THE BUILDING OF THE COMPANY’S SHIPS
Now, before we proceed with the further voyages and trading of these
Indiamen, we shall find it very interesting if we attempt to paint the
picture of the building of these ships. Happily the data handed down
are of such a nature that we can learn practically all that we should
like to know on the subject.
The reader will remember that the ships which went on the first and
second voyages had been obtained by purchase. But, then, since it was
obvious that more ships would be required as the trade increased and
losses occurred by wrecks, the Company had to look out for additions
to their small fleet. It was then that they were confronted with a big
problem. First of all, England was still a comparatively new-comer into
the position of an ocean-going shipowner, as distinct from Portugal,
Spain, Venice and Genoa. Practically all her shipping consisted either
of fishing or coasting craft. Therefore she possessed only a very small
supply of what could be called in those days large vessels. This supply
had been still further depleted by the purchases which the Dutch East
India companies had made from English owners at the beginning of the
East Indian boom. The result was that those very few big ships which
remained in England were at a premium. To voyage round the Cape of Good
Hope and across the Indian Ocean, able to fight stalwart Portuguese
craft and to carry well a heavy cargo, in addition to provisions for
many months, demanded a big-bellied ship of exceptional strength; and
that was why the _Mare Scourge_ (which had been built for privateering)
was just the thing.
But now the owners of the small amount of big shipping that still
survived, in consequence of the big financial success which the East
India Company had made from their first two voyages, were determined
not to let them have any more ships except at very high prices. The
rates which these sellers now asked were preposterous—as much as £45
a ton being demanded. The East India Company, being therefore in
the position of needing ships and yet unable to purchase such at a
reasonable figure, were compelled to decide on building for themselves.
This dates from the year 1607, and a yard was leased at Deptford, the
first two craft thus built being the _Trade’s Increase_, mentioned in
the last chapter, and the _Peppercorn_, both of which went out under
Sir Henry Middleton in the spring of 1610. From the first this change
of policy was found to be justified, for the Company was able to build
their ships at £10 a ton instead of £45, which meant the very handsome
saving of £38,500 in the case of a ship the size of the _Trade’s
Increase_—or two ships equal to her tonnage.
[Illustration: THE LAUNCH OF THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY’S SHIP
“EDINBURGH”
(CAPTAIN HENRY BAX).
(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)]
In this yard before very long the Company were employing no fewer than
five hundred ships’ carpenters, caulkers, joiners and other workmen.
The result was that by the year 1615 the Company had built more ships
in those short eight years than any other trade had done. Altogether
they had owned during that period twenty-one able ships, and by the
year 1621 the Company owned not less than 10,000 tons of shipping,
employing as many as 2500 seamen. When we consider that even as late as
the year 1690 the whole population of England was less than 5,500,000,
and that of this number the seafaring people were a very small figure,
it is obvious what this great East India Company meant to the country,
with its wealth, enabling large sums of money to be spent in wages to
seamen, workmen and factors. After the Company had been trading only
twenty years there were about 120 of these factors alone. But, in
addition, the Company was paying out large sums of money for the relief
of seamen’s widows and their children. I will not burden the reader
with statistics, but I may be allowed to state that up to November
1621 the Company had exported woollen goods, lead, iron, tin and other
commodities from England to the value of £319,211. From the East these
ships had brought back cargoes which had been purchased in the East
for the sum of £375,288. But you will appreciate the profit when it is
stated further that these cargoes were sold in England for £2,044,600.
As against this there was always the possibility of losing the ships
and the cargoes in their holds either outward or homeward bound. There
was the cost of building and upkeep of ships and dockyard. There was
the heavy expense, too, of victualling the ships for many months, the
purchasing of English merchandise, the various stores, the wages of
captains, officers and crews, and factors, as well as the payment of
customs. And though it is perfectly true that the average profit made
by the first twelve voyages was not less than 138 per cent., yet we
must remember that the voyages were never made in less than twenty
months and often extended to three and four years.
So also we must remember that after the arrival in this country of
the goods from India they were sold at long credits—even as much as
eighteen months and two years. Owing to the irregularity of the factors
in keeping and transmitting their accounts, the concerns of the voyage
could not be finally adjusted under six or eight years. “Taking the
duration of the concern at a medium of seven years,” says Macpherson
in his “History of European Commerce with India,” “the profit appears
to be somewhat under twenty per cent. per annum.” The current rate of
interest in those days was about 8 per cent., so that 20 per cent.
could not be deemed for that time a very abnormal rate of remuneration
when we consider the amount of enterprise required at the outset, and
the vast risks which necessarily had to be run. Included in these
profits were also the results of privateering and bartering. Between
the years 1601 and 1612 the profits ranged from 95 to 234 per cent.,
with the exception of the year 1608, when both ships were wrecked.
Nowhere was the Company’s system of thoroughness better shown than
in the completeness and organisation of her shipyard. The East India
Company took itself very seriously and arrogated to itself all the
dignity and self-importance which its unique prerogatives permitted.
The Court was presided over by the Governor and it had its own rules
of procedure. “Every man,” for instance, “speaking in the Court
shall stand up and be bareheaded, and shall addresse his speach to
the Gouernour or Deputy in his absence.” So runs one of the Company’s
rules. Now the connecting link, so to speak, between the Company and
its ships was the man who was known as the ship’s husband, one of
its salaried servants. When the Court were met to discuss the plans
for the yearly voyages to India, the husband had to attend in order
to learn what shipping would be required. He then had to draw out a
table of the proportion of victuals and other necessaries for each
ship and to see that such were provided. After being got together
these stores were then placed in the Company’s warehouses. In addition
to being the victualler of the ships he was responsible also for
providing the amount of iron likely to be required—“yron both English
and Spanish”—and had to deliver it to the smiths at Deptford yard
for the rudder irons and other purposes, and also to the coopers for
making the hoops of the casks. The husband was also responsible for
the supervision of the clerks and for keeping the account-books, the
stores in the London warehouses being under the care of a “Clerke of
the Stores.”
In the Deptford yard large stocks of “timber, planckes,
sheathing-boards, and treenayles” had to be maintained by officials
called “purveyers,” or, as we should name them nowadays, “buyers.”
These men had to see to the purchasing of all kinds of wood used. It
was kept in the Company’s private timber-yards at Reading, whence it
was put into barges and so brought down the Thames to Deptford. The
trenails were the old-fashioned means of fastening a ship’s timbers and
planking and had existed from the times even of the Romans and the
Vikings. They were small wooden pegs—“tree-nails”—driven in something
after the appearance of the modern rivet, but minus the head. The
sheathing-boards were a very necessary protection for the ship’s hull
in hot climates against the insidious attacks of the worm. (In another
chapter will be found an instance of this.) There was also employed
a “measurer of timber and plancke,” whose job was to go down to the
waterside and mark the timber.
But it was the “Clarke of the Yard” who had the supervision of the
shipwrights, the “cawlkers,” carpenters and labourers, and one portion
of his duties was to see that the men “doe not loyter in the Taphouse.”
For the Company certainly allowed such a tap-house in their yard,
which was “lycensed by the Companie from yeare to yeare” to certain
persons on condition that they retailed the beer at not more than six
shillings the barrel and not less than “three full pynts of Ale measure
for a penny.” The tap-house also sold to the workmen of the yard such
victuals as bread, “pease,” milk, porridge, eggs, butter, cheese, but
they were not allowed to sell anything else, nor were they allowed to
sell to any person other than one of the Company’s workmen in the yard.
The whole of the work at the yard was subdivided under so many
responsible heads of departments, just as it is to-day in any shipyard.
The Master Shipwright’s duties were to build and repair the Company’s
ships and to design the “plots and models compleat, of all the new
ships.” And he was forbidden to build ships for anyone else except this
Company. It is significant of our modern system of extreme division of
labour that the duties of ship-designer and ship-builder have become
quite separate and distinct.
Then there was another important official attached to the Company,
known as the “Master-pilot.” “The Mr Pylot his office is to commaund
and order the workes which concerne the setting up and taking downe
of Masts, Yards, Rigging, unrigging and proportioning the quantities,
sorts and sizes of Cordage to the Companies ships ... and to use care
and diligence ... that the Company may not be ouercharged with idle,
unskilfull, or a needlesse number of workmen, or in the rate of their
wages.” This same master-pilot had to survey the Company’s ships at
Deptford and Blackwall and to see that, after being launched, they were
safely moored. He had also to see that the canvas given out was duly
made into sails, and was further responsible that the Company’s ships
set forth up to time from Deptford, Blackwall and Erith. In addition he
took charge of them whilst in the Thames to “pylot downe the Companies
ships to Eirth and Grauesend, attending them there untill they shall be
dispatched into the Downes.” So also when they came back from India he
would pilot them up from Gravesend “untill they be safely moored at an
Anchor, or indocked at Blackwall.” This official was assisted in the
supervision of cordage by a man called the “Boatswaine Generall.”
The treasurers looked after the Company’s accounts, and once a week
they handed to the “Purcer-Generall” the sums of money for paying
the wages of the sailors and labourers: also the “harbour wages” to
“officers and Maryners, who goe the Voyage.” Every ship of course
also carried its own “purcer,” who with their mates had to look after
the lading, the ship’s accounts and the conditions of the victuals on
board, etc.
After the end of the day’s work the Clerk of the Works would go round
the yard to see that there was no risk of fire breaking out owing to
negligence in respect of the pitch cauldrons or other instances. The
yard boasted of a “porter of the lodge,” and as soon as the workmen had
done for the day watchmen came on duty in the yard, where they remained
until the bell rang next morning summoning the labourers back to their
work. The Company insisted on these watchmen doing their supervision
thoroughly, “often calling one to another to prevent sleepe, and euery
houre when the clocke strikes” they were bidden to “walke round” and
ring a bell in the yard.
The “Clarke of the Cordage” looked after the ropes, marlin, “twyne,”
ordnance, “great shot,” pulleys, blocks and the like. The “Clarke of
the Iron Works” was similarly responsible for all the anchors, nails,
bolts, chain-plates, and so on, and had to look to these when the ships
came home from the East. He was further responsible for the lead and
copper. If an anchor or anything had to be made or repaired in this
metal it was done by the Company’s smith on the yard.
The “Chirurgion Generall” and his deputy had their lodgings in the
yard, and one or the other was bound to be in attendance daily from
morning till night “to cure any person or persons who may be hurt in
the Service of this Company, and the like in all their ships riding
at an anchor at Deptford and Blackwall, and at Erith, where hee
shall also keepe a Deputy with his Chest furnished, to remaine there
continually, until all the said ships be sayled downe from thence
to Grauesend.” And it is amusing to read that the duties of the
“chirurgion” included that of cutting the “hayre of the carpenters,
saylors, caulkers, labourers” and other workmen once every forty days
“in a seemely manner, performing their works at Breakfast and Dinner
times, or in raynie weather, and in an open place where no man may
loyter or lye hidden, under pretence to attend his turne of trimming.”
In addition this same surgeon had to report all persons who seemed to
be decrepit or unfit: and every carpenter, sailor, labourer or workman
in the yards or ships had to pay twopence every month out of his wages
to the said “Chirurgion Generall”; so you may take it as certain that
he was not the most popular of beings. He was also compelled to find
“skilfull and honest chirurgions and their Mates” for the ships. The
Company took special precautions to see that these vessels set out with
all the medical comforts and supplies of those days, having regard to
the changing climates and the heavy losses of life through scurvy and
dysentery (or flux). Thus these medicine-chests had to be brought into
the Company’s house fourteen days before the ships sailed, so that the
doctors and apothecaries and other people appointed by the Committee
dealing with this subject might make a full inspection.
In addition to the officials on the Thames there was also a “Keeper
of Anchors and Stores in the Downes,” at Deal, who looked after the
cables, hawsers, anchors and ships’ boats sent to the Downs, so that
whenever any of the Company’s ships arrived there lacking any of these
articles they could always be supplied. At Deptford yard there was
every single trade represented that was employed in the construction
and fitting out of a seventeenth-century ship. There were coopers and
boatmakers and the carvers who deftly gave those fantastic decorations
to the ships’ hulls. There were smiths and painters and riggers, but
in addition to the large staff which were concerned with the ships
themselves, there was another staff who had to look after the providing
of the salt meat for the voyages. For the Company was determined to
keep the profit of victuals to itself. This department was under the
management of the “Clerk of the Slaughter-house,” his duties being to
look after the killing, salting, pickling and packing of the “beefes
and hogges.” This salt beef and pork comprised the main food of these
sailormen to the Far East and back. They had no vegetables except dried
peas and beans, no bread other than mouldy ship’s biscuit, and no fruit.
The Company included a “Committee for Entertaining of Marriners,”
and they were on the look-out for “able men, unmarryed and approved
saylors.” Many of these fellows were of the reckless, dare-devil type,
coarse of morals and frequently drunk when ashore: yet heroic in a
crisis, imprudent, contemptuous of danger, brutal and unruly. Many a
young man—sailor and factor alike—was sent in these ships in order that
he might be got out of the way after disgracing his family: and numbers
of them never again set foot in England. If the seamen who were shipped
happened to be married, the “Clarke of the Imprest” paid the wages
allowed to their wives whilst the men were at sea. This official was
also bound to pay the wages to the “marriners which shall returne home
in the Companies ships, or to their Assignes.”
After the masters and their mates of the respective ships had
been hired for a voyage, their names were entered under the list
of harbour-wages, and they took their oaths openly in the Court
of the Committees of the Company. After this they sought able and
good mariners “whom they shall preferre for entertainment unto the
Committees appointed to that businesse.” These masters were bound
to sleep on board the ships to which they had just been appointed,
every night, and there keep good order. They were also to appoint
quartermasters and boatswains, who were to see that the victuals,
provisions, stores and merchandise were properly stowed. The boatswain,
gunner, cook, steward, carpenter and other officers were each
responsible for their own special stores.
Within ten days after the arrival of their ship in the Thames from
India the master was bound to deliver to the Governor of the Company
four copies of his journal and other “worthy observations” of his
voyage. When the ship was bound out the master was always to be on
board and to assist the master-pilot. When the ship returned home, a
Committee of the Company for the Discharge of the Ships was always
present on board in order to see the hold opened. This was to prevent
theft. The goods were then placed in lighters and one of the Company’s
“trusty servants” then went in the latter to watch that no embezzlement
occurred. The goods were then taken to Leadenhall, where they were
sold. “The custome hath been used heretofore [_i.e._ prior to 1621]
in selling the wares of this Company at a Generall Court, and the
Remnants of small value in the Warehouses by the light of a candle,”
and this custom was continued. Selling by the “light of a candle” was
as follows:—The article was put up for auction, a small piece of candle
burning the while. So long as that piece of candle was there the bids
could go on, but as soon as it burned out the last bid was completed
and no more could be made for that commodity.
Before the crew put to sea, two months’ wages were allowed ahead,
and “gratifications” were also paid “unto worthy and well deserving
persons.” In these ships there went out also the merchants, factors
and supercargoes. Some, as we have already seen, founded factories
where they landed and circumstances permitted: but later on there were
factors resident in every port, just as each steamship company to-day
has its own agents wherever the ships touch.
[Illustration: INDIA HOUSE—THE SALE ROOM.
(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)]
The Deptford yard, which the Company leased from the year 1607 and
used for the next twenty years, was of the greatest assistance to
the Company. The best merchant ships in the country there came into
being, were fitted out, repaired on their return, resheathed and then
sent to sea in excellent condition. It was true that the saving in
building for themselves was to the Company’s great benefit; but, on
the other hand, the yard with all this staff and detail was found in
the long run to be so costly that it swallowed up too much of the
capital, which could more profitably have been employed in hiring
ships. It was seen also that even with the carefulness expended in the
construction of the Company’s ships, the latter became worn out after
four voyages: so at the end of twenty years it was decided to give up
this expensive yard and to revert to the original custom of hiring
vessels as required. Later on we shall see that this system developed
in a curious manner, but for the present we must go back to see the
progress which the voyages of these early East Indiamen brought about
in the Eastern trade. It took four months to fit out these ships for
sailing again to the East, and the refit was very thorough. A large
magazine of warlike stores to the value of £30,000 was kept always
ready, and this was really a very useful asset in the country, since in
the time of necessity the material could be used by the English navy.
Even in the year 1626, within a few months of the closing down of the
shipyard, the Company were so enterprising as to erect mills and houses
for the manufacture of their own gunpowder, obtaining the saltpetre
from the East, which of course came home in their own ships. If ever
monopoly was allowed to have its own way, surely it never had such good
opportunity as was vouchsafed to the East India Company, with its own
shipyards, victualling, and its own particular trade with full cargoes
each way and a high percentage almost assured. We are accustomed in
this twentieth century to bewail the existence of “corners” and trusts:
yet these are as nothing compared with the privileges which the East
India Company enjoyed and so jealously guarded through generation after
generation, through two centuries and well into a third. And that meant
more than was really apparent. The whole world had not been developed
and opened out as it is to-day. Rather this exclusive privilege
meant the granting of about half the world to a select few, and the
democratic spirit of the twentieth century would instantly revolt
against any such condition of affairs. It must not be thought that
there were not those who protested even in the seventeenth century.
Some did certainly protest—in a very forcible manner—by cutting in
as interlopers. But it was a short-lived victory and had no lasting
effect.
FOOTNOTES: