
rejectae sunt.”
[1535] ib. “quod civis Romanus a Siculo petit, Siculus judex datur, quod
Siculus a civi Romano, civis Romanus datur.”
[1536] ib. “ceterarum rerum selecti judices ex conventu civium Romanorum
proponi solent.”
[1537] Cic. _ad Att._ vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae; in iis
illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter
se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis
judicibus utuntur”; _ad Att._ vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus
et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt.”
[1538] “Edictum Siciliense” (Cic. _in Verr._ i. 45, 117).
[1539] Extreme changes might be made a ground of complaint by the
departing governor. Thus Cicero writes from Cilicia (50 B.C.) “Appius
enim ad me ex itinere bis terve ... literas miserat, quod quaedam a se
constituta rescinderem” (_ad Att._ vi. 1, 2).
[1540] Cic. _ad Fam._ iii. 8, 4.
[1541] Thus Cicero, governor of Cilicia, followed in some respects the
edict of Mucius Scaevola, the former governor of Asia (Cic. _ad Att._ vi.
1, 15).
[1542] Cic. _ad Att._ vi. 1, 15 “unum (genus) est provinciale, in quo
est de rationibus civitatum, de aere alieno, de usura, de syngraphis;
in eodem omnia de publicanis. Alterum, quod sine edicto satis commode
transigi non potest, de hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis
vendendis, magistris faciendis: quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri
solent. Tertium, de reliquo jure dicundo ἄγραφον reliqui. Dixi me de eo
genere mea decreta ad edicta urbana accommodaturum.”
[1543] Cic. _ad Fam._ iii. 8, 6.
[1544] Cic. _ad Att._ v. 21, 9.
[1545] Cic. _ad Att._ v. 20, 1; _ad Fam._ iii. 8, 4 and 5.
[1546] Suet. _Caes._ 7 “Quaestori (Caesari) ulterior Hispania obvenit;
ubi cum, mandatu praetoris, jure dicundo conventus circumiret, etc.”
Quaestorian jurisdiction was more frequent in Sicily than in other
provinces, on account of the presence of the second quaestor at Lilybaeum.
[1547] Cic. _ad Fam._ xii. 30, 7 “Illud non nimium probo quod scribis ...
te tuis etiam legatis lictores ademisse.”
[1548] Thus Verres quashes either a decision, or the execution of a
decision, given by his quaestor (Cic. _Div. in Caec._ 17, 56 “Lilybaeum
Verres venit postea: rem cognoscit: factum improbat: cogit quaestorem
suum pecuniam ... adnumerare et reddere”).
[1549] Possibly certain kinds of criminal jurisdiction were guaranteed to
cities by the _lex provinciae_. The Senate of Catina in Sicily tried a
slave (Cic. _in Verr._ iv. 45, 100).
[1550] Cic. _in Verr._ i. 33, 84 (of an _émeute_ at Lampsacus) “Non te
ad senatum causam deferre ... non eos homines, qui populum concitarant,
consulum literis evocandos curare oportuit?”
[1551] The council was not, however, legally necessary. Cf. Cic. _in
Verr._ ii. 30, 75 “Reus plorare ... ut cum consilio cognosceret.”
[1552] ib. ii. 29, 70; 30, 75.
[1553] ib. ii. 30, 75 “hominem innocentem de sententia scribae, medici
haruspicisque condemnat.”
[1554] For the threat of capital punishment on a Roman citizen see Cic.
_ad Q. fr._ i. 2, 5; for its apparent execution, Diod. xxxvii. 5, 2.
[1555] Cic. _in Verr._ v. 66, 170 “Facinus est vincire civem Romanum;
scelus, verberare: prope parricidium, necare: quid dicam in crucem
tollere?” Cf. _pro Rab._ 5, 17.
[1556] See p. 285.
[1557] Cic. _de Rep._ v. 6, 8 (_ad Att._ viii. 11, 1); v. 7, 9.
[1558] p. 224.
[1559] p. 314.
[1560] Caesar reduced the number of the recipients of the corn-dole from
320,000 to 150,000 (Suet. _Caes._ 41). In the Principate it stood at
about 200,000. See Marquardt _Staatsverw_. ii. p. 118.
[1561] p. 312.
[1562] p. 311.
[1563] It is true, however, that the Princeps was often made by an army,
not by _the_ army.
[1564] Dio Cass. xlii. 20. The dictatorship of 49 B.C. had been held only
for eleven days and was probably conferred merely _comitiorum habendorum
causa_. See p. 193.
[1565] Dio Cass. xliii. 14 and 33. It has been interpreted as a
dictatorship _rei publicae constituendae causa_.
[1566] _C.I.L._ i. p. 452.
[1567] Plut. _Caes._ 61; _Ant._ 12; Cic. _Phil._ ii. 34, 85.
[1568] Cf. Cic. _ad Fam._ xi. 27, 8 “si Caesar rex fuerit ... quod mihi
quidem videtur.”
[1569] Dio Cass. xliii. 44. Caesar probably used it after his name and
not as a _praenomen_, as stated by Suetonius (_Caes._ 76). It became with
him a kind of _cognomen_, and Augustus, who inherited it, changed its
position in the order of his names.
[1570] Dio Cass. xliii. 14.
[1571] Cic. _ad Fam._ xii. 1, 1 “nam, ut adhuc quidem actum est, non
regno, sed rege liberati videmur.”
[1572] _Monumentum Ancyranum_ i. 8-9 “Populus ... me ... trium virum rei
publicae constituendae creavit.”
[1573] App. _B.C._ v. 95.
[1574] _Mon. Anc._ vi. 13-15 “In consulatu sexto et septimo, bella ubi
civilia exstinxeram, per consensum universorum potitus rerum omnium,
rem publicam ex mea potestate in senatus populique Romani arbitrium
transtuli.”
[1575] Dio Cass. xlix. 15.
[1576] Tac. _Ann._ iii. 28 “sexto ... consulatu ... quae triumviratu
jusserat abolevit.”
[1577] Cf. Tac. _Ann._ i. 2 “posito triumviri nomine.”
[1578] _Mon. Anc._ l.c.
[1579] ib. vi. 16 (after the words on p. 338 note 4) “Quo pro merito meo
senatus consulto Aug. appellatus sum.”
[1580] Dio Cass. liii. 12. Augustus uses the expression _consulare
imperium_ for his position at this time (_Mon. Anc._ ii. 5, 8). It
resembled a proconsular command, but was held within the city. Compare
the position of Pompeius in 52 B.C.
[1581] Strabo p. 840 ἡ πατρὶς ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ τὴν προστασίαν τῆς ἡγεμονίας
καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης κατέστη κύριος διὰ βίου.
[1582] In the Calendar we find for January 13 (the day of the settlement)
“quod rem publicam P. R. restituit” (_C.I.L._ i. p. 312). Cf. Ovid
_Fasti_ i. l. 589 “redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro”; Vell.
ii. 89 “prisca illa et antiqua rei publicae forma revocata.”
[1583] Dio Cass. lii. 1 ἐκ δὲ τούτου μοναρχεῖσθαι αὖθις ἀρκιβῶς ἤρξαντο.
In the _Cenotaphia Pisana_ (A.D. 2) ii. l. 12 Augustus is called “custos
imperi Romani totiusque orbis terrarum praeses” (Wilmanns n. 883).
[1584] Dio Cass. liii. 32.
[1585] Dio Cass. liii. 32.
[1586] Dio Cass. liv. 10.
[1587] ib. liii 32.
[1588] _C.I.L._ vi. n. 930. It describes itself as a law and is generally
known as the _lex de imperio Vespasiani_. But its wording bears more
analogy to that of a _senatus consultum_. See Mommsen _Staatsrecht_ ii.
p. 878.
[1589] _Vitae Macrini_ 7; _Alexandri_ 8; _Probi_ 12; _Maximi et Balbini_
8.
[1590] “Dato imperio” (_Vita Veri_ 4), “accepit imperium” (_Vita
Alexandri_ 1). It is possible, however, that these are references
merely to the reception of the title _imperator_; cf. _Vita Juliani_ 3
“imperator est appellatus”; _Vita Probi_ 12 “nomen imperatorium.” For
the view that there was always a _lex de imperio_ see Karlowa _Römische
Rechtsgeschichte_ i. pp. 493 ff.
[1591] Gaius _Inst._ i. 5 (on the imperial _constitutio_) “nec unquam
dubitatum est quin id legis vicem obtineat, cum ipse imperator per legem
imperium accipiat”; Ulpian in _Dig._ 1, 4, 1 “Quod principi placuit,
legis habet vigorem: utpote cum lege regia, quae de imperio ejus lata
est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat.” The
view that these passages are interpolations is possible but hazardous.
A genuine expression of belief in the _lex regia_ appears in Justinian
(_Cod._ i. 17, l. 7).
[1592] For the monopoly of the _sacramentum_ possessed by the Princeps
compare the charge brought against Agrippina after her death (59 A.D.),
“Adiciebat crimina ... quod consortium imperii juraturasque in feminae
verba praetorias cohortes ... speravisset” (Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 11).
[1593] “Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques” (Tac. _Ann._ i.
7).
[1594] Tac. _Hist._ i. 55 “Inferioris tamen Germaniae legiones sollemni
Kalendarum Januariarum sacramento pro Galba adactae.” For the renewal of
the oath on the anniversary of accession see Plin. _ad Traj._ 52.
[1595] Cf. Tac. _Hist._ iii. 58 (Vitellius) “vocari tribus jubet, dantes
nomina sacramento adigit.”
[1596] _Lex de imp. Vesp._ 1 “foedusve cum quibus volet facere liceat.”
These powers are summed up by Dio Cassius liii. 17 (as imperators
the Emperors have the right) καταλόγους τε ποιεῖσθαι ... πολέμους τε
ἀναιρεῖσθαι καὶ εἰρήνην σπένδεσθαι.
[1597] p. 283.
[1598] Dio Cass. lx. 23 (after Claudius’ conquest of Britain) ἐψηφίσθη
τὰς συμβάσεις ἁπάσας, ὅσας ἂν ὁ Κλαύδιος ἢ καὶ οἱ ἀντιστράτηγοι αὐτοῦ
πρός τινας ποιήσωνται, κυρίας, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν τόν τε δῆμον εἶναι.
[1599] _Lex de imp. Vesp._ 15 “utique ei fines pomerii proferre promovere
cum ex republica censebit esse, liceat ita, uti licuit Ti. Claudio
Caesari Aug(usto) Germanico.” Cf. Tac. _Ann._ xii. 23.